The Salem Witch Trials 1692
Chronology of Events
Elizabeth Parris, 9, and Abigail Williams, 11, began to exhibit strange behavior, such as blasphemous screaming, convulsive seizures, trance-like states and mysterious spells. Soon, several other Salem girls demonstrate similar behavior.
March 19 Rebecca Nurse was denounced as a witch.
March 21 Martha Corey was examined before Magistrates Hathorne and Corwin.
March 24 Rebecca Nurse was examined before Magistrates Hathorne and Corwin.
March 28 Elizabeth Proctor was denounced as a witch.
April 3 Sarah Cloyce, Rebecca Nurse's sister, was accused of witchcraft.
April 11 Elizabeth Proctor and Sarah Cloyce were examined before Hathorne, Corwin, Deputy Governor Thomas Danforth, and Captain Samuel Sewall. During this examination, John Proctor was also accused and imprisoned.
April 19 Abigail Hobbs, Bridget Bishop, Giles Corey, and Mary Warren were examined. Only Abigail Hobbs confessed. William Hobbs "I can deny it to my dying day."
April 22 Nehemiah Abbott, William and Deliverance Hobbs, Edward and Sarah Bishop, Mary Easty, Mary Black, Sarah Wildes, and Mary English were examined before Hathorne and Corwin. Only Nehemiah Abbott was cleared of charges.
May 2 Sarah Morey, Lydia Dustin, Susannah Martin, and Dorcas Hoar examined by Hathorne and Corwin. Dorcas Hoar "I will speak the truth as long as I live."
May 4 George Burroughs arrested in Wells, Maine.
May 9 Burroughs examined by Hathorne, Corwin, Sewall, and William Stoughton. One of the afflicted girls, Sarah Churchill, also examined.
May 10 George Jacobs, Sr. & granddaughter Margaret examined before Hathorne and Corwin. Margaret confessed & testified her grandfather & George Burroughs were witches. Sarah Osborne died in prison in Boston. Margaret Jacobs "... They told me if I would not confess I should be put down into the dungeon and would be hanged, but if I would confess I should save my life."
May 14 Increase Mather returned from England, with new charter & new governor, Sir William Phips.
May 18 Mary Easty released from prison. After outcries and protests of her accusers, arrested a second time.
May 27 Governor Phips set up special Court of Oyer and Terminer comprised of seven judges to try the witchcraft cases. Appointed were Lieutenant Governor William Stoughton, Nathaniel Saltonstall, Bartholomew Gedney, Peter Sergeant, Samuel Sewall, Wait Still Winthrop, John Richards, John Hathorne, and Jonathan Corwin.
These magistrates based their judgments and evaluations on various kinds of intangible evidence, including direct confessions, supernatural attributes (such as "witchmarks"), and reactions of the afflicted girls. Spectral evidence, based on the assumption that the Devil could assume the "specter" of an innocent person, was relied upon despite its controversial nature.
May 31 Martha Carrier, John Alden, Wilmott Redd, Elizabeth Howe, and Phillip English were examined before Hathorne, Corwin, and Gedney.
June 2 Initial session of the Court of Oyer and Terminer. Bridget Bishop was the first to be pronounced guilty of witchcraft and condemned to death.
Early June Soon after Bridget Bishop's trial, Nathaniel Saltonstall resigned from the court, dissatisfied with its proceedings.
June 10 Bridget Bishop was hanged in Salem, the first official execution of the Salem witch trials. Bridget Bishop "I am no witch. I am innocent. I know nothing of it." Following her death, accusations of witchcraft escalated, but the trials were not unopposed. Several townspeople signed petitions on behalf of accused people they believed to be innocent.
June 29-30 Rebecca Nurse, Susannah Martin, Sarah Wildes, Sarah Good and Elizabeth Howe were tried for witchcraft and condemned. Rebecca Nurse "Oh Lord, help me! It is false. I am clear. For my life now lies in your hands...." Mid-July In an effort to expose the witches afflicting his life, Joseph Ballard of nearby Andover enlisted the aid of the accusing girls of Salem. This action marked the beginning of the Andover witch hunt.
July 19 Rebecca Nurse, Susannah Martin, Elizabeth Howe, Sarah Good, and Sarah Wildes executed. Elizabeth Howe "If it was the last moment I was to live, God knows I am innocent..." Susannah Martin "I have no hand in witchcraft."
August 2-6 George Jacobs, Sr., Martha Carrier, George Burroughs, John and Elizabeth Proctor, and John Willard were tried for witchcraft and condemned. Martha Carrier "...I am wronged. It is a shameful thing that you should mind these folks that are out of their wits."
August 19 George Jacobs, Sr., Martha Carrier, George Burroughs, John Proctor, and John Willard were hanged on Gallows Hill. George Jacobs "Because I am falsely accused. I never did it."
September 9 Martha Corey, Mary Easty, Alice Parker, Ann Pudeator, Dorcas Hoar, and Mary Bradbury were tried and condemned. Mary Bradbury "I do plead not guilty. I am wholly innocent of such wickedness."
September 17 Margaret Scott, Wilmott Redd, Samuel Wardwell, Mary Parker, Abigail Faulkner, Rebecca Eames, Mary Lacy, Ann Foster, and Abigail Hobbs were tried and condemned.
September 19 Giles Corey was pressed to death for refusing a trial.
September 21 Dorcas Hoar was the first of those pleading innocent to confess. Her execution was delayed.
September 22 Martha Corey, Margaret Scott, Mary Easty, Alice Parker, Ann Pudeator, Wilmott Redd, Samuel Wardwell, and Mary Parker were hanged.
October 8 After 20 people had been executed in the Salem witch hunt, Thomas Brattle wrote a letter criticizing the witchcraft trials. This letter had great impact on Governor Phips, who ordered that reliance on spectral and intangible evidence no longer be allowed in trials.
October 29 Governor Phips dissolved the Court of Oyer and Terminer.
November 25 The General Court of the colony created the Superior Court to try remaining witchcraft cases took place May, 1693. - no one was convicted.
Mary Easty "...if it be possible no more innocent blood be shed... ...I am clear of this sin."
Massachussetts Issuses Proclamation for Genocide of Penobscot Indians
Given at the Council Chamber in Boston this third day of November 1755 in the twenty-ninth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Second by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King Defender of the Faith.
By His Honour's Command J. Willard, Secry God Save the King
I have therefore, at the desire of the House of Representatives.... thought fit to issue this Proclamation and to declare the Penobscot tribe of Indians to be enemies, rebels, and traitors to his Majesty and I do hereby require his Majesty's subjects of the Province to embrace all opportunities of pursuing, captivating, killing and destroy-all and every one of the aforesaid Indians.
And whereas the General Court of this Province have voted that a bounty...be granted and allowed to be paid out of the Province Treasury ... the premiums of bounty following viz:
For every scalp of a male Indian bought in as evidence of their being killed as aforesaid, forty pounds.
For every scalp of such female Indian or male Indian under the age of twelve years that shall be killed and brought in as evidence of their being killed as aforesaid, twenty pounds.
from Deloria, jr., Vine. Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto. New York, Avon Books, 1970.page 14.
From the outbreak of King Philip's war in 1675 up nearly to the close of the French period in 1763 the history of the Abnaki tribes was one of almost unceasing bloody struggle against the English advance. On the side of the English it was a war of extermination, with standing bounties for scalps (or heads), increasing from five pounds in 1675 to forty pounds in 1703 for every scalp of a male above ten years, and at last in 1744 one hundred pounds for the scalp of every male above twelve years of age and fifty for that of a woman or child. Prisoners were sold as slaves (see Williamson). In 1706 Governor Dudley reported that he had not left an Indian habitation or planting field undestroyed. Shortly afterward it was estimated that one-third of the Abnaki had been exterminated by war, disease, or exposure within seven years. In 1722 three hundred men were appointed to destroy the village at Penobscot and four hundred others to ravage constantly throughout the whole Abnaki country. To draw off the Indians from the French interest, efforts were twice made by the English authorities of Massachusetts to persuade them to receive Protestant missionaries, but the offer was rejected. Three times the mission at Norridgewock on the Kennebec, under the devoted Fr. Sebastian Rasles, was attacked and destroyed, and the third time the missionary himself was among the slain. The final result was that the Abnaki who survived withdrew to St. Francis or other mission settlements in Canada, with the exception of the Penobscot, who made a separate treaty of peace in 1749, thus saving themselves and their territory, but forever alienating the affection of their kinsmen by whom they were thenceforth regarded as traitors to the confederacy.
The Gnadenhütten massacre (8 March 1782) was a mass murder of nearly 100 Native Americans (mostly women and children) by American militiamen during the American Revolutionary War. Even by the extremely brutal standards of frontier warfare of that era, the Gnadenhütten killings were unusually cold-blooded; in modern times such an incident would be called a war crime. "Like the soldiers of My Lai," wrote historian Page Smith, "the militia at Gnadenhütten destroyed unarmed men, women, and children and did so out of some strange reflex of fear and resentment toward people they felt were not quite human."1
During the American Revolutionary War, the Delaware (Lenape) Indians who lived in the Ohio Country were deeply divided over which side, if any, to take in the conflict. The issue was of critical importance because the Delaware villages, located around the principal village of Coshocton, lay in the path between the two opposing frontier strongholds: the main American military outpost at Fort Pitt, and the British with their Indian allies in and around Detroit.
Some Delawares decided to take up arms against the Americans, and moved closer to Detroit, settling on the Scioto and Sandusky Rivers. Those Delawares sympathetic to the United States remained at Coshocton, signing a treaty with the Americans in 1778, through which they hoped to establish the Ohio Country as an Indian state within the new United States. A third group consisted of those Indians (mostly Delawares) who had converted to Christianity, and lived in several nearby villages run by Moravian missionaries.
White Eyes, the Delaware leader who had negotiated the treaty with the United States, was apparently murdered in 1778 by American militiamen, and the Delawares at Coshocton eventually joined the war against the Americans. Coshocton was destroyed by an expedition out of Fort Pitt led by Colonel Daniel Brodhead on 19 April 1781, and the residents fled to the north. However, the Christian Indians at the Moravian villages, including Gnadenhütten, were unarmed noncombatants and thus unmolested.
Removal and massacre
In September 1781, British allied Indians, primarily Wyandots and Delawares, forcibly removed the Christian Indians and the white missionaries from the Moravian villages, relocating them to a new village on the Sandusky. The missionaries were taken to Detroit and tried for treason by the British—and were acquitted.
At their Sandusky village, the Christian Indians were going hungry. In February of 1782, over 100 of them returned to their old Moravian villages in order to harvest the crops they had been forced to leave behind.
However, the brutal frontier war was still raging, and in early March of 1782 a raiding party of 160 Pennsylvania militiamen under Lieutenant Colonel David Williamson rounded up the Christian Indians and accused them of taking part in the ongoing raids into Pennsylvania. The Indians truthfully denied the charges. The Pennsylvanians held a council, and voted to kill them all anyway. The Indians, informed of their fate, spent the night praying and singing hymns.
The next morning, March 8, the Christian Indians were killed in pairs as they knelt, their skulls crushed with a mallet. In all, 28 men, 29 women, and 39 children were murdered and then scalped. The corpses were then heaped into the mission buildings, and the town was burned to the ground. The other abandoned Moravian towns were then burned as well. Two Indian boys, one of whom had been scalped, survived to tell of the massacre.
Many white Americans were outraged by the Gnadenhütten massacre. However, many white frontiersmen, embittered by a cruel war unlike anything in the East, voiced support for the militia's actions. No criminal charges were filed.
The Delawares at war with the Americans sought revenge for Gnadenhütten. When General George Washington heard about the massacre, he ordered that no American soldier allow himself to be taken alive; he knew what would happen should the militant Delawares capture an American. However, Washington's friend, Colonel William Crawford, was captured while leading an expedition against the Indians at Sandusky. Crawford, who had not been part of the Gnadenhütten expedition, was tortured for hours by Delawares and Wyandots before finally being burned at the stake.
* Frontier warfare during the American Revolution
* Note 1: Smith, p. 1221.
* Dowd, Gregory Evans. A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1992. * Olmstead, Earl P. Blackcoats among the Delaware: David Zeisberger on the Ohio Frontier. Kent State University Press, 1991. * Smith, Page. A New Age Now Begins: A People's History of the American Revolution, volume 2. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1976. * Wallace, Paul A. W., ed. Thirty Thousand Miles with John Heckewelder. Originally published 1958, Wennawoods reprint 1998. * Weslager, C. A. The Delaware Indians. New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1972. External link
* "The Gnadenhutten Massacre of Christian Indians", excerpt from The Whiskey Rebellion by Thomas P. Slaughter. (http://www.whiskeyrebellion.org
The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798
from Folwell's "Laws of the U.S."
Under the threat of war with France, Congress in 1798 passed four laws in an effort to strengthen the Federal government. Known collectively as the Alien and Sedition Acts, the legislation sponsored by the Federalists was also intended to quell any political opposition from the Republicans, led by Thomas Jefferson.
The first of the laws was the Naturalization Act, passed by Congress on June 18. This act required that aliens be residents for 14 years instead of 5 years before they became eligible for U.S. citizenship.
Congress then passed the Alien Act on June 25, authorizing the President to deport aliens "dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States" during peacetime.
The third law, the Alien Enemies Act, was enacted by Congress on July 6. This act allowed the wartime arrest, imprisonment and deportation of any alien subject to an enemy power. The last of the laws, the Sedition Act, passed on July 14 declared that any treasonable activity, including the publication of "any false, scandalous and malicious writing," was a high misdemeanor, punishable by fine and imprisonment. By virtue of this legislation twenty-five men, most of them editors of Republican newspapers, were arrested and their newspapers forced to shut down. One of the men arrested was Benjamin Franklin's grandson, Benjamin Franklin Bache, editor of the Philadelphia Democrat-Republican Aurora. Charged with libeling President Adams, Bache's arrest erupted in a public outcry against all of the Alien and Sedition Acts. Many Americans questioned the constitutionality of these laws. Indeed, public opposition to the Alien and Sedition Acts was so great that they were in part responsible for the election of Thomas Jefferson, a Republican, to the presidency in 1800. Once in office, Jefferson pardoned all those convicted under the Sedition Act, while Congress restored all fines paid with interest.
John Quincy Adams hails 'salutary efficacy' of terror
John Quincy Adams hails 'salutary efficacy' of terror in dealing with the 'mingled hordes of Lawless Indians and negroes' explaining Jacksons virtual anihilation of native population in Florida leaving the Spanish province under US control Source Chomsky 1 p.30
|December 2, 1823|
President James Monroe used his annual message to Congress for a bold assertion: "The American continents ... are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." Along with such other statements as George Washington's Farewell Address and John Hay's Open Door notes regarding China, this "Monroe Doctrine" became a cornerstone of American foreign policy. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams had played the most important role in developing the wording of the declaration, and he also influenced the doctrine's overall shape.
Two things had been uppermost in the minds of Adams and Monroe. In 1821 the Russian czar had proclaimed that all the area north of the fifty-first parallel and extending one hundred miles into the Pacific would be off-limits to non-Russians. Adams had refused to accept this claim, and he told the Russian minister that the United States would defend the principle that the "American continents are no longer subjects of any new European colonial establishments."
More worrisome, however, was the situation in Central and South America. Revolutions against Spanish rule had been under way for some time, but it seemed possible that Spain and France might seek to reassert European rule in those regions. The British, meanwhile, were interested in ensuring the demise of Spanish colonialism, with all the trade restrictions that Spanish rule involved. British foreign secretary George Canning formally proposed, therefore, that London and Washington unite on a joint warning against intervention in Latin America. When the Monroe cabinet debated the idea, Adams opposed it, arguing that British interests dictated such a policy in any event, and that Canning's proposal also called upon the two powers to renounce any intention of annexing such areas as Cuba and Texas. Why should the United States, he asked, appear as a cockboat trailing in the wake of a British man-of-war?
In the decades following Monroe's announcement, American policymakers did not invoke the doctrine against European powers despite their occasional military "interventions" in Latin America. Monroe's principal concern had been to make sure that European mercantilism not be reimposed on an area of increasing importance economically and ideologically to the United States. When, however, President John Tyler used the doctrine in 1842 to justify seizing Texas, a Venezuelan newspaper responded with what would become an increasingly bitter theme throughout Latin America: "Beware, brothers, the wolf approaches the lambs."
Even before American independence, the Caribbean region was an important source of slaves and a major market for the farm surpluses of the thirteen colonies, accounting for about a third of U.S. exports before 1815. From then on the trade level steadily dropped, undermined by the decline of West Indian sugar production. The United States always had other concerns about the region, however. The bloody slave revolt in Haiti that preceded its independence in 1804 made U.S. leaders fearful of black rebellion in their own country, and they refused diplomatic ties with Haiti until 1862. The Monroe Doctrine (1823) announced American opposition to further European colonization in the New World, reflecting concern that the breakup of Spain's American empire would tempt stronger powers to scavenge in the wreckage. Fears lingered that Puerto Rico and Cuba, still in Spanish hands, might fall to great-power ambitions. Almost all the earlier presidents hoped to acquire Cuba, but Spain rebuffed purchase offers in 1848 and 1853 by southern expansionists who wanted to make Cuba a slave state.
The Indian Removal Act
The Indian Removal Act was passed in May 1830; it empowered the president of the United States to move eastern Native Americans west of the Mississippi, to what was then "Indian Territory" (now essentially Oklahoma). Although it was supposed to be voluntary, removal became mandatory whenever the federal government felt it necessary. The memory of these brutal forced marches of Native Americans, sometimes in the dead of winter, remained vivid for years to come in the minds of those who survived. To many in the North, where support for the removal idea was at best tepid, the Indian Removal Act represented another outrage committed by slaveholding southerners. Removal would be another wedge separating the North from the South.
By midcentury, as it became clear that U.S. expansion was going to claim the trans-Mississippi West as well, the removal concept was further refined into the concept of "reservations." As wagon trains clattered west along the Oregon, Santa Fe, Mormon, and California trails, entering the American Great Plains, United States government officials concluded that the vast, unspecified tracts of "Indian Territory" would have to be more sharply defined as reservations. And when resident peoples sought to thwart that westward expansion, the same Washington officials decided that these peoples were to be rounded up by the U.S. Army and restricted to these reservations by force. That, in essence, was the point of the Plains Indian Wars, which raged during the last half of the 19th century, ending with the slaughter of Sioux men, women, and children, as well as the soldiers of the U.S. 7th Cavalry, at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, on December 29, 1890.
The Choctaw Nation removal from Mississippi to Oklahoma - The Choctaw 'Trail of Tears.'
The Choctaws were the first of the five great southern tribes of the United States to be moved to Oklahoma by the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek in 1830. Over 20,000 Choctaws moved on this long journey, with many of the Choctaw people not surviving this removal on what has come to be called "THE TRAIL OF TEARS".
President John Tyler used the Monroe doctrine in 1842 to justify seizing Texas
|March 6, 1857
black men "had no rights which the white man was bound to respect"
- Roger Taney Chief Justice US Supreme Court
Dred Scott (1795-1858), in an effort to gain his freedom, waged one of the most important legal battles in the history of the United States. Dred Scott was born a slave in Southampton County, Va. in 1795. Industrious and intelligent, he was employed as a farmhand, stevedore, craftsman, and general handyman. In 1819 his original owner moved to Huntsville, Ala., and later to St. Louis, Mo. In 1832 he died, and Scott was sold for $500 to a surgeon in the U.S. Army who took Scott to the free state of Illinois in 1834 and on to Wisconsin Territory. Later the doctor returned with Scott to Missouri. When the surgeon died, Scott passed to John Sanford. During these years he had married and had two daughters. Scott had tried unsuccessfully to escape from slavery and later to buy his freedom. In 1846 he filed suit in the Missouri state courts for his freedom on the grounds that residence in a free territory had liberated him. Scott's suit finally came before the U.S. Supreme Court. On March 6, 1857, in Dred Scott v. John Sanford, after much debate the Supreme Court ruled against Scott 7 to 2, with Chief Justice Roger B. Taney giving the majority opinion. According to Taney, Scott could not sue Sanford because he was not a U.S. citizen. The justice argued that Scott was not a citizen because he was both a black man and a slave. Taney's remarks that black men "had no rights which the white man was bound to respect" came as a severe blow to abolitionists. This crucial decision electrified the country, for Taney had ruled that African Americans were not citizens of the United States and that an act of Congress (the Missouri Compromise of 1820) was unconstitutional. He also had redefined the relationship between the states and the Federal government, making possible the expansion of slavery into the territories. Southerners rejoiced at the verdict; abolitionists denounced it and even went as far as discrediting the legitimacy of the Court itself. A few months after the decision, on May 26, 1857, Scott's owner freed him. Scott continued to live in St. Louis until his death on Sept. 17, 1858. Although African Americans would not become citizens of the United States until the ratification of the 14th Amendment (1868), Scott's bid for freedom remained the most momentous judicial event of the century. Sources The best account of Scott and his case is Vincent C. Hopkin, Dred Scott's Case (1951). Alfred H. Kelly and Winfred A. Harbison, The American Constitution: Its Origins and Development (4th ed. 1970), is a useful text in examining the constitutional questions. Stanley I. Kutler, The Dred Scott Decision: Law or Politics? (1967), provides a critical assessment of the controversial issues and implications surrounding the case. Another invaluable aid in understanding the case and its ramifications is Loren Miller, The Petitioners: The Story of the Supreme Court of the United States and the Negro (1966). An excellent background study is John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of American Negroes (1947).
Biography Resource Center
Confederate General Nathan massacres black Union soldiers at Fort Pillow
(Confederate General Nathan) Forrest...fell back rapidly, and attacked the troops at Fort Pillow, a station for the protection of the navigation of the Mississippi River. The garrison consisted of a regiment of colored troops, infantry, and a detachment of Tennessee cavalry. These troops fought bravely but were overpowered. I will leave Forrest in his dispatches to tell what he did with them.
"The river was dyed," he says, "with the blood of the slaughtered for two hundred yards. The approximate loss was upward of five hundred killed, but few of the officers escaping. My loss was about twenty people killed. It is hoped that these facts will demonstrate to the Northern people that Negro soldiers cannot cope with Southerners." Subsequently Forrest made a report in which he left out the part that shocks humanity to read. Footnote: There is a great controversy as to Union losses at Fort Pillow but the best estimate is 231 dead. R.S. Henry: First With the Most Forrest. U. S. Grant. Personal Memoirs. Cambridge, MA, DelCapo Books, 2001. p.370
November - Colorado Volunteers Massacre Cheyenne at Sand Creek, CO
Col. Jon M. Chivington, Colorado Volunteers, Methodist Preacher and Sunday School organizer, who ordered his troops "Kill all the Indians you come across." Nov 28, 1864 lead Colorado volunteers against Southern Cheyenne and Araphahos at Sand Creek. "When the shooting ended 105 Indian women and children and 28 men were dead. In his official report Chivington claimed between four and five hundred dead warriors. He had lost nine killed, 38 wounded, many of the casualties resulting from careless firing of the soldiers upon each other." Brown 1, p. 82-89
November - US Army atrocities at Sand Creek massacre
Lieutenant James Connor: "In going over the battleground the next day, I did not see a body of a man, woman or child but was scalped and in many instances their body was mutilated in the most horrible manner - men, women and children's privates cut out, &c. I heard one man say he had cut out a woman's private parts and had them for exhibition on a stick; I heard another man say thaat he had cut the fingers off an Indian to get the rings on the hand; according to the best of my knowledge and belief, these atrocities were committed with the knowledge of J. M. Chivington, and I do not know of his taking any measures to prevent them; I heard one instance of a child a few months old being thrown in the feedbox of a wagon, and after being carried some distance left on the ground to perish; I also heard of numerous instances in which men had cut out the private parts of females and stretched them over the saddle-bows, and wore them over their hats while riding in the ranks." Brown 1, page 89. (In a public speech made in Denver not long before this massacre, Chivington advocated the killing and scalping of all Indians including infants. "Nits make lice," he declared. Brown 1, p. 88-9
'The only good Indian is a dead Indian'
General Philip Sheridan: in response to Towasi, who introduced himself as a 'good Indian' when he surrendered a band of Comanches at Fort Cobb, Kansas "The only good Indians I ever saw were dead." Lieutenant Charles Nordstrom, who was present, remembered the words and passed them on, until in time they were honed into an American aphorism: The only good Indian is a dead Indian." Dee Brown 1, p.166, reference to Ellis, Edward S. The History of Our Country, Indianapolis, 1900, Vol 6, p. 1483.
|March 3, 1873
Comstock Act passed.
The statute defined contraceptives as obscene and illicit, making it a federal offense to disseminate birth control through the mail or across state lines.
As late as 1960, the American legal system was not hospitable to the idea of birth control. Thirty states had statutes on the books prohibiting or restricting the sale and advertisement of contraception. These laws stretched back almost a century, reflecting an underlying American belief that contraception was lewd, immoral and promoted promiscuity. Comstock's Crusade The driving force behind the original anti-birth control statutes was a New Yorker named Anthony Comstock. Born in rural Connecticut in 1844, Comstock served in the infantry during the Civil War, then moved to New York City and found work as a salesman. A devout Christian, he was appalled by what he saw in the city's streets. It seemed to him that the town was teeming with prostitutes and pornography. In the late 1860s, Comstock began supplying the police with information for raids on sex trade merchants and came to prominence with his anti-obscenity crusade. Also offended by explicit advertisements for birth control devices, he soon identified the contraceptive industry as one of his targets. Comstock was certain that the availability of contraceptives alone promoted lust and lewdness. Making Birth Control a Federal Crime In 1872 Comstock set off for Washington with an anti-obscenity bill, including a ban on contraceptives, that he had drafted himself. On March 3, 1873, Congress passed the new law, later known as the Comstock Act. The statute defined contraceptives as obscene and illicit, making it a federal offense to disseminate birth control through the mail or across state lines. Public Support for Comstock Laws This statute was the first of its kind in the Western world, but at the time, the American public did not pay much attention to the new law. Anthony Comstock was jubilant over his legislative victory. Soon after the federal law was on the books, twenty-four states enacted their own versions of Comstock laws to restrict the contraceptive trade on a state level. The Most Restrictive States New England residents lived under the most restrictive laws in the country. In Massachusetts, anyone disseminating contraceptives -- or information about contraceptives -- faced stiff fines and imprisonment. But by far the most restrictive state of all was Connecticut, where the act of using birth control was even prohibited by law. Married couples could be arrested for using birth control in the privacy of their own bedrooms, and subjected to a one-year prison sentence. In actuality, law enforcement agents often looked the other way when it came to anti-birth control laws, but the statutes remained on the books. Sanger's Crusade These laws remained unchallenged until birth-control advocate Margaret Sanger made it her mission to challenge the Comstock Act. The first successful change in the laws came from Sanger's 1916 arrest for opening the first birth control clinic in America. The case that grew out of her arrest resulted in the 1918 Crane decision, which allowed women to use birth control for therapeutic purposes. Changing Laws for Changing Times The next amendment of the Comstock Laws came with the 1936 U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals decision, United States v. One Package. The decision made it possible for doctors to distribute contraceptives across state lines. This time Margaret Sanger had been instrumental in maneuvering behind the scenes to bring the matter before the court. While this decision did not eliminate the problem of the restrictive "chastity laws" on the state level, it was a crucial ruling. Physicians could now legally mail birth control devices and information throughout the country, paving the way for the legitimization of birth control by the medical industry and the general public.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Devised for the Mississippi election of 1875, the 'Mississippi Plan' was created by Southern Democrats in the heated climate of post-American Civil War society in response to their new minority status.
Following the end of the American Civil War, blacks found themselves emancipated from the bonds of slavery, and, with the passing of the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1870, were allowed to vote. The consequences of this were far-reaching and almost immediate. Blacks flooded the polls, and in Mississippi's 1874 election the Republican Party carried a 30,000 majority in what had been, in pre-Civil War years, a Democrat stronghold. Despite the Republican victory and the election of blacks to many offices including ten of thirty-six seats in the state legislature, the tragic precedent for the Mississippi Plan had already been set in the city of Vicksburg. There, the White Man's party sent armed patrols to prevent blacks from voting and succeeded in defeating all Republican city officials in August. By December the emboldened party forced the black sheriff to flee to the state capitol. Blacks who rallied to the city to aid the sheriff also had to flee against superior force. Over the next few days, armed gangs may have murdered up to 300 blacks in the city's vicinity. President Ulysses S. Grant sent a company of troops to the city in January to quell the violence and allow the sheriff's safe return. In 1875, under the Mississippi Plan of Southern Democrats, a political dual-pronged battle to reverse the otherwise dominant Republican trend was waged. The first step was to "persuade" the 10 to 15 percent of white voters still calling themselves Republicans to switch to the Democrat party. A combined fear of social, political and economic ostracism convinced carpetbaggers to switch parties or flee the state. The second step of the Mississippi Plan was intimidation of the black populace who had so recently been granted their voting rights. While economic coercion against black sharecroppers was employed to some limited success, it was violence that played the largest part in intimidation. Groups of Democrats, called "rifle clubs," frequently provoked riots at Republican rallies, shooting down dozens of blacks in the ensuing conflict. Although there was a call for federal troops to curb the violence, this time it went unanswered by President Grant, for fear that, in doing so, he would be accused of "bayonet rule"--which he believed would undoubtedly be exploited by Democrats to carry Ohio in that year's state elections. Ultimately, the violence went unchecked and the plan worked just as it had been intended: During Mississippi's 1875 election, five counties with large black majorities polled 12, 7, 4, 2, and 0 votes, respectively. Indeed, what had been a Republican victory of a 30,000 votes in 1874 became a Democrat majority of 30,000 in 1875. Ð==References== * John M. Murrin, Paul E. Johnson, James M McPherson, Gary Gerstle, Emily S. Rosenberg, Norman L. Rosenberg, Liberty, Equality, Power: A History of the American People Volume II: Since 1863, Wadsworth, 2005. * Foner, Eric, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877. New York, 1988.
The failure of Reconstruction
Reconstruction officially ended in 1877 when the South agreed to accept Rutherford B. Hayes's victory if the North withdrew federal troops from the South. The end of Reconstruction marked the demise of most civil, political, and economic rights and opportunities for African Americans, and ushered in an era some historians refer to as the nadir of American race relations. Blacks would legally and socially remain second-class citizens until the civil rights movement of the mid-twentieth century. The end of Reconstruction also marked the end of the nascent interracial working peoples' alliances that had tentatively begun to form in the South. In exchange for its acceptance of reintegration into the Union, the South (along with the rest of the country) was allowed to reestablish a segregated, race-discriminatory society, and Congress was reorganized to give elite Southern legislators extraordinary power, lasting into the mid-twentieth century. By reestablishing a firm racial hierarchy, the one-party Southern elites maintained much more effective control of working people and working conditions; and non-elite whites received the satisfaction of knowing that their own lives would at least have more value than those of their dehumanized African-American neighbors. The initial flurry of Reconstruction civil rights measures was eroded and converted into laws that expanded racial dictatorship throughout American institutions and everyday life. The resurrection and expansion of the racist society provided a solid basis for both the pronounced limitations of the American labor movement and the associated paucity and frailty of democratic social entitlements in the U.S. In response to Reconstruction, the South also swayed Congress to pass the Posse Comitatus Act, which prohibited federal military authorities from exercising localized civilian police powers. This was in direct response to President Grant's successful but short-lived use of the military in the south to supress white supremacists campaign of terror and intimidation against blacks and their Republican supporters. In the demise of Reconstruction, much of the civil rights legislation was overturned by the United States Supreme Court. Most notably, the court suggested in the "Slaughterhouse Case" 83 US 36 (1873), then held in the Civil Rights Cases 109 US 3 (1883), that the Fourteenth Amendment only gave Congress the power to outlaw public, rather than private discrimination. Plessy v. Ferguson 163 US 537 (1896) went even further, announcing that state-mandated segregation was legal as long as the statute or ordinance provided for "separate but equal" facilities. By 1905, in Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45, the Supreme Court had retooled the fourteenth amendment into a law protecting the autonomy of corporations, rather than protecting the citizenship of African-Americans or similarly-oppressed people born or naturalized into the United States.
Supreme Court invalidates most of the Civil Rights Act of 1875, passed by Radical Republican-controlled Congress to protect African Americans from private acts of discrimination.
The Supreme Court had ruled, in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883), that the Fourteenth Amendment only applied to the actions of state governments, not to those of "individuals", and consequently did not protect persons from individuals or private entities from violating their civil rights. In particular, the Court invalidated most of the Civil Rights Act of 1875, a law passed by the Radical Republican-controlled Congress to protect African Americans from private acts of discrimination.
U.S. troops in Argentina, 1890;
Marines in Chile, 1891;
suppression of revolt in Haiti 1891;
conquest of Hawaii 1893;
occupation of Bluefields, Nicaragua 1894 & 1899;
Marines in China 1894-95,
in Korea 1894-96;
Corinto, Nicaragua 1896;
Wilmington, North Carolina Race RiotJust before the turn of the century, in November 1898, Wilmington, North Carolina exploded in the first major race riot since Reconstruction. The Wilmington riot followed an impassioned election campaign in which intimidation and fraud brought in a white supremacist government. Plans were drawn up before the election to coerce the Black voters and workers, and to expel the editor of the Black newspaper. Two days after the election, as whites began to execute their plan, the riot flamed. About thirty Blacks were killed in the massacre and many left the city. The white mob suffered no casualties.
invasion of China 1898-1900;
conquest of the Philippines 1898- 1910;
conquest of Cuba
Puerto Rico 1898-1902;
seizure of Guam 1898,
San Juan del Sur, Nicaragua 1898;
McKinley's "imperialist, bad neighbor polices were sold to the public under the guise of doing the work of God."
Excerpt from A Good Neighbor Ethic for International Relations By Tom Barry, Salih Booker, Laura Carlsen, Marie Dennis, and John Gershman | May 2005
For more on IRC's Global Good Neighbor Initiative, see the full report or the index of related articles. International Relations Center www.irc-online.org
In the late 19 th century, our adolescent republic openly adopted the imperial “white man’s burden.” The captains of industry, political party chieftains, and media barons had long regarded the Old World nations with contempt. In the 1890s, however, they determined that for the United States to mature as an emerging great power it must follow the European imperial model. That meant ensuring control of the seas with an expanded Navy, adding new territories to the U.S. realm, and muscling the old powers out of America’s path to global greatness.
After conquering the Western frontier, forcibly acquiring huge stretches of northern Mexico, and decimating our country’s native population, U.S. politicians, private adventurers, and businessmen decided it was time to move on. Setting their sights beyond previous U.S. “manifest destiny” toward expanding the nation’s “natural” continental boundaries still further, they now gazed longingly out into the global arena.
Their imperialist, bad neighbor polices were sold to the public under the guise of doing the work of God. Addressing a group of clergyman in 1899, President William McKinley said: “[I] went down on my knees and prayed Almighty God for light and guidance [before making the decision to acquire the Philippines as a U.S. colony. Then the decision] came to me [after I suddenly realized] that there was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them, and by God’s grace do the very best we could by them … And then I went to bed, and went to sleep, and slept soundly, and the next morning I sent for the chief engineer of the War Department, and told him to put the Philippines on the map of the United States.”
Foreshadowing the current doctrine of preventive war, President “Teddy” Roosevelt (1901-09) asserted in 1904 that the Anglo-American civilization in the Western Hemisphere had a moral obligation to resort to “the exercise of an international police power … in flagrant cases of wrong-doing and impotence.” Between the early 1890s and 1933, the U.S. intervened militarily 23 times in the Western Hemisphere, mostly in Caribbean Basin countries.
Racism and a strong sense of cultural supremacy pervaded U.S. society during what became known as the Imperial Era. Even so, interventions abroad and new concepts of U.S. hegemony did provoke a public outcry. Some of the country’s most prominent intellectuals, activists, and artists dissented from the government’s drive to war and expansionism during America’s Imperial Era. Included among the anti-war voices were such enduring figures as Mark Twain, Helen Keller, Jack London, John Dos Passos, W.E.B. Dubois, Eugene Debs, Emma Goldman, Ernest Hemmingway, Upton Sinclair, Jack Reed, and Mary Harris (“Mother Jones”).
Mark Twain, vice president of the Anti-Imperialist League in 1900, wrote with bitter sarcasm following the invasion of the Philippines: “We have pacified some thousands of islanders and buried them … And so by these Providences of God—and the phrase is the government’s, not mine—we are a World Power.”
Women leaders of the suffrage movement noted the stark contradictions between U.S. efforts to carry civilization abroad and the injustices deeply ingrained in the fabric of U.S. society. Across the country, African-American ministers and leaders publicly rejected the imperialism peddled by the U.S. government and business community. W.E.B. Dubois voiced the revulsion of black people to “the recent course of the United States toward weaker and darker peoples in the West Indies, Hawaii, and the Philippines.”
After participating in U.S. military interventions in China, the Philippines, Nicaragua, Panama, Honduras, Mexico, and Haiti, Marine General Smedley Butler compared U.S. imperialism to a criminal racket, writing: “Looking back on it, I feel that I could have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.”
Many of these criticisms are echoed in protests over U.S. foreign policy today. These historical figures were asking what in the world we were doing—and why a nation conceived in a struggle against imperialism, opposing state religion, and for self-determination had suddenly placed itself squarely on the other side.
For more on IRC's Global Good Neighbor Initiative, see the full report or the index of related articles.
Published by the International Relations Center (IRC, online at www.irc-online.org). ©2005.
Recommended citation: Tom Barry, Salih Booker, Laura Carlsen, Marie Dennis, and John Gershman, "U.S. Imperialism, Then and Now," excerpted from "A Good Neighbor Ethic for International Relations," Special Report (Silver City, NM: International Relations Center, May 2005). Web location: http://www.irc-online.org/content/ggn/0505ggn-sidebar1.php
US - Germany Divide Samoa
International rivalries in the latter half of the 19th century were settled by an 1899 Treaty of Berlin in which Germany and the U.S. divided the Samoan archipelago. The U.S. formally occupied its portion—a smaller group of eastern islands with the noted harbor of Pago Pago—the following year. (see History of Samoa for more.) The western islands are now the independent state of Samoa.
After the U.S. took possesion of American Samoa, the U.S. Navy built a coaling station in Pago Pago Bay for its Pacific Squadron and appointed a local Secretary. The navy secured a Deed of Cession of Tutuila in 1900 and a Deed of Cession of Manu‘a in 1904. During World War II, U.S. Marines in American Samoa, outnumbering the local population, had a huge cultural influence. After the war, Organic Act 4500, a U.S. Department of Interior-sponsored attempt to incorporate American Samoa, was defeated in Congress, primarily through the efforts of American Samoan chiefs, led by Tuiasosopo Mariota. These chiefs' efforts led to the creation of a local legislature, the American Samoa Fono.
In time, the Navy-appointed governor was replaced by a locally elected one. Although technically considered "unorganized" in that the U.S. Congress has not passed an Organic Act for the territory, American Samoa is self-governing under a constitution that became effective on July 1, 1967. The U.S. Territory of American Samoa is on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories, a listing which is disputed by the country.
China 1899-1901BOXER REBELLION - CHINA RELIEF EXPEDITION The Boxer Rebellion began in Shantung Province in 1899. In May the foreign ministers in Peking requested armed guards from their fleet units in North China. Approximately 400 marines and sailors were dispatched from French, British, German, American, Italian, Austrian, Japanese and Russian ships in late May. Between June 17th and 20th the Chinese government ordered the foreigners to withdraw, and the German Minister was assassinated. The siege last 55 days and was relieved on August 14, 1900. The legation guards sent to Peking from the fleet at Taku in May and June 1900, were Marines and sailors drawn from ship's detachments available on the scene. As the crisis matured more Marines were sent from the Philippines. The U.S. Army was tasked with rounding out this deployment and sent the 9th Infantry from the Philippines. The 14th Infantry, 6th Cavalry, and a battery of field artillery were sent directly from the United States. At this point total American forces on the ground were approximately 2,500. Major General A. Chaffee, U.S. Army commanded the combined Marine and Army force. This force joined other allied forces from Great Britain, India, France, Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany, Italy, Australia and Japan in the relief of the foreign legations in Peking. The Chinese coastal forts at Taku were taken on June 17th. The siege at Tientsin broken June 23rd. The Chinese City of Tientsin was stormed and taken July 14th. On August 4th the allied forces moved out to relieve the legations at Peking. Pei Tang was taken August 5th. Yang Tsun taken on August 6th. After continued skirmishing Peking was reached August 12th. After considerable fighting Peking was attacked and taken on August 14th and the legations relieved. On August 15, as the allied force occupied Peking the 15th Infantry arrived from the United States giving the American forces approximately 3,000 ground troops in the region.
February - Philippines: 'This is not battle.... It is massacre.' Twain
A U.S. soldier writing home in early 1899 declared: "Our fighting blood was up and we all wanted to kill 'niggers.' This shooting human beings is a 'hot game,' and beats rabbit hunting all to pieces." Another wrote that "the boys go for the enemy as if they were chasing jack-rabbits. . . . I, for one, hope that Uncle Sam will apply the chastening rod, good, hard, and plenty, and lay it on until they come into the reservation and promise to be good 'Injuns.'" Twain highlighted such racist sentiments and the atrocities committed by U.S. soldiers to argue that the Filipinos were more civilized than the Americans who sought to rule them. "We have pacified some thousands of the islanders and buried them, destroyed their fields, burned their villages, and turned their widows and orphans out of doors," he wrote. ...Twain protested the forced relocation of Filipinos into "concentration camps"--a precursor of the "strategic hamlets" of Vietnam. This policy ... was intended to isolate the Filipino army from its civilian base of support. In March of 1906, Twain condemned the massacre of 900 Muslim Filipinos ... trapped in the volcanic basin of Mount Dajo and fired upon by U.S. troops for four days until all were killed--men, women, and children. General Leonard Wood -- who commanded this massacre, our first My Lai -- was later made Philippine governor general. To this day, the total number of Filipinos killed during the war is hotly debated. Some 16,000 to 20,000 Filipino soldiers were killed from 1899-1902. Estimates of the number of civilians who died from famine, disease and other war-related causes during these years range from 200,000 to 600,000. These figures do not include the number of Filipinos who died during the warfare in the southern Philippines that continued until 1914. Of the nearly 200,000 U.S. soldiers who served in the Philippines from 1898 to 1902, only about 5,000 were killed. Highlighting a similarly glaring difference in casualty figures in a speech given in 1902, Twain exclaimed: "This is not battle, for only one side is engaged -- it has another name. It is massacre." -exerpts from Zwick, Jim. "Sitting in Darkness: An Unheeded Message About U.S. Militarism." Baltimore Sun (April 23, 1995). http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/ail/baltsun.html In Jim Zwick, ed., Anti-Imperialism in the United States, 1898-1935. http://www.boondocksnet.com/ai/ (Oct. 14, 2003)
conquest of Panama 1901-14;
Dominican Republic 1903-04;
Atlanta, Georgia Race Riot
One of the South’s most sensational riots occurred in Atlanta, Georgia in September 1906. For months the city had been lashed into a fury of race hatred by a movement to disfranchise Blacks. The Atlanta press had begun to treat Black crime, especially assault and rape, in an inflammatory fashion. Twelve rapes of white women were reported in one week, giving the impression that there was an epidemic of Black rape. This touched off a riot. White mobs, meeting ineffective resistance by city police, murdered Blacks, destroyed and looted their homes and businesses. Blacks attempted to resist, but were outnumbered. Some Blacks were arrested for arming themselves in self-defense. When the four days of rioting ended, ten Blacks and two whites were dead, hundreds were injured, and over a thousand fled the city.
In Springfield, Illinois, during August 1908, a three-day riot took place, initiated by a white woman,s claim of violation by a Negro. Inflamed by newspapers’ sensationalism, crowds of whites gathered around the jail demanding that the Negro, who had been arrested and imprisoned, be lynched. When the sheriff transferred the accused and another Negro to a jail in a nearby town, white mobs headed for the Negro section and attacked homes and businesses. Two Blacks were lynched, others were dragged from their houses and streetcars and beaten. By the time the National Guardsmen reached the scene, six persons were dead—four whites and two Negroes. This riot, in the home town of Abraham Lincoln, shocked white liberals, who met the following year in New York City, with several prominent Blacks, to form the NAACP “to promote equality of rights and eradicate caste or race prejudice...”
annexation of Panama Canal Zone 1914,
Dominican Republic 1914;
|April 21, 1914|
U S Naval Bombardment of Vera Cruz
On April 21, 1914, before the U.S. Congress had the opportunity to approve President Wilson’s request for authority to intervene in Mexico, the president acted. Wilson had received word that a German ship was approaching the port city of Vera Cruz and was laden with a huge arms shipment for the Victoriano Huerta regime. The president ordered the immediate occupation of Vera Cruz. Fighting was fierce; more than 300 Mexicans and about 90 Americans were killed.
The revival of the Ku Klux Klan in Georgia
The revival of the Ku Klux Klan in Georgia in 1915 reflected the racial concerns of whites both in the North and the South. In that year, the motion picture The Birth of a Nation, based on Thomas Dixon's book The Clansman, sparked great interest in the activities of the first Klan among whites and spurred its revival. The movie ran for 47 weeks in New York alone and portrayed the Klan in heroic and romantic terms, particularly in its conclusions when the Klan rode to save southern civilization from the cowardly black militia. Even President Woodrow Wilson endorsed the film, claiming that "It is like writing history with lightning and my only regret is that it is all so terribly true." Although the movie grossly distorted the reality of Reconstruction, it coincided with white concerns about the black migration and their growing hostility toward racial and ethnic differences in American society. Wherever the movie was shown, race relations deteriorated and racial violence frequently occurred.
Pastor Robb's View from a KKK site:"The second era of the Klan began when Col. Simmons climbed to the top of Stone Mt. (the largest solid rock in the world)in Georgia and lit the first cross (cross lighting)He was a Methodist minister with an earnest desire to see the tide of non-white immigration ended before it destroyed the nation. Col. Simmons grew up in a time when Fraternalism was all the rage. The release of D.W. Griffiths'Birth of a Nation about the founding and rise of the Ku Klux Klan was perfectly timed to the resurgence of the Klan. Elizabeth Tyler, a fundraiser for the "better babies" movement became a chief organizer using modern organizing techniques. The country was ripe for an organization stressing the importance of the separation of the races and Christian conduct in all areas of life. The Klan became a powerful agent protecting the family and with full family participation in the membership roster, the klan came to the defense of women and children in the first organized effort to confront wife and child abuse. The country rallied behind the Klan. Also, in an age when there were few amusements, the fraternal styling of the organization made it fun. Sadly however, it soon became as fashionable to belong to the KKK as it was to the local country club and people began joining to be with the "in" crowd and not for the beliefs. The Klan was vocal on political issues and belonging to the Klan would often be the deciding factor. The second era Klan accomplished many things and for the time in which it existed was very successful."
Margaret Sanger set up the first birth control clinic in the United States, and the following year, she was sent to the workhouse for "creating a public nuisance." Her many arrests and prosecutions, and the resulting outcries, helped lead to changes in laws giving doctors the right to give birth control advice (and later, birth control devices) to patients.
Margaret Sanger Her crusade to legalize birth control spurred the movement for women's liberation By GLORIA STEINEM from Time Magazine
Monday, April 13, 1998
The movement she started will grow to be, a hundred years from now, the most influential of all time," predicted futurist and historian H.G. Wells in 1931. "When the history of our civilization is written, it will be a biological history, and Margaret Sanger will be its heroine."
Though this prophecy of nearly 70 years ago credited one woman with the power that actually came from a wide and deep movement of women, no one person deserves it more. Now that reproductive freedom is becoming accepted and conservative groups are fighting to maintain control over women's bodies as the means of reproduction, Sanger's revolution may be even more controversial than during her 50-year career of national and international battles. Her experience can teach us many lessons.
She taught us, first, to look at the world as if women mattered. Born into an Irish working-class family, Margaret witnessed her mother's slow death, worn out after 18 pregnancies and 11 live births. While working as a practical nurse and midwife in the poorest neighborhoods of New York City in the years before World War I, she saw women deprived of their health, sexuality and ability to care for children already born. Contraceptive information was so suppressed by clergy-influenced, physician-accepted laws that it was a criminal offense to send it through the mail. Yet the educated had access to such information and could use subterfuge to buy "French" products, which were really condoms and other barrier methods, and "feminine hygiene" products, which were really spermicides.
It was this injustice that inspired Sanger to defy church and state. In a series of articles called "What Every Girl Should Know," then in her own newspaper The Woman Rebel and finally through neighborhood clinics that dispensed woman-controlled forms of birth control (a phrase she coined), Sanger put information and power into the hands of women.
While in Europe for a year to avoid severe criminal penalties, partly due to her political radicalism, partly for violating postal obscenity laws, she learned more about contraception, the politics of sexuality and the commonality of women's experience. Her case was dismissed after her return to the States. Sanger continued to push legal and social boundaries by initiating sex counseling, founding the American Birth Control League (which became, in 1942, the Planned Parenthood Federation of America) and organizing the first international population conference. Eventually her work would extend as far as Japan and India, where organizations she helped start still flourish.
Sanger was past 80 when she saw the first marketing of a contraceptive pill, which she had helped develop. But legal change was slow. It took until 1965, a year before her death, for the Supreme Court to strike down a Connecticut law that prohibited the use of contraception, even by married couples. Extended to unmarried couples only in 1972, this constitutionally guaranteed right to privacy would become as important to women's equality as the vote. In 1973 the right to privacy was extended to the abortion decision of a woman and her physician, thus making abortion a safe and legal alternative — unlike the $5 illegal butcheries of Sanger's day.
One can imagine Sanger's response to the current anti-choice lobby and congressional leadership that opposes abortion, sex education in schools, and federally funded contraceptive programs that would make abortion less necessary; that supports ownership of young women's bodies through parental-consent laws; that limits poor women's choices by denying Medicaid funding; and that holds hostage the entire U.S. billion-dollar debt to the United Nations in the hope of attaching an antiabortion rider. As in her day, the question seems to be less about what gets decided than who has the power to make the decision.
One can also imagine her response to pro-life rhetoric being used to justify an average of one clinic bombing or arson per month — sometimes the same clinics Sanger helped found — and the murder of six clinic staff members, the attempted murder of 15 others, and assault and battery against 104 more. In each case, the justification is that potential fetal life is more important than a living woman's health or freedom.
What are mistakes in our era that parallel those of Sanger's? There is still an effort to distort her goal of giving women control over their bodies by attributing such quotes to Sanger as "More children from the fit, less from the unfit — that is the chief issue of birth control." Sanger didn't say those words; in fact, she condemned them as a eugenicist argument for "cradle competition." To her, poor mental development was largely the result of poverty, overpopulation and the lack of attention to children. She correctly foresaw racism as the nation's major challenge, conducted surveys that countered stereotypes regarding the black community and birth control, and established clinics in the rural South with the help of such African-American leaders as W.E.B. Du Bois and Mary McLeod Bethune.
Nonetheless, expediency caused Sanger to distance herself from her radical past; for instance, she used soft phrases such as "family planning" instead of her original, more pointed argument that the poor were being manipulated into producing an endless supply of cheap labor. She also adopted the mainstream eugenics language of the day, partly as a tactic, since many eugenicists opposed birth control on the grounds that the educated would use it more. Though her own work was directed toward voluntary birth control and public health programs, her use of eugenics language probably helped justify sterilization abuse. Her misjudgments should cause us to wonder what parallel errors we are making now and to question any tactics that fail to embody the ends we hope to achieve.
Sanger led by example. Her brave and joyous life included fulfilling work, three children, two husbands, many lovers and an international network of friends and colleagues. She was charismatic and sometimes quixotic, but she never abandoned her focus on women's freedom and its larger implications for social justice (an inspiration that continues through Ellen Chesler's excellent biography, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America). Indeed, she lived as if she and everyone else had the right to control her or his own life. By word and deed, she pioneered the most radical, humane and transforming political movement of the century.
Gloria Steinem is a co-founder of Ms. magazine and author of Revolution from Within
Dominican Republic 1916-24;
Espionage Act passed,used by Wilson administration to jail left wing leaders
The Espionage Act was passed by Congress in 1917 after the United States entered the First World War. It prescribed a $10,000 fine and 20 years' imprisonment for interfering with the recruiting of troops or the disclosure of information dealing with national defence. Additional penalties were included for the refusal to perform military duty. Over the next few months around 900 went to prison under the Espionage Act.
Criticised as unconstitutional, the act resulted in the imprisonment of many of the anti-war movement. This included the arrest of left-wing political figures such as Eugene V. Debs, Bill Haywood, Philip Randolph, Victor Berger, John Reed, Max Eastman, and Emma Goldman. Debs was sentenced to ten years for a speech in Canton, Ohio, on 16th June, 1918, attacking the Espionage Act.
On 23rd August six members of the Frayhayt, a group of Jewish anarchists based in New York were arrested. Charged under the Espionage Act, the group were accused of publishing articles in the Der Shturm that undermined the American war effort. This included criticizing the United States government for invading Russia after the Bolshevik government signed the Brest-Litovsk Treaty.
One of the group, Jacob Schwartz, was so badly beaten by the police when he was arrested that he died soon afterwards. Mollie Steimer was found guilty and sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment. Three of the men, Samuel Lipman, Hyman Lachowsky and Jacob Abrahams received twenty years.
Over 450 conscientious objectors were imprisoned as a result of this legislation including Rose Pastor Stokes who was sentenced to ten years in prison for saying, in a letter to the Kansas City Star, that "no government which is for the profiteers can also be for the people, and I am for the people while the government is for the profiteers." Soon afterwards Kate Richards O'Hare was sentenced to five years for making an anti-war speech in North Dakota.
The socialist journal, The Masses was prosecuted in 1918 under the Espionage Act. It was claimed by the authorities that articles by Floyd Dell and Max Eastman and cartoons by Art Young, Boardman Robinson and H. J. Glintenkamp had undermined the war effort. The legal action that followed forced the journal to cease publication.
During the Red Scare (1919-20) A. Mitchell Palmer, the attorney general and his special assistant, John Edgar Hoover, used the Espionage Act and the Sedition Act to launch a campaign against radicals and left-wing organizations. Under these two laws 1500 people were arrested for disloyalty.
|July 2, 1917
At East St. Louis, Illinois, black competition for white jobs ignited a fierce race riot on July 2, 1917, in which nine whites and thirty-nine blacks lost their lives, and black homes were indiscriminately torched. Over 300 buildings valued above $500,000 were destroyed in the black section of town. Shouts of "Burn 'em out" were heard throughout the violence and would become the battle cry of the white mob during the postwar period.
The East St. Louis, Illinois riot in 1917 was touched off by the fear of white working men that Negro advances in economic, political and social status were threatening their own status. When the labor force of an aluminum plant went on strike in April, the company hired Negro workers. Although the strike was crushed by a combination of militia, injunctions, and both Black and white strike breakers, the union blamed its defeat on the Blacks. A union meeting in May demanded that “East St. Louis must remain a white man’s town.” A riot followed, sparked by a white man, during which mobs demolished buildings and Blacks were attacked and beaten. Policemen did little more than take the injured to hospitals and disarm Negroes. Harassments and beatings continued through June.
On July 1, some whites in a Ford drove through the main Negro district, shooting into homes. Blacks armed themselves. When a police car, also a Ford, drove down the street to investigate, the Blacks fired on it, killing two policemen. The next day, as reports of the shooting spread, a new riot began. Streetcars were stopped, Blacks were pulled off, stoned, clubbed, kicked and shot. Other rioters set fire to Black homes. By midnight the Black section was in flames and Blacks were fleeing the city. The official casualty figures were nine whites and thirty-nine Blacks, hundreds wounded, but the NAACP investigators estimated that between one hundred to two hundred Blacks were killed.14 Over three hundred buildings were destroyed.
invasion of Soviet Russia to fight revolution 1918-22;
In 1919 Woodrow Wilson appointed A. Mitchell Palmer as his attorney general. Palmer recruited John Edgar Hoover as his special assistant and together they used the Espionage Act (1917) and the Sedition Act (1918) to launch a campaign against radicals and left-wing organizations. Worried by the revolution that had taken place in Russia, Palmer became convinced that Communist agents were planning to overthrow the American government. His view was reinforced by the discovery of thirty-eight bombs sent to leading politicians and the Italian anarchist who blew himself up outside Palmer's Washington home. Palmer recruited John Edgar Hoover as his special assistant and together they used the Espionage Act (1917) and the Sedition Act (1918) to launch a campaign against radicals and left-wing organizations. A. Mitchell Palmer claimed that Communist agents from Russia were planning to overthrow the American government. On 7th November, 1919, the second anniversary of the Russian Revolution, over 10,000 suspected communists and anarchists were arrested. Palmer and Hoover found no evidence of a proposed revolution but large number of these suspects were held without trial for a long time. The vast majority were eventually released but Emma Goldman and 247 other people, were deported to Russia. On 2nd January, 1920, another 6,000 were arrested and held without trial. These raids took place in several cities and became known as the Palmer Raids. A. Mitchell Palmer and John Edgar Hoover found no evidence of a proposed revolution but large number of these suspects, many of them members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), continued to be held without trial. When Palmer announced that the communist revolution was likely to take place on 1st May, mass panic took place. In New York, five elected Socialists were expelled from the legislature. When the May revolution failed to materialize, attitudes towards Palmer began to change and he was criticised for disregarding people's basic civil liberties. Some of his opponents claimed that Palmer had devised this Red Scare to help him become the Democratic presidential candidate in 1920.
In Chicago, Illinois, for example, law and order was suspended for 13 days in July 1919 as white mobs made foray after foray into black neighborhoods, killings and wounding 365 black residents and leaving another 1,000 homeless.
The worst of the post-War race riots took place in Chicago, Illinois. It began late in July 1919 when a young Black “encroached” upon a swimming area that the whites had marked off for themselves, and was stoned until he drowned. By the time the riot ended, thirteen days later, thousands of both races had been involved in a series of frays, fifteen whites and twenty-three Negroes were killed, and 178 whites and 342 Blacks were injured. More than one thousand families, mostly Blacks, were left homeless due to the burnings and general destruction of property.
|January 16, 1920
Prohibition: Eighteenth Amendment takes effect
In the United States, this was done by means of the Eighteenth Amendment to the national Constitution (ratified January 16, 1919) and the Volstead Act (passed October 28, 1919). Prohibition began on January 16, 1920, when the Eighteenth Amendment went into effect. The Volstead Act was amended to allow "3.2 beer"
Klan attack on Ocoee, Fla
Klan attacked the black community of Ocoee, Florida, in the western part of Orange County, in November 1920 and destroyed several homes when two local black citizens--Mose Norman and July Perry attempted to vote. Approximately six black residents and two whites were killed in the violence, and twenty-five black homes, two churches, and a lodge were destroyed
In June 1921, the black section of Tulsa, Oklahoma, was almost burned out and thousands were left homeless following racial violence by white residents.
The Tulsa, Oklahoma riot took place from May 31 to June 1, 1921. A white girl charged a Black youth with attempted rape in an elevator in a public building. The youth was arrested and imprisoned. Armed Blacks came to the jail to protect the accused youth, who, it was rumored, would be lynched. Altercations between whites and Blacks at the jail led to a “race war”. A mob, numbering more than ten thousand attacked the Black district. “Machine-guns were brought into.use; eight aeroplanes were employed to spy on the movements of the Negroes and according to some were used in bombing the colored section.” Four companies of the National Guard were called out, but by the time order was restored, fifty whites and between 150 and 200 Blacks were killed. Many homes were looted and $1,500,000 worth of property was destroyed by fire.
Eugenics movement reaches its height 1923
The term eugenics comes from the Greek roots for "good" and "generation" or "origin" and was first used to refer to the "science" of heredity and good breeding in about 1883.
Within 20 years, the word was widely used by scientists who had rediscovered the work of Gregor Mendel. Mendel had meticulously recorded the results of cross-breeding pea plants, and found a very regular statistical pattern for features like height and color. This introduced the concept of genes, opening the field of genetics to a tumultuous century of research. One path of genetic research branched off into the shadows of social theory, and in the first quarter of the twentieth century became immensely popular as eugenics. It was presented as a mathematical science that could be used to predict the traits and behaviors of humans, and in a perfect world, to control human breeding so that people with the best genes would reproduce and thus improve the species. It was an optimistic school of thought with a profound faith in the powers of Science.
The trappings of science, anyway. Even in its day, many people saw that eugenics was a dubious discipline, riddled with inconsistencies. But it was championed by a very prominent and respected biologist, Charles Davenport, and its conclusions told many people what they wanted to hear: that certain "racial stock" was superior to others in such traits as intelligence, hard work, cleanliness, and so on. In this view of human behavior, the work of Sigmund Freud was disregarded, while the ideas of behaviorism were just gaining ground.
Local eugenics societies and groups sprang up around the United States after World War I, with names like the Race Betterment Foundation. The war had given many Americans a greater fear of foreigners, and immigration to the United States was still increasing. In 1923, organizers founded the American Eugenics Society, and it quickly grew to 29 chapters around the country. At fairs and exhibitions, eugenicists spread the word and hosted "fitter family" and "better baby" competitions to award blue ribbons to the finest human stock -- not unlike the awards for prize bull and biggest pumpkin. Not only did eugenicists promote better breeding, they wanted to prevent poor breeding or the risk of it. That meant keeping people with undesireable traits in their heritage (including alcoholism, pauperism, or epilepsy) separate from others or, where law allowed, preventing them from reproducing.
These vocal groups advocated laws to attain their aims, and in 1924, the Immigration Act was passed by majorities in the U.S. House and Senate. It set up strict quotas limiting immigrants from countries believed by eugenicists to have "inferior" stock, particularly Southern Europe and Asia. President Coolidge, who signed the bill into law, had stated when he was vice president, "America should be kept American. . . . Biological laws show that Nordics deteriorate when mixed with other races."
Behaviorism was introduced in 1913, and the genetic work of Thomas Hunt Morgan and others became known through the 'teens. After World War I, few scientists joined the ranks of the eugenicists. As the weight of the scientific community shifted toward behaviorism and true genetics, popular opinion followed. John Watson's articles about childrearing and self-improvement popularized behaviorism still further. The eugenics craze was already fading when the horrors of institutionalized eugenics revealed in Nazi Germany during World War II doused it entirely as a movement.
01/01/23 Early morning: Fannie Taylor reports an attack by an
unidentified black man.
Immigration Act based on Eugenics race theory
the Immigration Act was passed by majorities in the U.S. House and Senate. It set up strict quotas limiting immigrants from countries believed by eugenicists to have "inferior" stock, particularly Southern Europe and Asia. President Coolidge, who signed the bill into law, had stated when he was vice president, "America should be kept American. . . . Biological laws show that Nordics deteriorate when mixed with other races."
Panama to suppress general strike 1925;
Supreme Court Approves Sterilization of the Socially Inadequate
We have seen more than once that the public welfare may call upon the best citizens for their lives. It would be strange if it could not call upon those who already sap the strength of the State for these lesser sacrifices, often not felt to be such by those concerned, in order to prevent our being swamped with incompetence. It is better for all the world, if instead of waiting to execute degenerate offspring for crime, or to let them starve for their imbecility, society can prevent those who are manifestly unfit from continuing their kind. The principle that sustains compulsory vaccination is broad enough to cover cutting the Fallopian tubes. Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11. Three generations of imbeciles are enough.
BUCK v. BELL, 274 U.S. 200 (1927).
Mr. Justice Holmes delivered the opinion of the Court.
This is a writ of error to review a judgment of the Supreme Court of Appeals of the State of Virginia, affirming a judgment of the Circuit Court of Amherst County, by which the defendant in error, the superintendent of the State Colony for Epileptics and Feeble Minded, was ordered to perform the operation of salpingectomy upon Carrie Buck, the plaintiff in error, for the purpose of making her sterile. 143 Va. 310. The case comes here upon the contention that the statute authorizing the judgment is void under the Fourteenth Amendment as denying to the plaintiff in error due process of law and the equal protection of the laws.
Carrie Buck is a feeble minded white woman who was committed to the State Colony above mentioned in due form. She is the daughter of a feeble minded mother in the same institution, and the mother of an illegitimate feeble minded child. She was eighteen years old at the time of the trial of her case in the Circuit Court, in the latter part of 1924. An Act of Virginia, approved March 20, 1924 recites that the health of the patient and the welfare of society may be promoted in certain cases by the sterilization of mental defectives, under careful safeguard, &c.; that the sterilization may be effected in males by vasectomy and in females by salpingectomy, without serious pain or substantial danger to life; that the Commonwealth is supporting in various institutions many defective persons who if now discharged would become a menace but if incapable of procreating might be discharged with safety and become self-supporting with benefit to themselves and to society; and that experience has shown that heredity plays an important part in the transmission of insanity, imbecility, &c. The statute then enacts that whenever the superintendent of certain institutions including the above named State Colony shall be of opinion that it is for the best interests of the patients and of society than an inmate under his care should be sexually sterilized, he may have the operation performed upon any patient afflicted with hereditary forms of insanity, imbecility, &c., on complying with the very careful provisions by which the act protects the patients from possible abuse.
The superintendent first presents a petition to the special board of directors of his hospital or colony, stating the facts and the grounds for his opinion, verified by affidavit. Notice of the petition and of the time and place of the hearing in the institution is to be served upon the inmate, and also upon his guardian, and if there is no guardian the superintendent is to apply to the Circuit Court of the County to appoint one. If the inmate is a minor notice also is to be given to his parents if any with a copy of the petition. The board is to see to it that the inmate may attend the hearings if desired by him or his guardian. The evidence is all to be reduced to writing, after the board has made its order for or against the operation, the superintendent, or the inmate, or his guardian, may appeal to the Circuit Court of the County. The Circuit Court may consider the record of the board and the evidence before it and such other admissible evidence as may be offered, and may affirm, revise, or reverse the order of the board and enter such order as it deems just. Finally any party may apply to the Supreme Court of Appeals, which, if it grants the appeal, is to hear the case upon the record of the trial in the Circuit Court and may enter such order as it thinks the Circuit Court should have entered. There can be no doubt that so far as procedure is concerned the rights of the patient are most carefully considered, and as every step in this case was taken in scrupulous compliance with the statute and after months of observation, there is no doubt that in that respect the plaintiff in error has had due process of law.
The attack is not upon the procedure but upon the substantive law. It seems to be contended that in no circumstances could such an order be justified. It certainly is contended that the order cannot be justified upon the existing grounds. The judgment finds the facts that have been recited and that Carrie Buck "is the probable potential parent of socially inadequate offspring, likewise afflicted, that she may be sexually sterilized without detriment to her general health and that her welfare and that of society will be promoted by her sterilization," and thereupon makes the order. In view of the general declarations of the legislature and the specific findings of the Court, obviously we cannot say as matter of law that the grounds do not exist, and if they exist they justify the result. We have seen more than once that the public welfare may call upon the best citizens for their lives. It would be strange if it could not call upon those who already sap the strength of the State for these lesser sacrifices, often not felt to be such by those concerned, in order to prevent our being swamped with incompetence. It is better for all the world, if instead of waiting to execute degenerate offspring for crime, or to let them starve for their imbecility, society can prevent those who are manifestly unfit from continuing their kind. The principle that sustains compulsory vaccination is broad enough to cover cutting the Fallopian tubes. Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11. Three generations of imbeciles are enough.
But, it is said, however it might be if this reasoning were applied generally, it fails when it is confined to the small number who are in the institutions named and is not applied to the multitudes outside. It is the usual last resort of constitutional arguments to point out shortcomings of this sort. But the answer is that the law does all that is needed when it does all that it can, indicates a policy, applies it to all within the lines, and seeks to bring within the lines all similarly situated so far and so fast as its means allow. Of course so far as the operations enable those who otherwise must be kept confined to be returned to the world, and thus open the asylum to others, the equality aimed at will be more nearly reached.
Mr. Justice Butler dissents.
El Salvador 1932;
JAPANESE ON WEST COAST FACE WHOLESALE UPROOTING
The greatest forced migration in American history was getting under way today.
Along the entire Pacific Coast, and from the southern half of Arizona, some 120,000 enemy aliens and American-born Japanese were moving, or preparing to move, to areas in which the threat of possible espionage, sabotage or fifth column activities would be minimized.
Mike Masaoka, national field secretary of the league, said its members “realize that it was the necessity of military expediency which forced the Army to order the eventual evacuation of all Japanese,” and that he “assumed” the classification of Americans of Japanese lineage “in the same category as enemy aliens was impelled by the motives of military necessity and that no racial discrimination was implied.”
Roosevelt appoints Jean Darlan
Roosevelt appoints Jean Darlan, French Admiral (leading Nazi Collaborator & author of anti-semitic laws of Vichy government) as director-general of "liberated" former French colonies in North Africa.Source Chomsky 1 p.14
'Liberation' of southern Italy
"Liberation" of southern Italy US following Churchill's advice appoints Fascist War hero, Field Marshall Badoglio as dictator and Victor Emmanuel III, also a fascist collaborator as king. Source Chomsky 1 p.114-15 more italy p. 15-16
US Restores Mafia Control of Sicily after Invasion
The end of Fascism for Sicily came in 1943 with the American military occupation of the island. The mafiosi saw their opportunities and took them. In virtually every town they were named as mayors. Vito Genovese, a New York capomafia, who had fled to Italy in 1936 to escape conviction, was the interpreter for Charles Poletti, the U.S. Army Superintendent for Sicilian Affairs. Genovese and other "men of honor" took to infiltrating the political sphere while moving into the rackets and black marketing.
Despite Mussolini’s victory dance, the Fascists did not kill the Mafia. To be sure, a severe blow was dealt to the local cosche, but did not destroy the conditions that made them possible. As long as the true Mafia, the so-called alta mafia, which represented the "vital structure" of the Mafia machine, remained untouched, the spirit of the Mafia would prevail.
"Organized crime in Sicily is a manifestation of millennia of occupation that, except for a few golden ages, inflicted poverty, stifled the development of institutions and national consciousness, and called for informal means of protection against the threat of even worse anarchy." (R. Kaplan, 2004)
"Mori was a scourge of God here; he swept up all and sundry, guilty and innocent, honest and dishonest, according to his own whims and his spies." (L. Sciascia, 1964)
"I drove the mafia underground all right. I had unlimited powers and a couple of battalions of Blackshirts. But how can you stamp out what is in a people’s blood?" (C. Mori )
"Is it really possible to conceive of the existence of a criminal organization so powerful that it can dominate not only half Sicily, but the entire United States of America?" (L. Sciascia, 1964)
"The only institution in the Sicilian conscience that really counts is the family; counts more as a dramatic juridical contract or bond than as a natural association based on affection. The family is the Sicilians’ State. The State is extraneous to them, merely a de-facto entity based on force." (L. Sciascia, 1964)
|August 9, 1945
Nagasaki paid tribute to its dead yesterday, 60 years to the day after the city was leveled by an atomic bomb in one of the last acts of the second world war.
By Justin McCurry
At 11.02am, the exact time the plutonium bomb - nicknamed Fat Man after Winston Churchill - turned their home into an inferno just three days after the attack on Hiroshima, about 6,000 people stood in silence.
The solemnity did not last long, as local leaders demanded that the US and other nuclear states abandon their nuclear arsenals.
Itcho Ito, the mayor of Nagasaki, issued an angry plea to the exclusive club of nuclear states to end their dependence on the most devastating of weapons of mass destruction.
"We understand your anger and anxiety over the memories of the horror of the 9/11 terrorist attacks," he said.
In a clear reference to the US, he continued: "Yet is your security enhanced by your government's policies of maintaining 10,000 nuclear weapons, of carrying out repeated sub-critical nuclear tests, and of pursuing the development of new 'mini' nuclear weapons?"
He called on Japan to end its dependence on the US nuclear umbrella for its security in the face of uneasy relations with China and North Korea, which this year declared itself a nuclear power.
The Japanese prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi, who on Saturday was heckled by a small group of leftwing demonstrators in Hiroshima for his support for the war in Iraq, kept his remarks similarly brief. "This is an occasion to remember the victims, and pray for world peace," he said, adding that Japan would honor its commitment never to join the nuclear club.
Diplomats from all seven nuclear states, including Britain, had been invited to attend the ceremony but only Russia accepted.
The day began with a reminder of Nagasaki's historical associations with Christianity. As the sun rose over the city, hundreds of people attended a special mass at Urakami Cathedral, which at the time of the bombing was the largest in Asia. More than 8,000 of its 12,000 parishioners are estimated to have died in the bombing.
Nagasaki has lived in the shadow of Hiroshima, which was bombed three days earlier and where more than 240,000 people are thought to have died.
Nagasaki might have escaped destruction had it not been for the weather. Bock's Car, the US plane that dropped the bomb, had headed for nearby Kokura on the morning of August 9, but did not release its payload because the city was shrouded in haze.
The crew flew on to Nagasaki only to find it was covered in thick cloud, and were on the verge of abandoning their mission when an opening appeared.
Fumie Sakamoto, a 74-year-old woman representing the survivors, recalled being thrown into the air at her home and coming to in her garden 10 meters away. "As far as I could see, everything had been reduced to rubble," she said. "Together with some 260,000 A-bomb survivors ... I swear in the presence of the souls of the victims of the atomic bombing to continue to tirelessly demand that Nagasaki be the last A-bomb site."
Nagasaki was the first Japanese city to open its doors to foreign trade after the country ended centuries of seclusion from the outside world in 1859. The city, now home to 420,000 people, remained one of Japan's most cosmopolitan cities; yesterday nine survivors from the US, Brazil and Korea attended the ceremony.
© 2005 Guardian Newspapers Ltd.
US invades Korea
US invades Korea - removes local resistance government - imposes order using Japanese and collaborator police - 100,000 murdered including 30-40,000 people killed when a peasant revolt was suppressed on Cheju Island. Chomsky 1 p.17Blum, William Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower. Monroe,Me. Common Courage Press, 2000. p. 129
US founds School of the Americas to train Torturers & Death Squads Backyard terrorism: The US has been training terrorists at a camp in Georgia for years - and it's still at it
Monday October 29 2001
"If any government sponsors the outlaws and killers of innocents," George Bush announced on the day he began bombing Afghanistan, "they have become outlaws and murderers themselves. And they will take that lonely path at their own peril." I'm glad he said "any government", as there's one which, though it has yet to be identified as a sponsor of terrorism, requires his urgent attention. For the past 55 years it has been running a terrorist training camp, whose victims massively outnumber the people killed by the attack on New York, the embassy bombings and the other atrocities laid, rightly or wrongly, at al-Qaida's door. The camp is called the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, or Whisc. It is based in Fort Benning, Georgia, and it is funded by Mr Bush's government. Until January this year, Whisc was called the "School of the Americas", or SOA. Since 1946, SOA has trained more than 60,000 Latin American soldiers and policemen. Among its graduates are many of the continent's most notorious torturers, mass murderers, dictators and state terrorists. As hundreds of pages of documentation compiled by the pressure group SOA Watch show, Latin America has been ripped apart by its alumni. In June this year, Colonel Byron Lima Estrada, once a student at the school, was convicted in Guatemala City of murdering Bishop Juan Gerardi in 1998. Gerardi was killed because he had helped to write a report on the atrocities committed by Guatemala's D-2, the military intelligence agency run by Lima Estrada with the help of two other SOA graduates. D-2 coordinated the "anti-insurgency" campaign which obliterated 448 Mayan Indian villages, and murdered tens of thousands of their people. Forty per cent of the cabinet ministers who served the genocidal regimes of Lucas Garcia, Rios Montt and Mejia Victores studied at the School of the Americas. In 1993, the United Nations truth commission on El Salvador named the army officers who had committed the worst atrocities of the civil war. Two-thirds of them had been trained at the School of the Americas. Among them were Roberto D'Aubuisson, the leader of El Salvador's death squads; the men who killed Archbishop Oscar Romero; and 19 of the 26 soldiers who murdered the Jesuit priests in 1989. In Chile, the school's graduates ran both Augusto Pinochet's secret police and his three principal concentration camps. One of them helped to murder Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffit in Washington DC in 1976. Argentina's dictators Roberto Viola and Leopoldo Galtieri, Panama's Manuel Noriega and Omar Torrijos, Peru's Juan Velasco Alvarado and Ecuador's Guillermo Rodriguez all benefited from the school's instruction. So did the leader of the Grupo Colina death squad in Fujimori's Peru; four of the five officers who ran the infamous Battalion 3-16 in Honduras (which controlled the death squads there in the 1980s) and the commander responsible for the 1994 Ocosingo massacre in Mexico. All this, the school's defenders insist, is ancient history. But SOA graduates are also involved in the dirty war now being waged, with US support, in Colombia. In 1999 the US State Department's report on human rights named two SOA graduates as the murderers of the peace commissioner, Alex Lopera. Last year, Human Rights Watch revealed that seven former pupils are running paramilitary groups there and have commissioned kidnappings, disappearances, murders and massacres. In February this year an SOA graduate in Colombia was convicted of complicity in the torture and killing of 30 peasants by paramilitaries. The school is now drawing more of its students from Colombia than from any other country. The FBI defines terrorism as "violent acts... intended to intimidate or coerce a civilian population, influence the policy of a government, or affect the conduct of a government", which is a precise description of the activities of SOA's graduates. But how can we be sure that their alma mater has had any part in this? Well, in 1996, the US government was forced to release seven of the school's training manuals. Among other top tips for terrorists, they recommended blackmail, torture, execution and the arrest of witnesses' relatives. Last year, partly as a result of the campaign run by SOA Watch, several US congressmen tried to shut the school down. They were defeated by 10 votes. Instead, the House of Representatives voted to close it and then immediately reopen it under a different name. So, just as Windscale turned into Sellafield in the hope of parrying public memory, the School of the Americas washed its hands of the past by renaming itself Whisc. As the school's Colonel Mark Morgan informed the Department of Defense just before the vote in Congress: "Some of your bosses have told us that they can't support anything with the name 'School of the Americas' on it. Our proposal addresses this concern. It changes the name." Paul Coverdell, the Georgia senator who had fought to save the school, told the papers that the changes were "basically cosmetic". But visit Whisc's website and you'll see that the School of the Americas has been all but excised from the record. Even the page marked "History" fails to mention it. Whisc's courses, it tells us, "cover a broad spectrum of relevant areas, such as operational planning for peace operations; disaster relief; civil-military operations; tactical planning and execution of counter drug operations". Several pages describe its human rights initiatives. But, though they account for almost the entire training programme, combat and commando techniques, counter-insurgency and interrogation aren't mentioned. Nor is the fact that Whisc's "peace" and "human rights" options were also offered by SOA in the hope of appeasing Congress and preserving its budget: but hardly any of the students chose to take them. We can't expect this terrorist training camp to reform itself: after all, it refuses even to acknowledge that it has a past, let alone to learn from it. So, given that the evidence linking the school to continuing atrocities in Latin America is rather stronger than the evidence linking the al-Qaida training camps to the attack on New York, what should we do about the "evil-doers" in Fort Benning, Georgia? Well, we could urge our governments to apply full diplomatic pressure, and to seek the extradition of the school's commanders for trial on charges of complicity in crimes against humanity. Alternatively, we could demand that our governments attack the United States, bombing its military installations, cities and airports in the hope of overthrowing its unelected government and replacing it with a new administration overseen by the UN. In case this proposal proves unpopular with the American people, we could win their hearts and minds by dropping naan bread and dried curry in plastic bags stamped with the Afghan flag. You object that this prescription is ridiculous, and I agree. But try as I might, I cannot see the moral difference between this course of action and the war now being waged in Afghanistan. www.monbiot.com Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited
Permanent House Committee on Un-American Activities Established
HUAC became a standing (permanent) committee in 1946. Under the mandate of Public Law 601, passed by the 79th Congress, the committee of nine representatives investigated suspected threats of subversion or propaganda that attacked "the form of government guaranteed by our Constitution."
The committee came into its own when it acted on suspicions that some people with Communist sympathies and affiliations worked within the United States government. The background to this was the fact that some Americans in the 1930s had often been attracted to Marxism, particularly to the "Popular Front". Several of these people had reached positions of influence during World War II and the late 1940s.
In 1947 HUAC investigated wartime shipment of uranium to the Soviet Union. The Committee reported that in 1943, with high-level protection inside the government, the United States government issued export licenses for the delivery of millions of pounds of atomic bomb-making materials. Restrictive orders of the Manhattan Project were bypassed by an American firm called the Canadian Radium and Uranium Corporation. Security concerns at the National Laboratories also came under review.
There were also fears agents were still actively working to subvert American foreign policy and needed to be removed from positions of influence. In particular, the committee, with the leadership of representatives such as Richard Nixon, brought about the trial and conviction of State Department employee Alger Hiss.
The committee investigated so-called "Communist front" organizations to determine if they were effectively under the control of the Communist Party or of party members. People like W. E. B. DuBois and I. F. Stone were identified as having been so affiliated.
US moves into Greece
US moves into Greece after British fail to impose a corrupt regime that ignored actual communist supported liberators - US supports civil war that killed about 160,000. Source Chomsky 1 p.16
Implementation of "reverse course" in Japan
Implementation of "reverse course" in Japan. replaced MacArthur's original course of democratization suppressed unions - placed Japanese govt in hands of business leaders who had supported previous fascist government. Source Chomsky 1 p.17
|18 April 1947|
US Intelligence hires Klaus Barbie - SS Butcher of Lyon as agent
B. Recruitment and Use of Barbie by CIC: April-October, 1947
While Regions I and III pressed the search for Barbie in Stuttgart and Marburg, CIC agent Robert S. Taylor, stationed in the Memmingen office of CIC's Region IV, had located Barbie through a far different procedure. Since April 1946, one of agent Taylor's carded informants (paid sources) in Memmingen had been Kurt Merk, a former Abwehr (military intelligence) specialist who had served in Dijon, France during the war -- "one of the best Counter Intelligence men in France during the German occupation," according to Taylor. Tab 12. On April 10, 1947, Merk told Taylor he had "met, quite by accident, an old friend of his from France" by the name of Barbie, who had "excellent
connections to sources of CIC information." Taylor recognized Barbie's name immediately as one of the "chief personalities" wanted in Operation Selection Board.
But Taylor did not notify Headquarters of his find. He checked with his superior, Lt. Col. Dale Garvey, Commanding Officer of Region IV, on April 14-15 and the decision was made (apparently by Taylor and Garvey) to use Barbie as an informant, provided that he "break off any connections he may have with illegal SS elements and Selection Board personalities." Tab 14.
Taylor met with Barbie in Memmingen on or about April 18, 1947 and the deal was agreed to. Barbie was willing to break off his former SS ties, because, as Taylor reported, "his connection with SS elements was necessary only to retain his own personal freedom." Tab 14. */
Barbie impressed Taylor at that time as "an honest man, both intellectually and personally, absolutely
*/ Barbie also agreed to provide Taylor with any information he had concerning alleged attempts by the British to recruit former SS officers as informants. Ibid.
without nerves or fear. He is strongly anti-Communist and a Nazi idealist who believes that he and his beliefs were betrayed by the Nazis in power." Tab 14.
In April and May, 1947, while Region I continued to look for Barbie in Stuttgart, and Region III continued to look for him in Marburg, Agent Taylor of Region IV used Barbie as a carded source in Memmingen. Barbie reported on French intelligence operations in the U.S. Zone of Germany, on activities of Romanian ethnic Germans, and on Soviet (and anti-Soviet) activities in the U.S. Zone.
This use of Barbie was apparently not known to CIC Headquarters until two months after it began. On May 22, 1947, Captain Frazier at CIC HQ, after reading a routine intelligence report from Region IV, asked for clarification of certain matters. */ Taylor for the first time reported to CIC HQ that the source of that information was not Merk, as Taylor had originally reported, but Klaus Barbie.
Taylor acknowledged in his report that Barbie was to be arrested in Operation Selection Board, but Taylor requested that Barbie "be allowed to retain his freedom
*/ The area on which he sought clarification could not be determined. See Tab 14.
as long as he works for this Agent." Taylor explained (Tab 14):
It is felt that his value as an informant infinitely outweighs any use he may have in prison. Control over Barbie's activities is obvious. It is felt that Barbie will answer more fully and freely any questions concerning SS groups or Selection Board groups desired by higher headquarters, if he be allowed to retain his freedom. This opinion is based on this Agent's personal contact with Barbie and the trust that Barbie has placed in this Agent.
Region IV forwarded Taylor's report and request to CIC HQ on June 3, 1947, recommending that Barbie be used as Taylor suggested. "It is emphasized," said the Region IV operations officer to CIC HQ, "that Subject's value as an informant cannot be overlooked." Tab 14.
CIC Headquarters did not respond to this request. Despite the fact that Barbie was then being sought by two other CIC regions in the mopping up of Selection Board, no arrest of Barbie was ordered. By all indications, the request was simply ignored. See Tab 57, ¶5.
In the face of Headquarters' silence, Taylor placed increasing reliance on both Merk and Barbie in the months that followed. By the summer of 1947, Merk had developed a net of 48 to 52 informants throughout Germany and, indeed, much of Eastern Europe. Tab 24. In this net, code named "Buro Petersen," Barbie was Merk's chief assistant, taking on, as Region IV reported to HQ several months later, "the important position of
establishing a long range penetration of French intelligence installations in the French Zone," which by the fall of 1947 was "beginning to show consistently excellent results." Tab 17. CIC agent Camille Hajdu, who replaced Taylor in the summer of 1947 as the handler of Merk's net, found the net far too large and gradually pared it down from 50 to about 14-16 informants, all within the U.S. Zone of Germany. Tabs 24, 25. Nonetheless, Hajdu reported, Barbie "has so far demonstrated exceedingly successful results." Tab 17. Indeed, Region IV was highly dependent on Merk and Barbie and their sub-sources. Their information amounted to as much as 90% of the intelligence received by Hajdu's office in Kaufbeuren. Tabs 24, 58.
Source: U.S. Department of Justice
Klaus Barbie and the United States Government
A Report to the Attorney General of the United States
Allan A. Ryan, Jr.
Special Assistant to the Assistant Attorney General
United States Department of Justice
US State Department Policy Planning Study
US State Department Policy Planning Study 23 Author George Kennan. Source Chomsky 1 p.8
UK - CIA Covert operations in Albania 1948- 49
Bethell, Nicholas. Betrayed. New York: Times Books, 1984. 206 pages. The British and CIA involvement in Albania from 1949-1953 was not the first covert operation of the Cold War. In Italy, for example, the CIA passed out money to influence the 1948 elections. But Albania was the first time that armed saboteurs were infiltrated into a sovereign country during peacetime, without the approval of Congress, Parliament, Prime Minister Clement Attlee, or President Harry Truman. This book by Nicholas Bethell, a Conservative member of the House of Lords who lives in London, is the story of this paramilitary operation, which was an unmitigated disaster.
The major problem was that Kim Philby, MI6's joint commander of the mission based in Washington, was a Soviet mole who betrayed some of the operations from the start. The CIA prefers that we believe this was the only problem, and as of 1982 still refused to confirm that the invasion took place. But Bethell makes a strong case that there were other difficulties: "Poor planning, faulty equipment, ineptitude, the unforeseen strength and violence of the Communist forces in Albania, and the decision to go ahead with the operation despite the warning signals, led to the deaths of thousands."
Blum, William Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower. Monroe,Me. Common Courage Press, 2000. p. 129
US espionage strategy in Eastern Europe
US espionage strategy in Eastern Europe under Richard Gehlen, Nazi responsible for German military intelligence on Eastern Front. source Chomsky 1 p.8
backed counter-revolution in China 1948- 49;
suppression of Huk rebellion in Philippines 1948-54;
intervention in Puerto Rico 1950,
McCarran Internal Security Act
The Internal Security Act, the Subversive Activities Control Act, or the McCarran Act of 1950 required the registration of communist organizations with the Attorney General in the United States and established the Subversive Activities Control Board to investigate persons thought to be engaged in “un-American” activities. Members of these groups could not become citizens. Citizen-members could be denaturalized in five years. It was a key institution in the era of the Cold War, tightening alien exclusion and deportation laws and allowing for the detention of dangerous, disloyal, or subversive persons in times of war or “internal security emergency.” Congress overrode President Harry Truman's veto to pass this bill. Truman called the bill "the greatest danger to freedom of press, speech, and assembly since the Sedition Act of 1798." Sections of the ISA were gradually ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court and it was completely repealed in 1990.
National Security Council Memorandum 68
National Security Council Memorandum 68 Author Paul Nitze Subject "Roll back strategy to deal with USSR Source Chomsky 1 p.8
Policy Briefing for US Latin American ambassadors
Policy Briefing for US Latin American ambassadors Author George Kennan policy role 'to protect our raw materials' Source Chomsky 1 p.10
US and Britain overthrow Mossedegh government in IranWhen elected prime Minister Mossedegh's government moved to nationalize the British company that monopolized Iranian oil production, the US assisted in a coup which restored the Shah of Iran to absolute power. The Iranian oil industry continued under foreign control but with 40% US ownership protected by the shah's 25-year regime of repression and torture
Blum, William Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower. Monroe,Me. Common Courage Press, 2000. p. 130
Chomsky 1 p.21
US intervention in Guatemala
US intervention in Guatemala Source Chomsky 1 p.21, 25CIA and Assassinations: The Guatemala 1954 Documents
by Kate Doyle and Peter Kornbluh
These documents, including an instructional guide on assassination found among the training files of the CIA's covert "Operation PBSUCCESS," were among several hundred records released by the Agency on May 23, 1997 on its involvement in the infamous 1954 coup in Guatemala. After years of answering Freedom of Information Act requests with its standard "we can neither confirm nor deny that such records exist," the CIA has finally declassified some 1400 pages of over 100,000 estimated to be in its secret archives on the Guatemalan destabilization program. (The Agency's press release stated that more records would be released before the end of the year.) An excerpt from the assassination manual appears on the Op-Ed page of The New York Times on Saturday, May 31, 1997.
The small, albeit dramatic, release comes more than five years after then CIA director Robert Gates declared that the CIA would "open" its shadowy past to post-cold war public scrutiny, and only days after a member of the CIA's own historical review panel was quoted in the New York Times as calling the CIA's commitment to openness "a brilliant public relations snow job." (See Tim Weiner, "C.I.A.'s Openness Derided as a 'Snow Job'," The New York Times, May 20, 1997, p. A16)
Arbenz was elected President of Guatemala in 1950 to continue a process of socio- economic reforms that the CIA disdainfully refers to in its memoranda as "an intensely nationalistic program of progress colored by the touchy, anti-foreign inferiority complex of the 'Banana Republic.'" The first CIA effort to overthrow the Guatemalan president--a CIA collaboration with Nicaraguan dictator Anastacio Somoza to support a disgruntled general named Carlos Castillo Armas and codenamed Operation PBFORTUNE--was authorized by President Truman in 1952. As early as February of that year, CIA Headquarters began generating memos with subject titles such as "Guatemalan Communist Personel to be disposed of during Military Operations," outlining categories of persons to be neutralized "through Executive Action"--murder--or through imprisonment and exile. The "A" list of those to be assassinated contained 58 names--all of which the CIA has excised from the declassified documents.
PBSUCCESS, authorized by President Eisenhower in August 1953, carried a $2.7 million budget for "pychological warfare and political action" and "subversion," among the other components of a small paramilitary war. But, according to the CIA's own internal study of the agency's so-called "K program," up until the day Arbenz resigned on June 27, 1954, "the option of assassination was still being considered." While the power of the CIA's psychological-war, codenamed "Operation Sherwood," against Arbenz rendered that option unnecessary, the last stage of PBSUCCESS called for "roll-up of Communists and collaborators." Although Arbenz and his top aides were able to flee the country, after the CIA installed Castillo Armas in power, hundreds of Guatemalans were rounded up and killed. Between 1954 and 1990, human rights groups estimate, the repressive operatives of sucessive military regimes murdered more than 100,000 civilians.
1 "CIA and Guatemala Assassination Proposals, 1952-1954", CIA History Staff Analysis by Gerald K. Haines, June 1995.
CIA records on assassination planning in Guatemala were first gathered pursuant to a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed in 1979. All of them were withheld on national security grounds at that time. In 1995, the CIA's historical staff "rediscovered" these records during a search of Guatemala materials to be declassified as part of the agency's "Openness" program. A staff historian, Gerald Haines, was assigned to write this brief history of these operations. He concluded that as early as January 1952, CIA headquarters began compiling lists of individuals in Arbenz's government "to eliminate immediately in event of [a] successful anti-Communist coup." Planning for assassination included budgeting, training programs, creation of hit teams, drafting of target lists of persons, and transfer of armaments. Haines writes that "until the day that Arbenz resigned in June 1954 the option of assassination was still being considered." The CIA, according to this history, did not implement its assassination strategy. But the declassifiers of this study, and other related documents, have deleted the names of the targeted individuals, making it impossible to verify that none of them were killed during or in the aftermath of the coup.
2, "A Study of Assassination", Unsigned, Undated.
Among the documents found in the training files of Operation PBSUCCESS and declassified by the Agency is a "Study of Assassination." A how-to guide book in the art of political killing, the 19-page manual offers detailed descriptions of the procedures, instruments, and implementation of assassination. "The simplest local tools are often much the most efficient means of assassination," counsels the study. "A hammer, axe, wrench, screw driver, fire poker, kitchen knife, lamp stand, or anything hard, heavy and handy will suffice." For an assassin using "edge weapons," the manual notes in cold clinical terms, "puncture wounds of the body cavity may not be reliable unless the heart is reached....Absolute reliability is obtained by severing the spinal cord in the cervical region." T he manual also notes that to provide plausible denial, "no assassination instructions should ever be written or recorded." Murder, the drafters state, "is not morally justifiable," and "persons who are morally squeamish should not attempt it."
3, "Selection of individuals for disposal by Junta Group", March 31, 1954.
One of the many assassination lists compiled by the CIA during planning for Operation Success. As the memorandum indicates, the chief of one of the CIA's divisions involved in the coup (the division title has been deleted) requested a list of names of Arbenz government leaders, members of the Communist Party, and individuals "of tactical importance whose removal for psychological, organizational or others reasons is mandatory for the success of military action." The memo asks that CIA personnel read through the list and initial the names of those who should be included on a "final list of disposees." The list (and the initials or names of all CIA officers appearing in the document) has been withheld. A handwritten note attached on the bottom of the memo reads:
4, "Guatemalan Communist Personnel to be disposed of during Military Operations of Calligeris", Origin deleted, Undated.
Another version of the assassination lists compiled by the CIA and Carlos Castillo Armas (code-named "Calligeris") in the course of preparing for the 1954 coup. The names of the agency's intended victims were divided into two categories: persons to be disposed of through "Executive action" (i.e., killed) and those to be imprisoned or exiled during the operation. Before releasing this document to the public, the CIA deleted every name, leaving only the rows of numbers to indicate how many people were targeted.
Document 5, "Operation PBSUCCESS: The United States and Guatemala, 1952- 1954", CIA History Staff document by Nicholas Cullather, 1994. Excerpt.
A narrative history of the CIA's role in planning, organizing and executing the coup that toppled Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán on June 27, 1954. Cullather, now a diplomatic historian at the University of Indiana, worked on contract for one year with the CIA, where he was given access to thousands of agency records and secret operational files in order to produce this overview. The result is a surprisingly critical study of the agency's first covert operation in Latin America. Beginning with a review of the political, economic and social forces that led to Arbenz's presidency in 1951, the document is an intimate account of how cold war concerns convinced President Eisenhower to order the removal of the democratically-elected leader by force. It also provides countless new details of a covert mission plagued by disastrous military planning and failed security measures: according to Cullather, "Operation Success" barely succeeded. The CIA scrambled to convince the White House that it was an unqualified and all but bloodless victory, however. After Arbenz resigned, Eisenhower called the Director of Central Intelligence, Allan W. Dulles, and his senior covert planners into a formal briefing of the operation. Cullather's account now reveals that the agency lied to the president, telling him that only one of the rebels it had backed was killed. "Incredible," said the president. And it was. At least four dozen were dead, according to the CIA's own records. Thus did the Guatemala coup enter agency lore as an "unblemished triumph," Cullather explains, and become the model for future CIA activities in Latin America.
In Guatemala, of course, "Operation Success" had a deadly aftermath. After a small insurgency developed in the wake of the coup, Guatemala's military leaders developed and refined, with U.S. assistance, a massive counterinsurgency campaign that left tens of thousands massacred, maimed or missing.
The National Security Archive, The Gelman Library, George Washington University 2130 H Street, NW, Suite 701, Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202-994-7000 / Fax: 202-994-7005 Internet: email@example.com
"Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, malay and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix."
Judge's comment in Loving v. Virginia in which a mixed race couple was convicted of violating the Virginia Racial Integrity Act by marrying
In June 1958, two residents of Virginia, Mildred Jeter, a Negro woman, and Richard Loving, a white man, were married in the District of Columbia pursuant to its laws. Shortly after their marriage, the Lovings returned to Virginia and established their marital abode in Caroline County. At the October Term, 1958, the Circuit Court of Caroline County, a grand jury issued an indictment charging the Lovings with violating Virginia's ban on interracial marriages.
On January 6, 1959, the Lovings pleaded guilty to the charge and were sentenced to one year in jail; however, the trial judge suspended the sentence for a period of 25 years on the condition that the Lovings leave the State and not return to Virginia together for 25 years. He stated in an opinion that:
"Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, malay and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix."
After their convictions, the Lovings took up residence in the District of Columbia.
Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia 1960-75,
BAY OF PIGS INVASION
The Bay of Pigs affair was an unsuccessful invasion of Cuba on April 17, 1961, at Playa Girón (the Bay of Pigs) by about two thousand Cubans who had gone into exile after the 1959 revolution. Encouraged by members of the cia who trained them, the invaders believed they would have air and naval support from the United States and that the invasion would cause the people of Cuba to rise up and overthrow the regime of communist Fidel Castro. Neither expectation materialized, although unmarked planes from Florida bombed Cuban air bases prior to the invasion. Cuban army troops pinned down the exiles and forced them to surrender within seventy-two hours.
The Eisenhower administration planned the Bay of Pigs attack, training anti-Castro Cubans in Guatemala and obtaining permission from Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza to launch the invasion from Puerto Cabezas on Nicaragua's Atlantic coast. After some hesitation, President John F. Kennedy allowed it to go forward.
At first, the State Department denied any direct links to the exiles. The true American role did not become public until a few days after the invasion. President Kennedy assumed full responsibility for what he admitted was a mistake. Nonetheless, he refused to negotiate a settlement of America's differences with the Castro regime.
Before and after the invasion, the United States promoted the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States, attempted an unsuccessful diplomatic quarantine, and stopped all Cuban exports from entering the United States. Economic and diplomatic estrangement remained American policy toward Communist Cuba for the indefinite future.
Washington celebrates inauguration of Juan Bosch, liberal, anti-communist as democratically elected president of Dominican Republic.
When Bosch embarked on a liberal policy of social reforms including limited nationalization and land reform he was attacked by the United States media. In September he was removed by a military coup. In 1965 a popular uprising to restore Bosch was supressed with the aid of 23,000 US troops.
Blum, William Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower. Monroe,Me. Common Courage Press, 2000. p. 139-40
Source Chomsky 1 p.21
|June 12, 1963
Assassination of Medgar Evers
On June 12, 1963, U.S. president John F. Kennedy--who would be assassinated only a few short months later--echoed this sentiment in an address to the nation. Kennedy called the white resistance to civil rights for blacks "a moral crisis" and pledged his support to federal action on integration. That same night, Evers returned home just after midnight from a series of NAACP functions. As he left his car with a handful of t-shirts that read "Jim Crow Must Go," he was shot in the back. His wife and children, who had been waiting up for him, found him bleeding to death on the doorstep. "I opened the door, and there was Medgar at the steps, face down in blood," Myrlie Evers remembered in People magazine. "The children ran out and were shouting, `Daddy, get up!'" Evers died fifty minutes later at the hospital. On the day of his funeral in Jackson, even the use of beatings and other strong-arm police tactics could not quell the anger among the thousands of black mourners. The NAACP posthumously awarded its 1963 Spingarn medal to Medgar Evers. It was a fitting tribute to a man who had given so much to the organization and had given his life for its cause. Rewards were offered by the governor of Mississippi and several all-white newspapers for information about Evers's murderer, but few came forward with information. However, an FBI investigation uncovered a suspect, Byron de la Beckwith, an outspoken opponent of integration and a founding member of Mississippi's White Citizens Council. A gun found 150 feet from the site of the shooting had Beckwith's fingerprint on it. Several witnesses placed Beckwith in Evers's neighborhood that night. On the other hand, Beckwith denied shooting Evers and claimed that his gun had been stolen days before the incident. He too produced witnesses--one of them a policeman--who swore before the court that Beckwith was some 60 miles from Evers's home on the night he was killed. Beckwith was tried twice in Mississippi for Evers's murder, once in 1964 and again the following year. Both trials ended in hung juries. Sam Baily, an Evers associate, commented in Esquire that during those years "a white man got more time for killing a rabbit out of season than for killing a Negro in Mississippi." After the second trial, Myrlie Evers took her children and moved to California, where she earned a degree from Pomona College and was eventually named to the Los Angeles Commission of Public Works. However, her conviction that justice was never served in her husband's case kept Mrs. Evers involved in the search for new evidence. As recently as 1991, Byron de la Beckwith was arrested a third time on charges of murdering Medgar Evers. Beckwith was extradited to Mississippi to await trial again, still maintaining his innocence and still committed to the platform of white supremacy.
Kennedy backs coup in Guatemala
Kennedy backs coup in Guatemala to prevent return of democracy. Source Chomsky 1 p.21
C.I.A. Falsifies Gulf of Tonkin 'Incident' to justify expansion of Vietnam War
Published on Friday, December 2, 2005 by the New York Times Vietnam War Intelligence 'Deliberately Skewed,' Secret Study Says
by Scott Shane
WASHINGTON - The National Security Agency has released hundreds of pages of long-secret documents on the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incident, which played a critical role in significantly expanding the American commitment to the Vietnam War.
The material, posted on the Internet overnight Wednesday, included one of the largest collections of secret intercepted communications ever made available. The most provocative document is a 2001 article in which an agency historian argued that the agency's intelligence officers "deliberately skewed" the evidence passed on to policy makers and the public to falsely suggest that North Vietnamese ships had attacked American destroyers on Aug. 4, 1964.
Based on the assertion that such an attack had occurred, President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered airstrikes on North Vietnam and Congress passed a broad resolution authorizing military action.
The historian, Robert J. Hanyok, wrote the article in an internal publication and it was classified top secret despite the fact that it dealt with events in 1964. Word of Mr. Hanyok's findings leaked to historians outside the agency, who requested the article under the Freedom of Information Act in 2003.
Some intelligence officials said they believed the article's release was delayed because the agency was wary of comparisons between the roles of flawed intelligence in the Vietnam War and in the war in Iraq. Mr. Hanyok declined to comment on Wednesday. But Don Weber, an agency spokesman, denied that any political consideration was involved.
"There was never a decision not to release the history" written by Mr. Hanyok, Mr. Weber said. On the contrary, he said, the release was delayed because the agency wanted to make public the raw material Mr. Hanyok used for his research.
"The goal here is to allow people to wade through all that information and draw their own conclusions," he said.
Thomas S. Blanton, director of the National Security Archive at George Washington University, called the release of the document "terrific," noting that the eavesdropping material known as signals intelligence, or sigint, is the most secret information the government has.
"N.S.A. may be the most close-mouthed of all U.S. government agencies," said Mr. Blanton, whose organization has published on the Web many collections of previously secret documents. "The release of such a large amount of sigint is unprecedented."
In his 2001 article, an elaborate piece of detective work, Mr. Hanyok wrote that 90 percent of the intercepts of North Vietnamese communications relevant to the supposed Aug. 4, 1964, attack were omitted from the major agency documents going to policy makers.
"The overwhelming body of reports, if used, would have told the story that no attack had happened," he wrote. "So a conscious effort ensued to demonstrate that an attack occurred."
Edwin E. Moïse, a historian at Clemson University who wrote a book on the Gulf of Tonkin incident, said the agency did the right thing in making public Mr. Hanyok's damning case. "A lot of people at the agency haven't been happy that communications intelligence was used to support a wrong conclusion," he said.
Agency employees worked late Wednesday to meet a self-imposed end-of-November deadline, posting the intercepts, oral history interviews with retired agency officials and internal reports on the agency's Web site at www.nsa.gov/vietnam/index.cfm.
The agency, based at Fort Meade, Md., intercepts foreign communications, like phone calls, e-mail messages and faxes, and is charged with protecting the security of American government communications. With more than 30,000 employees, including codebreakers, computer experts and linguists, it is the largest American intelligence agency.
Its Center for Cryptologic History, where Mr. Hanyok works, has published studies of the role of signals intelligence in many major episodes in American history, including Pearl Harbor, the Korean War and the Cuban missile crisis. Among its most extensive projects was publishing and annotating Soviet diplomatic messages from the 1940's decoded by agency codebreakers in a program called Venona.
© 2005 New York Times
Mississippi Burning: A Trial Account
by Douglas O. Linder
It was an old-fashioned lynching, carried out with the help of county officials, that came to symbolize hardcore resistance to integration. Dead were three civil rights workers, Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney, all shot in the dark of night on a lonely road in Neshoba County, Mississippi. Many people predicted such a tragedy when the Mississippi Summer Project, an effort that would bring hundreds of college-age volunteers to "the most totalitarian state in the country" was announced in April, 1964. The FBI's all-out search for the conspirators who killed the three young men, two white and one black, depicted in the movie "Mississippi Burning," was successful, leading three years later to a trial in the courtroom of one of America's most determined segregationist judges Sam Bowers, the Imperial Wizard of the White Knights of the Klu Klux Klan of Mississippi, sent word in May, 1964 to the Klansmen of Lauderdale and Neshoba counties that it was time to "activate Plan 4." Plan 4 provided for "the elimination" of the despised civil rights activist Michael Schwerner, who the Klan called "Goatee" or "Jew-Boy." Schwerner, the first white civil rights worker based outside of the capitol of Jackson, had earned the enmity of the Klan by organizing a black boycott of a white-owned business and aggressively trying to register blacks in and around Meridian to vote. The Klan's first attempt to eliminate Schwerner came on June 16, 1964 in the rural Neshoba County community of Longdale [LINK TO MAP]. Schwerner had visited Longdale on Memorial Day to ask permission of the black congregation at Mount Zion Church to use their church as the site of a "Freedom School." The Klan knew of Schwerner's Memorial Day visit to Longdale and expected him to return for a business meeting held at the church on the evening of June 16. About 10 p.m., when the Mount Zion meeting broke up, seven black men and three black women left the building to discover thirty men lined up in military fashion with rifles and shotguns. More men were gathered at the rear of the church. Frustrated when their search for "Jew-Boy" was unsuccessful, some of the Klan members began beating the departing blacks. Ten gallons of gasoline were removed from one of the Klan members cars and spread around the inside of the church. Mount Zion Church was soon engulfed in flames. News of the beatings and fire reached Michael Schwerner in Oxford, Ohio. Schwerner and his twenty-one-year-old chief aide , a native black Meridian named James Chaney, were in Ohio to attend a three-day program sponsored by the National Council of Churches to train recruits for the Mississippi Summer Project. Among those being trained for a summer of work aimed at improving the lives of black Mississippians was a Queens College student named Andrew Goodman, who Schwerner convinced to come to Meridian. Anxious to get back to Mississippi to learn what they could about the disturbing events in Longdale, Schwerner, Chaney, and the newly-recruited Goodman loaded into a blue CORE-owned Ford station wagon in the early morning hours of June 20 for long trip back to Meridian. The next day, after a short night's sleep and a breakfast in Meridian, the three civil rights workers were again in the CORE wagon heading northwest towards Longdale. Longdale was in Neshoba County, known as a high risk area for civil rights workers. Lawrence Rainey, Neshoba County Sheriff, and his deputy, Cecil Price, were both members of the Klan. Although their Klan membership was not generally known, both had reputations as being tough on blacks. Rainey had been elected sheriff the previous November after campaigning as "the man who can cope with situations that might arise." In Neshoba County, it was well understood that the "situations" Rainey referred to meant meddlesome interference by outsiders with Mississippi's state-enforced policy of segregation. Schwerner told Meridian CORE worker Sue Brown that they should be back in the CORE office in Meridian by 4:00. If they weren't back by 4:30, she should start making phone calls. Schwerner, Chaney, and Goodman began their Midsummer's Day visit to Neshoba County with an inspection of the burned out remains of Mount Zion Church. They then visited the homes of four black members of the congregation to learn more about the incident. At one of the homes, the three civil rights workers were warned that a group of white men were looking for them. About 3 p.m., the trio was ready to head back to the relative safety of their Meridian office. There were two possible routes to Meridian. The most direct route was the road they had come up, Highway 491, a narrow clay road intersected by numerous dirt roads. An ambush would be easy on 491. The other, less direct route, was a black topped Highway 16, which would take them west through Philadelphia, the county seat. Chaney turned onto Highway 16. Deputy Sheriff Price was at that time heading east on Highway 16. A few miles outside of Philadephia, Price spotted the well-known CORE wagon heading in his direction. Schwerner and Goodman most likely were crouched low in their seats, allowing Price to see only the black driver, James Chaney. Price shouted over his radio, "I've got a good one! George Raymond!" (Raymond was a black civil rights leader hated by Klan throughout Mississippi.) Price did a quick U-turn and headed back after his quarry. Chaney pulled the CORE wagon over to the side of the road just inside the Philadelphia city limits. Price arrested Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney, allegedly for suspicion of having been involved in the church arson, and deposited the three in the Neshoba County jail. Soon thereafter he met with the Neshoba County Klan kleagle, or recruiter, Edgar Ray Killen to tell him of his exciting catch and to plan the deadly conspiracy that would unfold later that night. Some of what happened over the next seven hours in the Neshoba County jail is known. We know that Schwerner asked to make a phone call, but his request was denied. If he wasn't concerned about his physical well-being before that time, he would have been then. We also know that a call was made to the jail at 5:20 in the afternoon asking whether anyone there had information concerning the whereabouts of the three overdue civil rights workers. We know also that the jailer who answered the call, Minnie Herring, lied. We know that shortly after 10:00 P.M. Cecil Price showed up at the jail, telling the jailer, "Chaney wants to pay off-- we'll let him pay off and release them all." Price led them to their parked car, then tailed them as they headed east out of town on Highway 19. The three civil rights workers by then no doubt suspected that they were being led into a trap, and in fact they were. Since receiving word from Price that Schwerner had been captured, Edgar Ray Killen, the Klan kleagle and an ordained Baptist minister, had been busy recruiting members of the Neshoba and Lauderdale County klaverns for some "butt ripping," as he put it. An afternoon meeting at the Longhorn Drive-In in Meridian with local Klan bigwigs was followed by a later meeting at Akin's Mobile Homes with eager, younger members who would participate in the actual killings. Killen told the dozen or more recruits to buy rubber gloves and to be in Philadelphia by 8:15 P. M. After offering the Klan men a drive-by tour of the Neshoba County jail and going over the details of the planned release, Killen headed off to see a departed uncle at the local funeral home and to thereby establish his alibi. After following the CORE station wagon out of town, Price returned to Philadelphia to drop off an accompanying Philadelphia police officer, then raced back onto Highway 19 in pursuit of the three civil rights workers. Meanwhile, two other cars filled with young Klan members were also speeding down with the same object in mind. Price's souped-up Chevy saw the CORE wagon come into view less than ten miles from the county line. Chaney decided to run for it, and a high speed chase ensued. Chaney swerved quickly onto Highway 492, but Price made the turn as well. Seconds later, for reasons unknown, Chaney braked his car and the three surrendered. According to James Jordan, a Klan member who would later become a key FBI informant, Price said, "I thought you were going back to Meridian if we let you out of jail?" When Chaney said that's where they were headed, Price said, "You sure were taking the long way around. Get out of the car." The three were placed in Deputy Price's car. Soon three cars, Price's and two full of Klan members, were traveling in a procession down an unmarked dirt turnoff called Rock Cut Road. It is not known whether the three were beaten before they were killed. Klan informants deny that they were, but there is some physical evidence to the contrary. What is known is that a twenty-six-year-old dishonorably discharged ex-Marine, Wayne Roberts, was the trigger man, shooting first Schwerner, then Goodman, then Chaney, all at point blank range. (FBI informant James Jordan, according to a second informant present at the killings, Doyle Barnette, also fired two shots at Chaney.) The bodies of the three civil rights workers were taken to a dam site at the 253-acre Old Jolly Farm. The farm was owned by Philadelphia businessman Olen Burrage who reportedly had announced at a Klan meeting when the impending arrival in Mississippi of an army of civil rights workers was discussed, "Hell, I've got a dam that'll hold a hundred of them." The bodies were placed together in a a hollow at the dam site and then covered with tons of dirt by a Caterpillar D-4. While the bodies were being buried, Price had returned to his duties in Philadelphia. Around 12:30 A. M., Price met with Sheriff Rainey. Given their Klan membership and the close relationship between the two, it is almost unimaginable that at that time Price did not relate, in full detail, the events following the release from jail of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney. At the CORE office in Meridian, meanwhile, staffers were growing increasingly concerned about the long overdue civil rights workers. Calls inquiring about their whereabouts turned up no helpful information. At 12:30 A.M., a call was placed to John Doar, the Justice Department's point man in Mississippi. Less than a week earlier Doar had been in Oxford, Ohio warning Summer Project volunteers that there was "no federal police force" that could protect them from expected trouble in Mississippi. Doar feared the worst. By 6:00 A.M., Doar had invested the FBI with the power to investigate a possible violation of federal law. The morning after the civil rights worker's disappearance, the phone rang in the office of Meridian-based FBI agent John Proctor. (In the movie "Mississippi Burning," the character played by Gene Hackman is loosely based on Proctor.) Within hours, Proctor was in Neshoba County interviewing blacks, community leaders, Sheriff Rainey, and Deputy Price. Proctor was a Alabama native who had successfully cultivated relationships with all sorts of people, including local law enforcement officers, who might aid in his investigations. After his interview with Cecil Price, the Deputy slapped Proctor on the back and said, "Hell, John, let's have a drink." Price went to his car and pulled contraband liquor out of his trunk. By the next day, June 23, Proctor had been joined by ten newly arrived special agents and Harry Maynor, his New Orleans-based supervisor. The first big break in the FBI investigation, called MIBURN (for "Mississippi Burning"), came when Proctor received a tip that a smoldering car had been seen in northeast Neshoba County. While Proctor was at the scene, searching the area around what turned out to be the burned blue CORE station wagon, he looked up to see Joseph Sullivan, the FBI's Major Case Inspector. It was by then abundantly clear that the Johnson Administration was placing top priority on the case. By June 25, the federal military had joined the search, with busloads of sailors arriving in Neshoba County to beat their way through snake-infested swamps and woods. Days later, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover would fly to Jackson to announce the opening of the FBI's first office in Mississippi. It soon became apparent to Inspector Sullivan the case "would ultimately be solved by conducting an investigation rather than a search." It turned out to be an extraordinarily difficult investigation. Neshoba County residents, many of whom either participated in the conspiracy or knew of it, were tight-lipped. Proctor found that some of his most useful information came from kids, so he would stuff candy in his pockets before setting out for a day's schedule of interviews. A promise of $30,000 in reward money finally brought forward information, passed through an intermediary, concerning the location of the bodies. On August 4, 1964, John Proctor was at the Old Jolly Farm to take photographs of the bodies as they were uncovered at the dam site. Inspector Sullivan invited Price to the dam site to help in the removal of the bodies. Sullivan was interested in observing the reaction of the Deputy, who was by then under heavy suspicion. Proctor noted that "Price picked up a shovel and dug right in, and gave no indication whatsoever that any of it bothered him." Finally it would be informants from within the Klan that would break the case open. The first information, from a Klan member at the periphery of the conspiracy, enabled the FBI to focus on the more central figures. One Klan member who received a great deal of attention from John Proctor was James Jordan, a Meridian speakeasy owner. Over the course of five increasingly rough interviews, Jordan came to see turning state's evidence as his best bet to avoid a long prison term. He was also promised $3500 and help in relocating himself and his family in return for his full story. Jordan would become the government's key witness to the crime. By December, 1964, the Justice Department had enough information to authorize arrests. On the drizzly morning of December 4, a team of federal agents swept through Neshoba and Lauderdale Counties arresting nineteen men for conspiring to deprive Schwerner, Chaney, and Goodman of their civil rights under color of state law. Six days later, a U. S. Commissioner dismissed the charges, declaring that the confession on which the arrests were based was hearsay evidence. A month later, government attorneys secured indictments against the conspirators from a federal grand jury in Jackson. The Justice Department was again disappointed, however, when on February 24, 1965, Federal Judge William Harold Cox, an ardent segregationist, threw out the indictments against all conspirators other than Rainey and Price on the ground that the other seventeen were not acting "under color of state law." In March, 1966, the United States Supreme Court overruled Cox and reinstated the indictments [LINK TO SUPREME COURT DECISION]. As the Justice Department prepared for trial, defense attorneys made the cynical argument that the original indictments were flawed because the pool of jurors from which the grand jury was drawn contained insufficient numbers of minorities. Rather than attempt to refute the charge, the government summoned a new grand jury and, on February 28, 1967, won reindictments. The list of those indicted differed slightly from the original list, and included the names of eighteen Klansmen. Trial in the case of United States versus Cecil Price et al. began on October 7, 1967 in the Meridian courtroom of Judge William Cox. Chief Prosecutor John Doar and other government attorneys had reason to be concerned about Cox. Cox, appointed as an effort to appease powerful Judiciary Committee Chairman (and former roommate of Cox at Ole Miss) Senator James Eastland, had been a constant source of problems for Justice Department lawyers (especially John Doar) who were seeking to enforce civil rights laws in Mississippi. In one incident, Judge Cox referred to a group of African Americans set to testify in a voting rights case as "a bunch of chimpanzees." A jury of seven white men and five white women, ranging in ages from 34 to 67, was selected [link to list of jurors]. Defense attorneys exercised peremptory challenges against all twelve potential black jurors. A white man, who admitted under questioning by Robert Hauberg, the U.S. Attorney for Mississippi, that he had been a member of the KKK "a couple of years ago," was challenged for cause. Judge Cox denied the challenge. The defense made a major mistake as John Doar presented background witnesses for the prosecution. When Doar finished his direct examination of Reverend Charles Johnson, who worked with Schwerner, Defense Attorney Laurel Weir launched into a series of outrageous questions culminating with a question asking whether Johnson had sought to "get young Negro males to sign a pledge to rape a white woman once a week during the hot summer of 1964?" Judge Cox broke in to say that such a question was "highly improper" unless the defense could show a reason for posing it. When Weir said the question had been passed to him in writing, Cox demanded to know who wrote it. Finally one of the defense attorneys admitted that "Brother Killen,'' defendant Edgar Ray Killen, had written the question. The incident made clear to the defendants that Judge Cox, who may have mellowed somewhat after a recent unsuccessful impeachment effort against him in Congress, was taking the trial seriously. The heart of the government's case was presented through the testimony of three Klan informants, Wallace Miller, Delmar Dennis, and James Jordan. Miller described the organization of the Lauderdale klavern and described his conversations with Exalted Cyclops Frank Herndon and Kleagle Edgar Ray Killen about the June 21 operation in Neshoba County. Dennis incriminated Sam Bowers, the founder and Imperial Wizard of the White Knights of the KKK of Mississippi. Dennis quoted Bowers as having said after the killing of Schwerner and the two others, "It was the first time that Christians had planned and carried out the execution of a Jew." It was also through Dennis that the government introduced the contents a letter written by Bowers but pretending to be from an official of a logging company referring to the murders as "the big logging operation" and to the suspects of the FBI investigation as "those deep in the swamp [LINK TO KKK LOGGING LETTER]." At another point in his testimony, Dennis described a Klan meeting in the pasture of Klan member Clayton Lewis. He then pointed to Lewis, the mayor of Philadelphia, sitting at the defense table as a member of the twelve-man defense team. James Jordan was the government's only witness to the actual killings. Fearing a Klan assassination, the government had arranged to have Jordan hustled into court by five agents with guns drawn. After first requiring hospitalization for hyperventilating, and then collapsing and having to be carried from the courtroom on a stretcher, an obviously nervous Jordan finally made it to the witness stand. Jordan described the events of June 21 and the early morning of June 22, from the gathering of Klan members in Meridian to the burial of the bodies at the Old Jolly Farm. His vivid testimony caused one black female spectator to break down and have to be led from the courtroom, sobbing. The defense case consisted of a series of alibi and character witnesses. Local residents testified as to the "reputation for truth and veracity" of various defendants, or to having seen them on June 21 at locations such as funeral homes or hospitals. John Doar presented the closing argument for the government on October 18. Doar told the jury that "this was a calculated, cold-blooded plot. Three men, hardly more than boys were its victims." Pointing at Price, Doar said that "Price used the machinery of law, his office, his power, his authority, his badge, his uniform, his jail, his police car, his police gun, he used them all to take, to hold, to capture and kill." Doar concluded by telling jurors that what he and the other lawyers said "will soon be forgotten, but what you twelve do here today will long be remembered." One day after having begun its deliberations, the jury reported to Judge Cox that it was deeply divided and unable to reach a verdict. Over defense objections, the judge responding by giving the jury what is called the "Allen charge," or the "dynamite charge," for its purpose of breaking open a deadlocked jury. Shortly after Cox gave his charge, defendant Wayne Roberts joked to Cecil Price, "We've got some dynamite for them ourselves." The remark was overheard by a court officer and reported to the judge. On the morning of October 20, 1967, the jury returned with its verdict. The verdict on its face appears to be the result of a compromise. Seven defendants, mostly from Lauderdale County, were convicted. The list of convicted men included Deputy Sheriff Cecil Price, Imperial Wizard Sam Bowers, trigger man Wayne Roberts, Jimmy Snowden, Billey Wayne Posey, and Horace Barnett. Eight men, mostly from Neshoba County, were acquitted, including Sheriff Lawrence Rainey, burial site owner Olen Burrage, and Exalted Cyclops Frank Herndon. In three cases, including that of Edgar Ray Killen, the jury was unable to reach a verdict [LINK TO ARTICLES ABOUT JURY DELIBERATIONS]. The convictions in the case represented the first ever convictions in Mississippi for the killing of a civil rights worker. The New York Times called the verdict "a measure of the quiet revolution that is taking place in southern attitudes." On December 29, Judge Cox imposed sentences. Roberts and Bowers got ten years, Posey and Price got six years, and the other three convicted defendants got four. Cox said of his sentences, "They killed one nigger, one Jew, and a white man-- I gave them all what I thought they deserved." After serving four years of his six-year sentence, Cecil Price rejoined his family in Philadelphia. In a 1977 New York Times Magazine interview, Price revealed that he recently watched and enjoyed the television show "Roots." His views on integration had changed, he said. "We've got to accept this is the way things are going to be and that's it."
US supported coup in Brazil
US supported coup in Brazil Source Chomsky 1 p.21, 31-3
US invasion of Dominican Republic
US supported coup in Indonesia
US supported coup in Indonesia Source Chomsky 1 p.21, p. 58 over 700,000 killed. James Reston exults 'a gleam of light in Asia' assures NY Times readers the US had a hand in it. Suharto labelled a 'moderate leader' by Christian Science Monitor.
Lester Maddox, Segregationist elected Georgia Governor by State Assembly
from June 26, 2003 New York Times Obituary:
Lester Maddox, Segregationist and Georgia Governor, Dies at 87
Lester Maddox, the Atlanta restaurant owner and archsegregationist who adopted the pick handle as his symbol of defiance in a successful bid for the Georgia governorship in 1966, died on Wednesday in Atlanta. He was 87.
Mr. Maddox first came to national attention in 1964, after he violated the newly signed federal Civil Rights Act by refusing to serve three black Georgia Tech students at his Pickrick Restaurant. The Pickrick was noted for the quality of its fried chicken and for its reasonable prices, but Mr. Maddox was determined that no black should experience the ambience that he had reserved exclusively for whites.
When the three black men tried to buy some of his chicken in July 1964, Mr. Maddox waved a pistol at them and said: "You no good dirty devils! You dirty Communists!"
Some of his customers were sympathetic to his cause and interrupted their meal to take pick handles that Mr. Maddox had put by the door (and sold for $2 apiece) to make it clear that the blacks would not be served. The pick handles, which Mr. Maddox also sold in his souvenir shop, were called "Pickrick drumsticks" and came to symbolize his resistance to the civil rights movement. On occasion, Mr. Maddox would autograph the handles.
The next month he picketed the Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City, where, he believed, most of the promoters of civil rights legislation could be found. He vowed he would never serve blacks in his restaurant, and so he sold it. The two former employees who bought it reopened it on a desegregated basis, but not before Mr. Maddox erected a monument in front of the building to mourn the "death of private property rights in America."
Slight of stature, Mr. Maddox was direct and outspoken in the defense of his convictions, which he wrapped in a states' rights banner. These included the view that blacks were intellectually inferior to whites, that integration was a Communist plot, that segregation was somewhere justified in Scripture and that a federal mandate to integrate schools was "ungodly, un-Christian and un-American."
His opinions were no less fixed on other issues. He was opposed to drinking, smoking, liberal clergymen, atheism, socialism, the press, civil rights workers, "do-gooder foundations" and the wearing of miniskirts in the state Capitol. He advocated short haircuts for men, the Baptist Church (at least, its more conservative members), the Georgia Chamber of Commerce and the singing of "God Bless America," a tune for which apparently he had an insatiable appetite. He liked it so much that at one public event, he ordered that it be sung no fewer than three times, and people in the crowd could see tears in his eyes.
In 1965, he announced that he would run in the 1966 Democratic primary for governor of Georgia. He said he was confident that Georgians would support "an old country boy." His confidence was immediately rewarded with the support of the Ku Klux Klan.
When nobody got a majority of the primary vote, there was a runoff, and in an upset Mr. Maddox defeated former Gov. Ellis Arnall, a political moderate. Mr. Maddox, who had never before held elected office, explained that God had been his campaign manager. The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said the results of the vote made him "ashamed to be a Georgian."
Mr. Maddox's Republican opponent in the general election was Bo Callaway, who shared many of his views on the need to separate the races. A write-in vote for Mr. Arnall resulted in neither Mr. Maddox nor Mr. Callaway gaining a majority. The General Assembly of Georgia, its legislature, then chose the governor, giving Mr. Maddox the job by a vote of 182 to 66.
Mr. Maddox explained his segregationist views to The New York Times in November that year, saying his position stemmed from "a love for my people, because I believe it to be Christian and . . . American." He surprised many by hiring and promoting blacks in state government and by initiating an early release program for the state prison system.
In 1970, after serving four years as governor, Mr. Maddox was elected lieutenant governor because state law precluded him from succeeding himself. The governor he served under was Jimmy Carter, one of his political enemies. After Mr. Maddox left the statehouse, he remained active in politics. He ran unsuccessfully for governor in 1974 and for president in 1976, the candidate of the American Independent Party.
In subsequent years, he indicated more than once that he would again like to be governor, but the state had changed in ways that he had not, and his political fortunes fell. Despite cancer and a bad heart, he continued to aspire to high office, but when he ran for governor in 1990, he finished last in the Democratic primary. Ever the optimist, when he was asked how he was doing, he replied, "Ain't no one doing better unless they're younger."
His wife, Virginia, died in 1997, after 61 years of marriage. Mr. Maddox is survived by 2 daughters, Linda and Virginia Louise; 2 sons, Lester Jr. and Larry; 10 grandchildren; and 12 great-grandchildren.
In an interview with The Associated Press in December 2001, Mr. Maddox said: "People know me, they know I'm Lester Maddox. That I beat the Republicans and the Democrats. I beat the statehouse, city hall, the courthouse, the White House, the railroads, the banks — and I was free. No governor has ever gone over there with that freedom in your lifetime or mine."
But on race and states' rights, he remained adamant.
"I want my race preserved," he said, "and I hope most everybody else wants theirs preserved. I think forced segregation is illegal and wrong. I think forced racial integration is illegal and wrong. I believe both of them to be unconstitutional."
Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company
Last Updated: Monday, 20 October, 2003, BBC 05:33 GMT 06:33 UK The US Defence Department says it will not reopen investigations into alleged Vietnam War atrocities, despite new claims. According to an investigation by the Ohio-based Toledo Blade newspaper, the elite Tiger Force unit of the Army's 101st Airborne Division killed hundreds of unarmed villagers over seven months in 1967. Soldiers told the newspaper they had severed ears from the dead, stringing them on shoelaces to wear around their necks, and had dropped grenades into bunkers where children and women were taking refuge. But a Pentagon statement said the case was more than 30 years old and there was no new or compelling evidence to justify reopening it. An earlier investigation had been closed in 1975, even though it had established that members of the unit had committed war crimes. 'Hundreds killed' The Blade for eight months reviewed thousands of classified army documents, national archive records and radio logs and interviewed former members of the unit and relatives of those who died. Based on interviews with former Tiger Force soldiers it estimated the unit killed hundreds of unarmed people. In one incident, two partially blind men found wandering in a valley were shot dead, records show. Platoon members had opened fire on 10 elderly farmers, killing four, on approaching a rice paddy. The way to live is to kill because you don't have to worry about anybody who's dead William Doyle "We didn't expect to live. Nobody out there with any brains expected to live. The way to live is to kill because you don't have to worry about anybody who's dead," William Doyle, a former Tiger Force sergeant now living in Missouri, told the newspaper. Tiger Force, a unit of 45 volunteers, was created to spy on North Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam's central highlands. When the army investigation of the unit's alleged atrocities took place only three members were on active duty, said US army spokesman Joe Burlas. The only way to prosecute the soldiers was under court-martial procedures, which apply only to active military members, he said. Commanders, acting on the advice of military attorneys, determined there was not enough evidence for successful prosecution. Legal experts say former platoon members could still be prosecuted or sanctioned by the army but that this is unlikely because of the time that has elapsed.
|March 16, 1968
My Lai Massacre
A list of the 504 Vietnamese civilians killed by US soldiers at My Lai is available on Joe McDonald's site. A brief tally shows that 50 of the people were three years old or younger, 69 were between the ages of four and seven, 91 were between eight and twelve, and 27 were in their seventies or eighties. The list was provided by the Embassy of Vietnam in Washington, D.C., in response to a request by Trent Angers, author of The Forgotten Hero of My Lai: The Hugh Thompson Story. http://www.countryjoe.com/massacre.htm
BBC - Monday, 20 July, 1998, 17:00 GMT 18:00 UK Murder in the name of war - My Lai My Lai animated Map (gif) The My Lai massacre, which took place on the morning of March 16, 1968, was a watershed in the history of modern American combat, and a turning point in the public perception of the Vietnam War. Paul Meadlo Paul Meadlo, father of two, and one of the soldiers involved in the massacre In the course of three hours more than 500 Vietnamese civilians were killed in cold blood at the hands of US troops. The soldiers had been on a "search and destroy" mission to root out communist fighters in what was fertile Viet Cong territory. Yet there had been no firefight with the enemy - not a single shot was fired at the soldiers of Charlie Company, a unit of the Americal Division's 11th Infantry Brigade. The 48th Viet Cong Battalion - the intended target of the mission - was nowhere to be seen. When the story of My Lai was exposed, more than a year later, it tarnished the name of the US army. Most Americans did not want to believe that their revered GI Joe could be a wanton murderer. My Lai was the sort of atrocity American patriots preferred to associate with the Nazis. Gun pointing at woman Many of those killed at My Lai were women Charlie Company Charlie Company had arrived in Vietnam three months before the My Lai massacre. By then the US - fighting alongside the South Vietnamese army - was deeply entrenched in war against North Vietnam's communist forces. The United States's had deployed nearly 500,000 soldiers in Vietnam, a commitment which cost it $2 bn every month. In January 1968 the Viet Cong guerrillas and the regular North Vietnamese Army launched a joint attack on US positions, known as the Tet Offensive. Washington maintained it could win the war, but on the ground morale among its troops was low. Charlie Company was down to 105 men by mid-March of that year. It had suffered 28 casualties, including five dead. Some of its soldiers had already begun to drift towards brutal tactics for which they appeared to enjoy impunity. The brief for its March 16 mission was to prise out the Viet Cong, whose elusive troops were thought to be hiding in My Lai - a hamlet of the Son My village. Two platoons moved in shortly after 8pm in the morning, while a third held back for "mopping up" duties. Both platoons soon splintered and once the shooting started it seemed to spark a chain reaction. Soldiers went berserk, gunning down unarmed men, women, children and babies. Families which huddled together for safety in huts or bunkers were shown no mercy. Those who emerged with hands held high were murdered. Some of the 120 or so soldiers opted out of the killing spree, but troop commander Lt William Calley was not one of them. In one incident, Lt Calley ordered two of his men to fire on a group of 60 civilians they had rounded up. When one refused, Calley took over and, standing 10 feet from the crowd, blazed his gun at them. Elsewhere in the village, other atrocities were in progress. Women were gang raped; Vietnamese who had bowed to greet the Americans were beaten with fists and tortured, clubbed with rifle butts and stabbed with bayonets. Some victims were mutilated with the signature "C Company" carved into the chest. By late morning word had got back to higher authorities and a cease-fire was ordered. My Lai was in a state of carnage. Bodies were strewn through the village. The death toll totalled 504. Only one American was injured - a GI who had shot himself in the foot while clearing his pistol.
US Supreme Court overturns Virginia Racial Integrity Act
|April 4, 1968
Martin Luther King Assassinated
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., minister, civil rights leader, intellectual, social reformer, author, recipient of countless accolades and awards, winner of the 1964 Nobel Peace Prize, parent, and charismatic leader seeking peace in the volatile social transformation taking place in America during the 1950's and 1960's - was suddenly taken from this earth at the hands of an assassin's bullet on April 4, 1968. This solitary man, within a span of thirteen years, did something that changed the way America viewed and treated a portion of its citizens, who were historically faced with racist, restrictive laws as part of their daily living. Americans of African descent were forced into an unconditional status as second class human beings. Dr. King was the catalyst for the removal of this loathsome status. His vision and leadership was holistic and ground upon the principles of nonviolence. The power of his message and the appeal of his movement brought thousands of people of goodwill, both Black and White, to his camp. His life was in constant danger, as well as the lives of his family and those who worked in his movement. Martin Luther King grew up in Atlanta, Georgia; therefore he saw the afflictions caused by a society separated by race. He desperately wanted to see a change. His educational preparation was coincidental to the awesome task before him, but it served him well in his role as a spokesperson and articulator of the injustices forced upon African-Americans. In his leadership capacity, King, the Boston University PhD in Systematic Theology, was searching to answers to this dilemma. He could see the complacency, but he could also see the violent outcome of this situation. He consumed and consulted the views of the world's philosophers, theologians, social, and moralistic thinkers as he contemplated the outcome of this racial cauldron. That comfort came when he read and studied the teachings and works of Mohandas Gandhi of India. Dr. King saw Gandhi's passive resistance movement and the ways it lifted India from under the British system of domination - and he related those views to his in America. It is therefore befitting that this focus on Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., as a nonviolent crusader for social justice and freedom, coincide with the 50th Anniversary of his spiritual mentor, Mohandas Gandhi. This celebration of nonviolence from May 25th - June 30th welcomes you, the viewer and reader of this exhibit, to seek your peace with goodwill and nonviolence in both your community and environment.
|May 4, 1970
Kent State Massacre
Chronology from Wikipedia
Promising to end the Vietnam War, Nixon had been elected President in 1968. The My Lai massacre was exposed in November 1969, and the first draft lottery in the United States since World War II was instituted that December. Since the war had seemed to be winding down throughout 1969, when the war was expanded into Cambodia, many people were outraged. Many young people, including college students, were frightened of being drafted, and the expansion of the war into another country was literally life-threatening to eligible draftees. Across the country, campuses erupted in protests in what Time magazine called "a nation-wide student strike."  Friday, May 1st At Kent State, a massive demonstration was held on May 1st in the Commons, and another was planned for May 4th. There was widespread anger, and many protesters issued a call to "bring the war home." That night, there were many separate incidents between students and police, with bonfires lit in the middle of downtown streets and police cars hit with bottles. Rowdy groups of students began milling around the downtown streets. Several local biker groups were also present. As the bars began closing their doors early to avoid trouble, the students became more agitated. Finally, violence erupted. Store windows were smashed, property was vandalized, and shops were looted.  Saturday, May 2nd Tensions were high throughout the town, especially on campus. There were unfounded rumors that revolutionaries were planning to destroy the campus and the city to tip off a violent political revolution in the United States. Kent's Mayor Leroy Satrom declared a state of emergency on May 2nd and, later that afternoon, asked Ohio Governor James A. Rhodes to send the National Guard to Kent to help maintain order. When the National Guard arrived in town that evening, a large demonstration was underway and the campus ROTC building was burning. Many believe the fire may have been set in protest, but the arsonists were never caught. There is speculation about the actual start of the fire, because the ROTC building was already boarded up and scheduled for demolition. Over a thousand protesters surrounded the building and cheered the building's burning. While attempting to extinguish the fire, several Kent firemen and police officers were pelted with rocks and other projectiles by those standing near the fire. More than one fire engine company had to be called in because protesters were slashing firehoses with pocket knives. Again, a call for assistance went out. The National Guard entered the campus for the first time and set up camp directly on campus. Many arrests were made, and tear gas was used.  Sunday, May 3rd On Sunday, the campus was occupied by nearly 1,000 National Guardsmen to control the students, giving the campus the appearance of a war zone. A press conference held by Governor Rhodes only added to the tensions, as he called the protesters un-American and made other provocative statements. "They're worse than the brownshirts and the communist element and also the nightriders and the vigilantes," Rhodes said. "They're the worst type of people that we harbor in America. I think that we're up against the strongest, well-trained, militant, revolutionary group that has ever assembled in America." He also claimed he would declare a state of emergency, banning further demonstrations, and gave the impression that a situation akin to martial law had been declared. (Actually, Rhodes never did declare the State of Emergency which would have made the May 3rd and 4th protests illegal; this was not known by either the students or the National Guard at the time ). During the day some concerned students came into downtown Kent to offer their time and services with cleanup efforts after the rioting. While many shop owners appreciated this gesture, others were angry and demanded an end to the violence that caused the damage. Mayor Satrom, under pressure from frightened citizens, ordered a curfew until further notice. On Sunday night, another rally was held on the campus Commons, and students defied orders to disperse. Students held a sit-in at the intersection of Lincoln and Main Streets until the Guard forcibly dispersed the crowd. The Guard chased the students around campus, and in the ensuing scuffles stabbed several students with bayonets. Monday, May 4th
On Monday, a protest was scheduled to be held at noon, as had been planned three days earlier. University officials attempted to ban the gathering, handing out 12,000 leaflets stating that the event was cancelled. Despite this, an estimated 2,000 people gathered on the university's Commons. The rally was (at least initially) peaceful. The campus's iron victory bell was rung to signal the beginning of the rally, and one speaker started to speak. However, the Guard decided to ban the rally, fearing that it might get out of hand and deteriorate into another violent protest. The legality of the dispersal was later debated at a subsequent wrongful death and injury trial. On appeal, the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that authorities did indeed have the right to disperse the crowd. Just before noon, the Guard ordered the crowd to disperse and fired tear gas. Because of wind, the tear gas had little effect on dispersing the crowd, some of whom were now responding to the tear gas with rock-throwing and chants of "Pigs off campus!". Some students began to pick up the tear gas canisters and throw them at the National Guardsmen. A group of 77 National Guard troops advanced on the hundreds of protesters with bayonets fixed and weapons loaded, in an attempt to disperse the crowd. The National Guardsmen were wearing gas masks and had little training in riot control. They soon found themselves trapped on an athletic practice field which was fenced on three sides, where they remained for ten minutes. The Guardsmen then began to withdraw back in the direction from which they had come, followed by some of the protesters. When they reached the top of a hill, 29 of the 77 guardsmen fired a fusillade of 67 shots at the unarmed students. Although the firing was later determined to have lasted only 13 seconds, a New York Times reporter stated that "it appeared to go on, as a solid volley, for perhaps a full minute or a little longer." The question of why the shots were fired is widely debated. The Adjutant General of the Ohio National Guard told reporters that a sniper had fired on the guards, but this was later shown to be false. Many guardsmen later testified that they were in fear for their lives, although the distance of the students at that point makes the claim seem unlikely. Time magazine later concluded that "triggers were not pulled accidentally at Kent State"—a conclusion also reached by several studies about the tragedy. The President's Commission on Campus Unrest avoided the question of why the shootings happened, but harshly criticized both the protestors and the Guardsmen, concluding that "the indiscriminate firing of rifles into a crowd of students and the deaths that followed were unnecessary, unwarranted, and inexcusable."
The shootings killed four students and wounded nine. Two of the four students killed, Allison Krause and Jeffrey Miller, had participated in the protest, and the other two, Sandra Scheuer and William Schroeder, were simply walking from one class to the next. Schroeder was also a member of the campus ROTC chapter. Of those wounded, none was closer than 71 feet (22 m) to the guardsmen. Of those killed, the nearest (Miller) was 265 feet (81 m) away (nearly the length of an American football field). Killed (and approximate distance from the National Guard): * Allison Krause (343 feet/105 meters) * Jeffrey Glen Miller (265 feet/81 meters) * Sandra Lee Scheuer (390 feet/119 meters) * William Knox Schroeder (382 feet/116 meters) Wounded: (and approximate distance from the National Guard) * Thomas Mark Grace (unverified; between 60 and 200 feet/18 and 61 meters) * Joseph Lewis (71 feet/22 meters) * John Cleary (110 feet/34 meters) * Alan Canfora (225 feet/69 meters) * Dean Kahler (300 feet/91 meters) * Douglas Wrentmore (329 feet/100 meters) * James Dennis Russell (375 feet/114 meters) * Robert Stamps (495 feet/151 meters) * Donald MacKenzie (750 feet/229 meters) Immediately after the shootings, many angry students were ready to launch an all-out attack on the National Guard. Many faculty members, led by geology professor and faculty marshal Glenn Frank, pleaded with the students to leave the Commons and to not give in to violent escalation. After 20 minutes of difficult speaking, the students left the Commons. Ambulances came and tended to the wounded, and the Guard left the area.
|May 15, 1970|
Jackson State Massacre
What occurred at Jackson State University was a protest against racism. Unlike Kent State, students had not rallied to protest the war in Vietnam. On May 13, 1970, students amassed on Lynch Street but did not get out of hand. Governor John Bell Williams ordered the Highway Patrol to establish order on the Jackson State campus, and students did not resist. The next day, the President of the school twice met with students to listen to their concerns, but tension continued to mount. Around 9:30 PM on May 14, JSU students heard a rumor that Fayette, Mississippi mayor Charles Evers, brother of murdered civil rights activist Medgar Evers, had been killed along with his wife. Students again gathered on Lynch Street and began rioting. The ROTC building was set on fire, a street light was broken, and a small bonfire was built, but the riot was still a small one. Several white motorists called police to complain that students had thrown rocks at their passing cars, but eyewitnesses later proved that it was non-students, known as "cornerboys," who did the rock throwing. Firemen arrived to distinguish the fires, but requested police protection after students harassed them as they worked. Police arrived, blocked off Lynch Street, and cordoned off a thirty block area surrounding the University. Later police told the media that they had received reports of gunfire for an hour and a half before arriving on campus. On the west end of Lynch Street, National Guardsmen assembled, still on call for rioting of the night before. The guardsmen had weapons but no ammunition. There were seventy-five city police men and Mississippi State officers on the Lynch Street side of Stewart Hall, a men's dormitory, to hold back the crowd as firemen extinguished a blaze. They were armed with carbines, submachine guns, shotguns, service revolvers and some personal weapons. When the firemen had departed, the police marched together, weapons in hand, down Lynch Street towards Alexander Center, a women's dormitory, for reasons still unclear today. A crowd of 75 to 100 students massed together in front of the officers at a distance of about 100 feet. There were reports that students shouted obscenities at officers and threw bricks. Someone either threw or dropped a bottle, and it broke on the pavement with a loud noise. Some say police then advanced, while others insist the officers simply opened fire, or even others believe a campus security officer had the students under control. At any rate, police began shooting, and later said they had been fired upon by someone inside the Alexander West dormitory or that a powder flare had been spotted in the third floor stairwell window. Two television news reporters agreed that a student had fired first, but were unsure as to where, while a radio reported believed a hand holding a pistol had extended from a window in the women's dormitory. At 12:05 AM on May 15, then, police opened fire on Jackson State students and fired for approximately thirty seconds. Students ran for cover, mostly inside one of the doors to Alexander West dormitory. Later police insisted that they had only fired on the dorm, but today bullet holes can still be found in a building façade 180 degrees across the street. Struggling to get inside, students bottlenecked at the west end door of Alexander West. Some were trampled, while others fell from buckshot pellets and bullets. They were either left on the grass or dragged inside. Fifty feet from the west end entrance to the dormitory, Phillip Lafayette Gibbs, age 21, lay dead from four gunshot wounds: two in his head, one under his left eye, and one in his left armpit. Gibbs left behind a wife, one child, and another on the way.Behind the police line across the street, James Earl Green, age 17, was lying dead in front of B. F. Roberts Dining Hall. Green was a senior at Jim Hill High School and on his way home from work at a grocery store when he paused to watch the riot. Police later claimed they had been fired on from the dining hall. Green was killed by one gunshot. Fifteen other students were wounded, at least one of whom was sitting inside the dormitory lobby.
US supported coup in Chile
US supported coup in Chile Source Chomsky 1 p.21
US Intervention defeats Portugese socialist provisional government
Portugal military coup overturned US supported fascist dictator Salazar. Ended the portuguese empire. Socialist government attempts to implement policy of nationalization, land reform, income redistribution resulted in destabilization activites by US and European allies: media attacks, economic sabotage, military isolation and intimidation and political intervention. Result: collapse of provisional government replaced by government amenable to US policies
Blum, William Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower. Monroe,Me. Common Courage Press, 2000. p. 146
US employs 'ecocide' against Vietnam
During the Vietnam War, the USA employed deliberate destruction of the environment (ecocide) as a military tactic on a scale unprecedented in the history of warfare. In an effort to deny bases of operation to the VC, 72 million litres of the herbicides known as Agent Orange, Agent White and Agent Blue were sprayed on 16% of South Vietnam's land area (including 10% of the inland forests and 35% of the mangrove forests)...Another environmentally disastrous method of defoliation employed by the military involved the use of enormous bulldozers called 'Rome plows' to rip up the jungle floor. The 40 million litres of Agent Orange used contained 170kg of dioxin (2,3,7,8-TCDD). Dioxin is the most toxic chemical known, highly carcinogenic and mutagenic. Today, more than 20 years after the spraying, dioxin is still present in the food chain though its concentrations are gradually diminishing. Researchers report elevated levels of dioxin in samples of human breast milk collected in affected areas where 7.5% of the population now lives. Vietnamese refugees living in the USA who were exposed to Agent Orange have been showing unusually high rates of cancer. Ditto for American Soldiers, who have filed a class action lawsuit against the US government to seek compensation. In addition to the spraying, large tracts of forests, agricultural land, villages and even cemeteries were bulldozed, removing both the vegetation and topsoil. Flammable malaleuca forests were ignited with napalm. In mountain areas, landslides were deliberately created by bombing and by spraying acid on limestone hillsides. Elephants, useful for transport, were attacked from the air with bombs and napalm. By war's end, extensive areas had been taken over by tough weeds (known locally as 'American grass') that prevent young trees from receiving enough light to survive. The government estimates that 20,000 sq km of forest and farmland were lost as a direct result of the American war effort. Overall some 13 million tonnes of bombs - equavilent to 450 times the energy of the atomic bomb used on Hiroshima - were dropped on the region. This comes to 265kg for every man, woman and child in Indochina.... The long term results of this onslaught have been devastating. The lush tropical forests have not grown back, fisheries (even those in coastal waters) remain depleted in both variety and productivity, wildlife populations have not recovered, cropland productivity is still below its prewar levels, and among the human population the incidence of various cancers and toxin-related diseases has greatly increased. The land is scarred by 25 million bomb craters up to 30 metres in diameter, many of which have filled up with water and become breeding grounds for malarial mosquitoes (though some craters have been converted into ponds for raising fish).Storey, Robert and Robinson, Daniel. Vietnam: Lonely Planet Travel Survival Kit, Hawthorn,Vic,AU, Lonely Planet, 1995. p.35
June - Nicaraguan National Guard kills 'tens of thousands'
June Nicaraguan National Guard bombs neighbourhoods in Managua kills 'tens of thousands' US ambassador says Carter would be 'ill-advised' to tell National Guard to call off bombing because it would threaten US policy of 'Somocismo without Somoza'. Chomsky 1 p.41
February - El Salvador: Carter asked not to send aid to junta
El Salvador Bishop Romero sends letter to Jimmy Carter asking him not to send military aid to ruling junta. Source Chomsky 1 p.34-5. Romero was asassinated a few weeks later.
March - State of seige implemented in El Salvador
March 7 State of seige implemented in El Salvador. Rio Sumpul massacre first military action 600 tortured, killed, mutilated including infants. Source Chomsky 1 p.35
Death toll in El Salvador 1980 10,000
Death toll in El Salvador 1980 10,000. (p36 Chomsky 1)
|8 December, 1980
John Lennon assassinated by delusional Christian
Two other events influenced the born-again Mark. When John Lennon was quoted as saying, "We're more popular than Jesus Christ now," he turned violently against his one-time hero. Chapman and his Christian friends sang Lennon's "Imagine" with new lyrics: "Imagine John Lennon is dead." Chapman adopted Todd Rundgren as his new musical hero.
Imagine there's no heaven,
Imagine there's no countries,
Imagine no possesions,
You may say Im a dreamer,
El Salvador 1981-92,
March - Atlacatl battallion formed in El Salvador army
Atlacatl battallion formed in El Salvador army when US Army School of Special Forces sent 15 advisors in Counterinsurgency. Chomsky 1 p.36
December - Atlacatl battallion orgy of murder rapes
El Salvador Atlacatl battallion operation kills over 1000 in orgy of murder rapes. Chomsky 1 p.38"In the village of El Mozote El Salvador, in December 1981, from 700 to 1000 persons were reported killed mostly elderly women and children in extremely cruel and gruesome ways.Ten of the twelve soldiers cited for the massacre were SOA graduates."(Blum Rogue State, p/ 63.
Death toll in El Salvador 1981 13,000
Death toll in El Salvador 1981 13,000. (p36 Chomsky 1)
"McMARTIN" RITUAL ABUSE CASES IN MANHATTAN BEACH, CA
"...the kids involved in this hysteria have indeed suffered, but not at the hands of their teachers. And the abuse perpetrated against them by the child-protection movement gone mad are every bit as awful as the tyranny of incest." Debbie Nathan 1
"I felt everyone knew I was lying. But my parents said, 'You're doing fine. Don't worry.' And everyone was saying how proud they were of me." Kyle Zripolo, student at McMartin.
horizontal rule Overview: "McMartin" was one of the first Multi-Victim Multi Offender (MVMO) child abuse cases. 2,3 It lasted six years -- the longest US criminal trial in history. At a cost to the state of $15 million, it was also the most expensive. No convictions were obtained. The main evidence of abuse was based on what the children testified were memories of repeated, sadistic, ritual molestation. Years later, child psychologists realized that such memories can be easily implanted in children's minds by the interview techniques which were used at the time. Since psychologists and police investigators have changed their methods of interrogating young children, no more MVMO cases have surfaced in the U.S. and Canada. The children's testimony was supported by medical tests, which were believed at the time to be accurate. Years later, they were found to be useless.
The hoax adversely affected the lives of hundreds of children, who are now young adults. It has become the most famous MVMO case of its type. Many feminists and others still believe that the children were subjected to horrendous abuse at McMartin. Snippets from the McMartin case have been distributed around the world and incorporated into similar stories involving false memories. Underground tunnels are probably the most popular.
Events leading up to the trial: The McMartin preschool was located in Manhattan Beach, CA. It was owned by Peggy McMartin Buckey and her mother, Virginia McMartin. Ms. Buckey's son, Ray, was a part-time school-aide at the school. On 1983-AUG-12, Judy Johnson complained to the police that her son had been molested by Ray at the school. Ms. Johnson was an alcoholic and had been diagnosed as having paranoid schizophrenia. She also claimed that her son had been molested and abused by her estranged husband. The latter claim appears to have been largely ignored by the prosecution; information about it was withheld from the defense attorneys. Although there was no physical evidence or confirmation from other children at the school, Ray was arrested on SEP-7. Because of lack of evidence, the DA decided to not prosecute.
The Chief of the Manhattan Beach Police then created a local panic by circulating a "strictly confidential" letter to about 200 parents of present or past McMartin students. The letter specified that Ray may have forced the children to engage in oral sex, fondling of genitals, buttocks or chest area and sodomy". The parents were urged to question their children, seeking confirmation. The community and surrounding area was panicked by an irresponsible media. A local TV station was first with the news; they reported that the preschool might be linked to child pornography rings and various sex industries in nearby Los Angeles.
In 2002-MAY, the Morning Call newspaper of Allentown, PA interviewed Paul Eberle. He is co-author of "The Abuse of Innocence," a book about the McMartin case. He said: "Almost all of the accusing families were practicing Catholics who attended the American Martyrs Church...What the Catholic Church did was to open its doors to all these witch-hunters." Eberle said rallies linked to the church demanded that "Ray [Buckley] must die!" He continued: "The [Martyrs] Church was marching with the accusers, and anybody with an ounce of brains knew these people were innocent. The church was very accommodating with the lynch mob." 4
Hundreds of children were later interviewed by the Children's Institute International (CII). By Spring of 1984, 360 kids had been diagnosed as having been abused. Medical exams were conducted on 150 children. There was a complete lack of the type of physical evidence that is normally seen with sexually abused children. However, the doctor performed some new tests which have since been shown to be useless as a predictor of abuse. The doctor concluded that about 120 had been sexually abused. The whole town, particularly the parents of the allegedly abused children, went ballistic. Stories of child abuse included other locations: St. Cross Episcopal Church in Hermosa Beach, CA and 8 other Manhattan Beach schools. Teachers at the schools were said to belong to a Satanic cult and a child pornography ring. About 100 teachers "were accused of child molestation and/or Satanic rituals." 5 Children were pressured by parents; CII interviewers used leading, suggestive, and repeated questions. These are the precise techniques that almost guarantee the implantation of false memories in the minds of children.
The interviewers gave rewards to the kids for disclosing the "right" answers: These were that the children: bullet were victimized by teachers who were members of an intergenerational Satanic conspiracy. bullet were required to participate in "major, major sacrifices" connected with the "Satanic Church." 1
A 1986 survey of residents in Los Angeles County was taken before the first trial. It showed that 90% of the potential jurors believed that Raymond and Peggy were guilty. In spite of strong bias by the townsfolk, the judge refused the defense's request for a change of venue. Judy Johnson continued to make allegations of abuse; among other charges, she said that her ex-husband had sodomized their son and the family dog, that her son had been injured by a elephant and lion during a school field trip, that her son had been tortured by teachers who put staples in his ears, nipples and tongue, and had put scissors in his eye. There was, of course, no physical evidence of any of this trauma. She was later diagnosed as suffering from acute paranoid-schizophrenia, was hospitalized and died at home of alcohol related liver disease before the trial began. Information of her mental illness was kept from the defense.
Armed with search warrants, they police searched 10 schools and one church. They found nothing. Groups of parents searched the school yard for signs of tunnels, underground rooms and sacrificed infants or animals. They did find the remains of a sea turtle. A forensics exam showed that the sand inside the shell was foreign to the area. This indicated that the remains had probably been dug up on a beach and planted in the yard.
horizontal rule Was a witch hunt or hysteria involved?: Some groups who believe that ritual abuse actually happened at the preschool have attacked both the defense attorneys and skeptics in this case: bullet The Santa Cruz Ritual Abuse Task Force stated that: "The defense claimed that the kids hadn't really been abused, but that their memories were implanted by a conspiracy of witchhunting therapists." 6 bullet Dr. E. Gary Stickel wrote that skeptics believed that "very young children were moved by the hysterical overreaction of various adults to make unfounded accusations." 7 Perhaps a more accurate theory is that: bullet The CII employees sincerely believed that extensive ritual abuse occurred. They used interview techniques that were standard at the time, but which are now known to lead to false accusations by very young children. The extensive revelations by the young children were assumed to be accurate descriptions of real events. This convinced the CII, police and District Attorney's office that major ritual abuse happened. bullet Worried parents repeatedly asked their children direct questions about abuse. This led to more false accusations.
With the possible exception of the lead prosecutor in the case, there is little evidence of hysteria or a witch hunt at McMartin. The prosecution was simply the result of sincere but misguided individuals working with the disclosures of young children which were unrelated to any real abusive events.
The trial: "Nothing about the McMartin case was simple, easy or fast. It cost taxpayers more than $13 million. The preliminary hearing alone took 18 months. The entire case took seven years to wind through the courts, and involved six judges, 17 attorneys and hundreds of witnesses, including nine of the 11 children alleged to have been molested...After the trial ended, Ray Buckey was retried on eight counts on which the first jury had deadlocked, but a mistrial was declared when the second jury also deadlocked" 8
In 1984-MAR, 208 counts of child abuse involving 40 children (some sources say 42) were laid against 7 adults: the owners of the school, Ray Buckey and 4 school teachers. After 20 months of preliminary hearings, the state's case appeared weak. They offered the defendants immunity from prosecution or leniency if they would be willing to testify against the other defendants. None took up the offer. The prosecution produced a pair of rabbit ears, black candles and a black cape during the trial. They presented these items as evidence of Satanic Ritual Abuse. The defense lawyers were able to prove that this material was totally unrelated to the McMartin case.
In 1986-JAN, Ira Reiner was elected district attorney. He dropped all charges against 5 of the adults. Remaining were 52 charges against Ray Buckey and 20 counts against Peggy Buckey, plus a single count of conspiracy. An area telephone survey showed that: bullet 96% of the adults had heard of the case bullet 97% of those with an opinion believed that Ray Buckey was guilty bullet 93% believed that Peggy McMartin was guilty
Glenn Stevens, an assistant to the lead prosecutor, Lael Rubin, resigned his office in disgust after having worked for two years on the case. He revealed material that had been withheld from the trial, including claims by the original accuser, Judy Johnson, that people had flown through windows, killed lions, and had sexual encounters with giraffes. Ray Buckley was alleged to have beaten a giraffe to death with a baseball bat. 4
On 1990-JAN-18, after almost three years of trial testimony and 9 weeks of deliberation, the jury cleared Peggy Buckey of all 13 remaining counts. Ray was acquitted on 39 of 52 counts; the jury's vote was split on the remaining counts, with large majorities in favor of acquittal. Superior Court Judge William Pounders, said that the case had "poisoned everyone who had contact with it."
Ray was later retried on some of the 13 counts; the second jury delivered its verdict in 1990-AUG. They were also hung. The prosecution finally gave trying to obtain a conviction.
During and after the trials, such television programs as Geraldo, Oprah, and 20-20 ran exposé's on McMartin and similar MVMO cases across the U.S. This raised public consciousness and hysteria nationwide. After the trial:
The events at McMartin caused extensive disruption: bullet Hundreds of Manhattan Beach children, now young adults, believe that they were abused during bizarre rituals. They are probably suffering various degrees of disability. We have been unable to find any follow-up studies to measure the degree of damage that they have suffered. The 7 adults who were charged have been financially impoverished. Mcmartin preschool was closed, and leveled to the ground. The other 8 schools were closed down and never re-opened. The pastor of St. Cross church was the victim of harassment and death threats. "He closed the church and moved to another part of the country." The county had to pay the $13 million costs of the trials. These were the most expensive trials in U.S. history. The O.J. Simpson trial, in comparison, cost 8 million. Many copy-cat prosecutions subsequently occurred across North America. Children's stories of mysterious, secret tunnels appeared in various other MVMO cases around the world. None were ever found. Tens of millions of Americans falsely began to believe that young pre-school children across the U.S. were being terribly abused. Actions by the principals in the case included:
Peggy McMartin immediately filed a civil suit against the city, county, the CII and an ABC TV station for a shopping list of improper behaviors. A few months later, Virginia McMartin and two of the defendants who were charged but never tried also filed suits. These actions failed because state law and previous court decisions have granted absolute immunity from prosecution to child protective services workers, persons involved in the prosecution. This protection was extended to the CII in this case because they were working for the prosecution.
"Peggy Buckey sued to get back her teaching credentials. In granting them, and restitution of $180,000 from the state in lost teacher's pay, the judge found the children's statements so lacking in credibility as to not constitute evidence. [In 1995] Married, with two children, she now teaches extreme-case disadvantaged children in a special school in Anaheim, Calif." 9 bullet In 1991, the accused sued the parent of one student for slander. They won the case, but were only awarded $1.00 in damages. bullet Ray Buckey went on to finish college and, in 1995 was preparing to enter law school. 9 bullet Virginia McMartin died in 1995-DEC-18 at the age of 88. bullet On 2000-DEC-6, Senior Trial Deputy Lael Rubin, the prosecutor in the McMartin case, was promoted to special counsel. bullet On 2000-DEC-15, Peggy McMartin Buckley died in Torrance, CA, at the age of 74. bullet In 2001-FEB-19, Betty Evans Raidor, a former teacher at McMartin, died at the age of 81. She had been charged with 32 instances of child molestation, along with four other teachers. The charges were dropped after the preliminary hearing. The trial ruined her financially. The publicity turned her into a pariah.
The first recantation: The magazine section of the Los Angeles Times published the first retraction from a McMartin student in 2005-OCT-30. Kyle Sapp, now known as Kyle Zirpolo, was eight years of age when he made his accusations 21 years ago. He now wants to tell the truth and apologize to the defendants. He says that he made his accusations because of pressure from his family, the community and the social workers who interviewed him. It remains to be seen whether other students, now in their late 20s or early 30s will follow Zirpolo's lead.
Commenting on his experiences being extensively interviewed at Children's Institute International, now known as Children's Institute, Inc., Zirpolo said: "Anytime I would give them an answer that they didn't like, they would ask again and encourage me to give them the answer they were looking for. It was really obvious what they wanted. I know the types of language they used on me: things like I was smart, or I could help the other kids who were scared."
"I felt uncomfortable and a little ashamed that I was being dishonest. But at the same time, being the type of person I was, whatever my parents wanted me to do, I would do. And I thought they wanted me to help protect my little brother and sister who went to McMartin." Later, he said, in part: "I think I got the satanic details by picturing our church. We went to American Martyrs, which was a huge Catholic church. Every Sunday we had to go, and Mass would last an hour, hour and a half. None of us wanted to go: It was kicking and screaming all the way there. Sitting, standing, sitting, standing. What I would do was picture the altar, pews and stained-glass windows, and if [investigators] said, 'Describe an altar,' I would describe the one in our church. Or instead of, 'There was a priest in a green suit'—someone who was real—I would say, 'A man dressed in red as a cult member.' From going to church you know that God is good, and the devil is bad and has horns and is about evil and red and blood. I'd just throw a twist in there with Satan and devil-worshipping." 10
As of 2005-OCT, over two decades have passed since the McMartin case started. I'd really like to see an impact study done on the hundreds of children, now young adults, who were victimized by the child psychologists and police investigators of Manhattan Beach, CA. A ritual abuse disaster like "McMartin" is unlikely to happen again; we simply know too much about memory processes in the brain and interview techniques for young children. I suspect that the Wenatchee WA case will be the last of this type in the U.S. and the Martensville, SK the last in Canada. Still, it would seem that a study which measured the residual emotional damage done to the children of McMartin would be useful. My guess, based on pure conjecture is that about 20% will be found to have been seriously affected, 10% significantly emotionally disabled, and 1% will eventually commit suicide because of their false memories. \ Another interesting study would be to determine the current beliefs of the principals involved in the prosecution and interviewing at McMartin. I suspect that most still believe that Satanists were at work in the early 1980s. Society needs to know this information. If it is not done now, there will be incomplete data available to combat the next disaster of this general type. Three hundred years ago, Salem, MA became convinced that the area was infested with witches; about two dozen innocent people were killed. In the 1980's, seven people were tried for imaginary ritual abuse crimes against young children. The next calamity may be sooner than three centuries from now. We need to be on guard. The best defense is to fully understand the past. Related essay at this web site: bullet The mysterious underground tunnels at McMartin
References used in the above essay: 1. Debbie Nathan, "The ritual sex abuse hoax," The Village Voice, 1990-JAN-12. Online at The National Center for Reason and Justice, at: http://www.ncrj.org/Nathan/index.html 2. Debbie Nathan & Michael Snendeker, "Satan's Silence", BasicBooks, New York NY (1995), P. 170 3. Paul & Shirley Eberle, "The Abuse of Innocence : The McMartin Preschool Trial", Prometheus Books (1993). ISBN: 0879758090. The book's authors attended the court sessions lasting over many years, and concluded that there was no case against the accused. 4. Paul Carpenter, "Keep McMartin case in mind as hysteria looms," The Morning Call newspaper, Allentown, PA, 2002-MAY-19, Page B1. 5. R.A. Wilson, "Chaos and Beyond: The best of trajectories" at: http://www.rawilson.com/chaos.html 6. "Introduction by Santa Cruz Ritual Abuse Task Force," at: http://members.cruzio.com/~ratf/McMartIntro.html 7. Dr. E. Gary Stickel, "Archaeological Investigations of the McMartin Preschool Site, Manhattan Beach, California," at: http://members.cruzio.com/~ratf/McMartin.html/ 8. Mitchell Landsberg, "McMartin defendant who 'Lost everything' in abuse case dies at 74." LA Times, 2000-DEC-17. 9. Michael Kilian, "Criminal injustice: 'McMartin Trial' indicts overzealous prosecutors for pressing unsubstantiated case," at: http://users.cybercity.dk/~ccc44406/smwane/McMartin2.htm 10. Kyle Zirpolo, as told to Debbie Nathan. " 'I'm Sorry.' A long-delayed apology from one of the accusers in the notorious McMartin Pre-School molestation case." LA Times, 2005-OCT-30, at http://www.latimes.com/
Other material on McMartin:
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US invasion of Grenada
US invasion of Grenada. Source Chomsky 1 p.23
|December 2-3, 1984|
Release of Toxic gas from US-owned Union Carbide pesticide plant in Bhopal India kills 16-30,000, injures 500,000.
THE "LITTLE RASCALS" RITUAL ABUSE CASE, IN EDENTON, NC
Robin Byrum, Darlene Harris, Elizabeth "Betsy" Kelly, Robert "Bob" Kelly, Scott Willard Privott, Shelly Stone, and Dawn Wilson were charged with engaging in various sexual activities with children in the Kellys' day care in 1989. Bob Kelly and Dawn Wilson were found guilty of multiple charges of child sex abuse and given long sentences. Betsy Kelly and Willard Privott pleaded "no contest" and were released. The charges against the other three were dropped. Convictions were overturned on appeal and new trials ordered. The cases were finally settled in 1999 when all charges were dropped against Kelley.
Some of the children's disclosures included:
During the winter of 1988-1989, Edenton police attended a Satanic Ritual Abuse (SRA) seminar. The first allegation of abuse followed shortly afterwards. One theory is that the first mention of abuse followed the accidental hitting of a child at the day care; another story has the first allegation following intensive questioning of a child by his mother under the guidance of a SRA course attendee.
As in other MVMO cases, the children initially denied abuse at the school. However, after repeated interrogations, they started to reveal sexual and then ritual abuse. Children were criticized or rewarded in accordance with the abuse content of their stories.
Cases against 13 of the adults that were accused by the children were not pursued; the remaining 7 were arrested. Two workers at the school, Dawn Wilson and Robin Byrum spent time in jail. Dawn was separated from her 19 month old infant; Robin was separated from her 3 month old infant. They were offered immunity from prosecution if they would testify against the main defendants, Bob and Betsy Kelly. Both refused to accept the prosecution's deal, apparently because neither had observed any abuse. If they had seen any abuse, it is very highly probable that both would have jumped at the offer of immunity. Otherwise, they could expected to be tried as co-conspirators in hundreds of abuse cases and never see the light of day again.
Bob Kelly was tried on 100 charges and found guilty on 99, and given 12 consecutive life sentences. Dawn Wilson was then tried on 5 counts and given one life sentence with no possibility of parole for 20 years. The third trial was to be of Betsy Kelly. Involved were 30 charges involving 16 children . She accepted a "no contest" plea which allowed her to go free. She gave a speech to the court indicating her innocence. Willard Privott, a local merchant who claimed to have never been in the day care building, was held in jail for 30 months. He was unable to raise the 1 million dollar bail. He was interrogated only once, and initially given a plea bargain involving "only" a 50 year jail term. Eventually, he was offered and accepted a "no contest" plea bargain which would enable him to leave jail with time served. He also read a statement in court maintaining his innocence.
We will not describe the various proofs that ritual and sexual abuse did not happen in Edenton. For more information, see an essay by Dr. Jonathan G. Harris. 3
Little Rascal's is a most important case, because it demonstrates how the mind set of the interviewers can be transmitted to the children and persuade them to disclose events that never happened. A San Diego grand jury which investigated child abuse observed:
"Of particular interest is the information the Jury received about the Little Rascals pre-school case in North Carolina. Eighty-five percent of the percent of the children received therapy with three therapists in the town; all of these children eventually reported satanic abuse. Fifteen percent of the children were treated by different therapists in a neighboring city; none of the children reported abuse of any kind after the same period of time in therapy." 3 (emphasis added by us).
In effect, the Edenton MVMO case was a real-life replication of the type of laboratory experiment that could never be done for ethical reasons:
Bob Kelly was newly charged with 8 child abuse indictments involving a girl who was 10 years old at the time of her alleged abuse in 1987. (Some sources say 9 years). These charges are unrelated to the Little Rascals cases, and were also dropped.
horizontal rule Conclusions: It would appear that in this case, the memories of abuse were accidentally implanted by sincere Edenton therapists who believed in the reality of Satanic ritual abuse. The out-of-town therapists, who had no such belief system, found no abuse at all: Satanic or otherwise. Any group of young children anywhere in North America, if exposed to the same questioning procedures, would probably eventually accuse dozens of local adults with hundreds of crimes - some provably false.
As with other cases in North America and elsewhere where ritual abuse has been alleged, we suspect that no ritual abuse occurred in Edenton. Probably no other abuse happened either, other than the apparently accidental slapping of one boy. As in other cases, the children will be scarred for life by the memories inadvertently planted by the interviewers. There is probably little difference between a child actually being abused and a child having had false memories of abuse implanted their mind. Both will be partly disabled for life. At least two of the defendants have gone through divorces; all have been profoundly stressed and financially impoverished by these events.
Copyright 1998 to 2003 incl. by Ontario Consultants on Religious Tolerance Latest update: 2003-APR-1 Author: B.A. Robinson
US trained troops kill 8 in El salvdor including 6 Jusuit priests.
Source Blum Rogue State p.
Iraq Gulf war 1990-91,
October - US renews economic sanctions against Vietnam
US over rides objections of Europe, Japan renews economic sanctions against Vietnam. Source Chomsky 1 p.60
Resegregation of Schools
from Kozol, Jonathan. Still Separate, Still Unequal: America's Educational Apartheid. inHarper's MagazineSept 2005, p41-54
Schools that were already deeply segregated 25 or 30 years ago are no less segregated now, while thousands of other schools around the country that had been integrated voluntarily or by the force of law have since been rapidly resegregating.
There is...a seemingly agreed-upon convention in much of the media today not even to use an accurate descriptor like "racial segregation"... Schools in which as few as 3 or 4 percent of students may be white or South East Asian or of Middle East origin ...and where every other child in the building is black or Hispanic - are referred to as "diverese"
I asked her if she thought that America truly did not "have room" for her or other children of her race.
The "tests-and-standards" partisans have had things very much their way for an extended period of time and those who were convinced that they had ascertained "what works" in schools that serve minorities and children of the poor have had ample opportunity to prove they were right.
What then, it is reasonable to ask, are the results?
The achievement gap, which narrowed fot 3 decades - up until the late years of the 1980's - the period in which school segregation steadily decreased - started to widen once more in the early 1990's when the federal courts began the process of resegregation by dismantling the mandates of the Brown decision. From that point on, the gap continued to widen or remained essentially unchanged; and while recently there has been a modest narrowing in the gap in reading scores for 4th grade children, the gap in secondary school remains as wide as ever.
Unification Press International?
Rev. Moon Adds United Press International To His Media Empire
By Bill Berkowitz
A little more than eight years ago, Rev. Pat Robertson was closing in on acquiring what would have been the jewel in his media empire. Unfortunately for him, at just about the last minute a bankruptcy judge rejected the bid by the fabulously wealthy religious broadcaster and Christian Coalition founder, and instead ruled that United Press International (UPI), one of the preeminent news wire services, would be sold to a group of Middle Eastern investors.
Fast forward to 2000: the venerable and troubled UPI has been sold yet again. News World Communications, the new owner, is the thriving media arm of another right-wing charismatic figure, the Rev. Sun Myung Moon and his Unification Church. Although News World Communications has said that it intends to maintain UPI as an independent news organization, it all hinges on who's interpreting what "independent news organization" means. Media watchers of all political stripes are wondering what to expect from this new Moon circling the globe.
UPI, a 93-year-old agency, has been a financially troubled operation for the better part of the past three decades, with multiple ownership changes during the past 18 years. The serial owners have included Mexican publisher Mario Vazquez Rana and a U.S. partner, Texan Joe Russo, and Infotechnology Inc., which is owned by Earl W. Brian, a California venture capitalist. Most recently a group of Saudi Arabian industrialists presided over the company. When the sale to Moon was announced, veteran White House reporter Helen Thomas, UPI's most revered and honored employee, handed in her resignation rather than pick up her paycheck from Moon.
The Unification Church, founded and built by the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, enjoys 501(c)(3) nonprofit tax status despite the fact that it has been a major, if not always apparent, player in U.S. politics for many years. Organizations participating in overt political activities are prohibited from receiving the 501(c)(3) classification.
According to the 2000 edition of The Right Guide, published by Michigan-based Economics America Inc., the Unification Church is "adamantly anticommunist, and has worked with conservative organizations to oppose the spread of communism as well as on issues of traditional values and morality." The Church runs several spin-off organizations, usually with sympathetic-sounding names like the Professors World Peace Academy and the Women's Federation for Peace, the latter of which not too long ago gave $3.5 million to religious right leader Jerry Falwell's Liberty University.
In addition to its massive media holdings, the Church owns the University of Bridgeport, in Connecticut, a private academy. One of Moon's many moneymaking ventures, reported the Washington Post, is Kahr Arms, a manufacturer of "small but potent pistols"; in its marketing efforts Kahr highlights the gun's "concealability."
The Church also enjoys a significant presence in Latin America. In February, Reuters reported that Moon had already "spent $30 million over the last five years to buy 138,000 acres" of Brazilian swampland to build New Hope, a community for his followers. Other investments in South America include a bank, a hotel and a newspaper network in Uruguay. (For an extensive list of hundreds of Unification front groups, including religious, political, media and business operations, see this list from FreedomOfMind.com.)
In 1982 Moon established the Washington Times newspaper as his flagship publication in the United States, and as the major conservative alternative to the Washington Post in the nation's capital. From the outset, the well-established and highly acclaimed Post dismissed the Times as nothing more than a daily nuisance. However, with Moon's practically unlimited financial resources the Times survived, reaching its apex in terms of visibility when then President Ronald Reagan acknowledged that it was the one newspaper he read thoroughly. Stridently conservative in its editorials and op-ed pages, the Times has been a consistent money-losing proposition for almost two decades.
Over the years Reverend Moon has been an on-again, off-again media personality. The Right Guide notes that when he was a Sunday-school teacher in Korea he claimed that Jesus asked him "to complete the task of establishing God's kingdom on earth and bringing His peace to humankind." This kind of hubris could be said to express itself when he shows up at one of his mass wedding ceremonies to do the honors for several thousand brides and grooms, most of whom have never met each other. In addition, the reverend's family has been the focus of ribald revelations, including allegations of drug use and infidelity, over the past few years. But in general, Reverend Moon prefers to stay out of the glare of the media's spotlight.
Daniel Junas, in the March-April 1995 issue of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting's Extra!, pointed out that "while Moon himself has faded from the consciousness of the American public, the Washington Times has left its own mark on the political consciousness of the nation's capital and, indirectly, the entire nation." In fact, one could make a compelling argument that the Times and its sister publication, the national weekly Insight magazine, were the most prominent publishers of Clinton-bashing stories, passing judgment at a breakneck clip during the past seven-plus years.
What's in it for Moon? Judging from the record of his other media ventures, including the Times, Insight and The World & I, a super-thick general-interest monthly, money is not the issue. His business empire takes care of that end of things. Several press accounts have provided a sneak preview into what Moon may be up to. According to the May 21 Deutsche Presse-Agentur, UPI, which is now only an Internet provider, can "provide Moon's media firms with access to the electronic market."
Editor & Publisher Online reported that Arnaud De Borchgrave, who served as editor in chief at the Washington Times from 1985 to 1991 and is now UPI's chief executive officer, said that while the new owners assured him of editorial independence, he hoped that "the sale would let him pursue ambitious plans to recast UPI as a Web-based distributor of stories tracking high-technology industries that may transform society." It remains to be seen whether United Press International will now become another conservative mouthpiece for the politics of Reverend Moon and his Unification Church. Judging from the past record, calling it Unification Press International may not be far off the mark.
- Bill Berkowitz (firstname.lastname@example.org) is the editor of CultureWatch, a monthly publication tracking the Religious Right and related conservative movements, published by Oakland's DataCenter. Subscriptions are $35 a year. Contact him via phone: 510-835-4692, ext. 308, or by e-mail: email@example.com For a free sample copy, send a self-addressed stamped envelope to: CultureWatch, 1904 Franklin St., Suite 900, Oakland, CA 94612.
|December 31, 2004
Incarceration is not an equal opportunity punishment
On December 31, 2004, there were 2,135,901 people in U.S. prisons and jails. The United States incarcerates a greater share of its population, 724 per 100,000 residents, than any other country on the planet. But when you break down the statistics you see that incarceration is not an equal opportunity punishment.
U.S. incarceration rates by race, June 30, 2004:
* Whites: 393 per 100,000 * Latinos: 957 per 100,000 * Blacks: 2,531 per 100,000
Gender is an important "filter" on the who goes to prison or jail, June 30, 2004:
* Females: 123 per 100,000 * Males: 1,348 per 100,000
Look at just the males by race, and the incarceration rates become even more frightening, June 30, 2004:
* White males: 717 per 100,000 * Latino males: 1,717 per 100,000 * Black males: 4,919 per 100,000
If you look at males aged 25-29 and by race, you can see what is going on even clearer, June 30, 2004:
* For White males ages 25-29: 1,666 per 100,000. * For Latino males ages 25-29: 3,606 per 100,000. * For Black males ages 25-29: 12,603 per 100,000. (That's 12.6% of Black men in their late 20s.)
Or you can make some international comparisons: South Africa under Apartheid was internationally condemned as a racist society.
* South Africa under apartheid (1993), Black males: 851 per 100,000 * U.S. under George Bush (2004), Black males: 4,919 per 100,000
What does it mean that the leader of the "free world" locks up its Black males at a rate 5.8 times higher than the most openly racist country in the world?
Courting Armageddon How the Bush Administration's Biological Weapons Buildup Affects Youby Heather Wokusch
Published on Thursday, April 14, 2005 by CommonDreams.org
News that a U.S. company recently sent vials of a 1957 pandemic flu strain to laboratories across the world by accident is only the latest outrage from the billion-dollar boondoggle called the federal biological weapons program. As you might recall, the Bush administration started its "biodefense" spending spree following the September 2001 deadly anthrax attacks, and one of its first projects was to genetically engineer a super-resistant, even more deadly version of the anthrax virus. Our leaders are nuts. Unfortunately, Project Jefferson has good company. A US Army scientist in Maryland is currently trying to bring back elements of the 1918 Spanish flu, a virus which killed 40 million people. And a virologist in St. Louis has been working on a more lethal form of mousepox (related to smallpox) - just to try stopping the virus once it's been created. Lack of oversight and runaway spending are exacerbated by the Bush administration's disrespect for the internationally-recognized Biological Weapons Convention. In short, reduced pressure on weapons labs to issue declarations and allow inspections means less accountability - and more opportunities for secrecy and abuse. Put bluntly, the increasing number of stateside bioweapons blunders should come as no surprise. In February 2003, for example, the University of California at Davis (UCD) took a full ten days to inform nearby communities that a rhesus monkey had escaped from its primate-breeding facility. Coincidentally, UCD had been vying for government funds to set up its own "hot zone" biodefense lab which could use primates for biological weapons testing. If that monkey had been infected with ebola, or some other virus, it's unclear when or if the public would have been informed. At roughly the same time that the monkey ditched UCD, the Pentagon unearthed over 2,000 tons of hazardous biological waste in Maryland, much of it undocumented leftovers of an abandoned germ warfare program. Nearby, the FBI was draining a pond for clues into 2001's anthrax attacks. Doesn't inspire much trust in the transparency of US biological weapons programs. And things appear only to be getting worse. In 2004, a whopping $6 billion went up for grabs for federal biodefense programs, and laboratories across the country went ballistic trying to get their hands on some of that cash. Predictably, cases of fraud and abuse quickly surfaced. In June 2004, for example, the Army was caught shirking inspections at a major biodefense lab under its domain. The scandal went back to 1999, when the Army commissioned a biological and chemical weapons-agent lab at Tennessee's Oak Ridge National Laboratory. Oversight regulations obligated the Army to inspect the lab each year thereafter, and the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) were supposed to have inspected the lab on a regular basis too. Everything seemed to be running smoothly; in December 2003, the committee in charge of safety at the Oak Ridge lab announced that it "remains comfortable of the review and inspections of the Chem/Bio Facility conducted by the CDC and the Army." Small problem. In 2004, the Department of Energy's Inspector General discovered that the Army actually hadn't inspected the Oak Ridge biodefense lab for the previous three years, and that the CDC hadn't been there for four years. Yet the lab's safety committee said it was "comfortable" with the imaginary inspections. Also in 2004, a military biodefense contractor called Southern Research landed in hot water by accidentally sending live anthrax across the country from Frederick, Maryland to the Children's Hospital of Oakland (California). To make matters worse, it turns out that Southern Research's lab in Frederick, Maryland didn't even maintain the institutional biosafety committee required by federal research rules. The punishment for these acts of gross incompetence and irresponsibility? The Bush administration gave Southern Research the task of safeguarding a new $30 million biological weapons facility being built near Chicago. In September of the same year, three lab workers at the Boston University Medical Center were accidentally exposed to a potentially lethal biowarfare agent called tularaemia bacterium. The lab didn't report the tularemia infections until two months later though - after it had won a contract to build a new, $178 million biodefense laboratory. Concerns about lack of transparency and monetary waste aside, the administration's bioweapons buildup raises obvious ethical problems. Why should the U.S. create newer, even deadlier viruses? Who are these catastrophic weapons going to be tested on? What populations will they ultimately be used against? These questions take on urgent meaning given the Bush administration's military adventurism coupled with the US media's poor coverage regarding war victims. For example, eyewitnesses to the late-2004 attack on Fallujah claimed that US forces used poisonous gases, and "weird" bombs that exploded into fires that burned the skin despite water being thrown on the burns - a telltale sign of napalm or phosphorus bombs. UK reaction to the revelation was swift and strong, with demands that Prime Minister Blair remove British troops from Iraq until the US ceased from using such savage weaponry. Labor MP Alice Mahon demanded that Blair make "an emergency statement to the Commons to explain why this is happening. It begs the question: 'Did we know about this hideous weapon's use in Iraq?'" No similar outrage in Congress. In fact, no comment at all. The US mainstream media didn't cover the "weird bomb" allegations. But it doesn't take a genius to put two-and-two together: if we permit our government to ignore international weapons-control conventions and then say nothing while fresh billions are invested in barbaric new weaponry, we lose the right to act surprised when our own military uses that weaponry on innocent civilians abroad. Or even on us. You may be surprised to learn that in 2003, the Pentagon quietly admitted to having used biological/chemical agents on 5,842 service members in secret tests conducted over a ten-year period (1962-73). In operations called Project 112 and Project SHAD, the Defense Department tested its own weapons on service members aboard Navy ships, and in all sorts of other nasty ways - such as spraying a Hawaiian rainforest and parts of Oahu. All in all, tests were conducted in six states (Alaska, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Maryland, Utah) as well as in Canada and Britain. Many military personnel were not informed when the toxic agents were being tested on them. Only decades later, as crucial documents slowly become declassified, have the veterans' health complaints been acknowledged. You might think such barbarism could never happen again: too many legal protections for citizens in place. Think again. There's a tricky clause in Chapter 32/Title 50 of the United States Code (the aggregation of US general and permanent laws) which states that the Secretary of Defense can conduct a chemical or biological agent test or experiment on humans in certain cases "if informed consent has been obtained." So far so good. But check out a different part of Chapter 32, Section 1515, entitled "Suspension; Presidential authorization": After November 19, 1969, the operation of this chapter, or any portion thereof, may be suspended by the President during the period of any war declared by Congress and during the period of any national emergency declared by Congress or by the President. You got it. If the President or Congress decides we're at war then the Secretary of Defense doesn't need anybody's consent to test chemical or biological agents on human beings. Gives one pause during these days of a perpetual "War on Terror." In January 2005, US Senate majority leader Bill Frist called for a new Manhattan Project (referring to the WWII-era nuclear weapons bonanza) for biological weapons. Frist told an audience at the World Economic Forum, "The greatest existential threat we have in the world today is biological," and he went on to predict a biowarfare attack "at some time in the next 10 years." How ironic that while Frist cited the 2001 US anthrax attacks as proof more biological weapons research was necessary, he failed to mention that those incidents involved anthrax produced right in the good 'ole USA - or that the primary suspect in the attacks was a US Army scientist. Frist also didn't clarify how developing even more biological warfare agents would make the world safer. The original Manhattan Project ultimately led to US forces dropping atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, with the resulting slaughter of hundreds of thousands of people. It's terrifying to consider the potential repercussions, both domestic and abroad, of the Bush administration's coveted new biological-weapons Manhattan Project. Heather Wokusch is a free-lance writer who can be reached via her web site: www.heatherwokusch.com. This article was partially excerpted from her upcoming book entitled "The Progressives' Primer: 100 Easy Ways to Make a Difference Now." Heather's currently on hiatus, putting together a multimedia project on women and war.
Dow Chemical Buys Silence in Michigan - Documentary on Dow's Dioxin Scandal Ignored by Four Local PBS Stations
by Brian McKennaPublished on Monday, April 18, 2005 by Counterpunch.org
Three "Justice for Bhopal" terrorists were shot dead at a Dow Chemical facility in Piscataway, New Jersey on December 14, 2003. Bhopal activists - seeking redress for Dow's failure to compensate victims of the worst industrial accident of all time - stormed the Dow facility, took eight Dow workers hostage killing one. Later a SWAT team took out the three terrorists. For the record, it was Piscataway police dressed as the Bhopal "terrorists" in a mock drill. The slur had no basis in fact. But it gives a portal into the chemical giant's consciousness where democratic inquiry is linked to terrorism. On December 3rd 1984, just after midnight, 40 tons of poisonous substances leaked from Union Carbide's (now Dow's) pesticide plant in Bhopal, central India. A huge yellow cloud exposed a half million people to the gases, which hung over the city for hours. It remains the worst industrial accident of all time, with an estimated 7,000 deaths and 190,000 injuries the first few days and over 15,000 claims of deaths to date. Guns and Guards Dow has not learned its lesson. It is successfully fighting U.S. Homeland Security initiatives that would require them to use safer chemicals and processes where available, to better protect the 8 million residents surrounding their plants across the country. But they are reluctant to consider risk reduction alternatives beyond guns and guards. And guns and guards are having a field day. Midland, Michigan is Dow's international headquarters. In Spring 2003, filmmaker Steve Meador was taking digital video footage of the Dow chemical facility there while sitting in the back of his pick-up truck as his girlfriend drove on a public road. They were soon pulled over and detained by Midland police, Dow security, and a deputy from the Midland County sheriff's office. "It was pretty scary until they figured out we weren't terrorists casing the place." Meador was making a documentary on dioxin pollution in Midland and downstream. Police took his picture and let him go. "Dow security said that if we had been pulled over on their property that they could have confiscated the video," said Meador. Meador made his 90-minute documentary "The Long Shadow" - a critical investigation of Dow's dioxin dealings with Michigan state government. The film was part of Maeder's Master's Project at Michigan State University's Center for Environmental Journalism. It shows how Dow and state agencies collaborated to weaken regulatory enforcement, delayed public notification of possible health hazards associated with dioxin, and dragged their feet with an investigation. Secret Deals In 2001 the Engler administration learned that dioxin levels in the Tittabwassee River floodplain, downstream from Midland's Dow Chemical were found at over 7,000 parts per trillion near parks and residential areas (80 times Michigan's cleanup standards). But they didn't bother to tell anyone. Finally the Lone Tree Council and the Michigan Environmental Council filed a Freedom of Information Act request to get the data, alerted by conscientious DEQ insiders. In January 2002 the FOIA revealed that MDEQ Director Russ Harding had blocked further soil testing and was suppressing a state health assessment that called for aggressive state action. Later the Engler administration secretly tried to work out a "sweetheart deal" with Dow to raise the clean-up level of dioxin to 831 parts per trillion, thus circumventing clean-up of the dioxin in most areas. A judge later threw this out. "I never even knew what dioxin was," said Kathy Henry, one of the floodplain residents interviewed in the film. "My first reaction to hearing the news was fear, then denial. I didn't want to know." The MDEQ recommends that Henry remove her clothing the moment she enters the house after mowing her lawn. She looks out at her property as a wasteland. All the above and more is detailed in the film, along with an interview with Harding. The story continues to devolve. A few months ago, in November 2004 the state of Michigan issued a game consumption advisory for the Tittabawassee -river floodplain because of Dow's dioxin. Turkeys and deer are now considered potentially toxic. This was only the second time in Michigan history that such a warning was made. Still, the crisis is vastly underreported in Michigan media. "Unfortunately, The Long Shadow was never shown on Michigan PBS," said Meador. Meador sent a rough cut to four stations - WCMU (Mt. Pleasant), WFUM at the University of Michigan (Flint), WTVS (Detroit), and WKAR at Michigan State University (East Lansing) in December 2003. "All of these stations had broadcast a previous documentary of mine entitled 'A May to Remember' about the Bath School bombing of 1927, Strangely, all of the stations were completely unresponsive to 'The Long Shadow' (i.e., phone calls and e-mails not returned)." Meador says the film's merits have been recognized by environmental reporters from the Bay City Times (Jeff Kart) and Detroit Free Press (Hugh McDiarmid). "The affected residents in the floodplain also had very nice things to say about it," he added. "I'm not sure why the PBS stations didn't bite. A number of people have suggested that the stations shied away because they are underwritten by Dow, and I think that is a possibility." Private TV Dow is big funder to universities which house three of these public television stations. WCMU is at Central Michigan University, 30 miles from Midland. In 1978 DOW's President withdrew money from CMU after Jane Fonda spoke there on economic democracy. "[It] will not be resumed until we are convinced our dollars are not expended in supporting those who would destroy us.'" CMU got the message. It's new "Herbert H. and Grace A. Dow College of Health Professions" touts Dow even though DOW only gave $5 million, MI taxpayers gave $37.5 million. The University of Michigan (home of WFUM) has a similar tale. During WW2 top secret work on a shell fuse that later developed into a "smart bomb" was aided by University of Michigan physicists, working in an old gravel pit outside of Ann Arbor. Later, DOW CEO Leland Doan served on the UM Board of Regents from 1952 to 1959, running as a Republican. In recent years Dow and its offshoots have contributed more than $10 million in direct contributions to the University of Michigan. Dow has sunk millions into Michigan State University (home of WKAR). For example it gave $5 million to build the Dow Institute for Materials Research, a 46,000-square-foot addition to the east wing of MSU's Engineering Building, in 1996. In the spring of 2002 Dow co-sponsored a seminar series at MSU's Detroit College of Law, called, "Creating Sustainable Cities in the 21st Century." On March 19th the talk was titled, "Abandonment of the Cities." Unlike the University of Michigan, which has an active "Justice for Bhopal" student group, at MSU there was no such chapter, and so no one was on hand to ask whether Dow had abandoned the city of Bhopal. So it's not just guns and guards but the cash greenery that helps Dow to mold public perception. Two Films, Two Terrorisms In point of contrast, Michigan PBS stations were enthusiastic with Maeder's other film, "A May to Remember," which detailed the worst act of mass murder in American history prior to the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. Andrew Kehoe sought revenge after his farm was foreclosed upon, due in part to the taxes required to build the new Bath school. So he blew it up, killing 45 people, mostly schoolchildren. When the focus is on a single demented terrorist the public airwaves are available, but when the gaze turns to a transnational guilty of poisoning vast swaths of mid-Michigan with dioxin -- what the EPA calls, "the worst known to man," that's a different story, especially when the public airwaves are partly underwritten by the transnational. In fact, Maeder could have gone much further with his critique of Dow. There are stories recounting conflict over asbestos, breast implants, vinyl chloride contamination in Louisiana, labor decertification campaigns in Texas, union fights in Midland, and Bhopal. Especially Bhopal. Given the death counts, the prolonged agony, and the persistent callous treatment of its victims, the Union Carbide/Dow Chemical disaster is worse than the September 11th tragedy. When cast this way I recall Nietzsche's observation that, "Insanity in individuals is rare, in nations, epochs and eras it is the rule." Opium Wars "Growth [is] the opiate we're all hooked on. . ." said Frank Popoff, former CEO of DOW Chemical in Growth Company, DOW Chemical's First Century. The 1997 book was written by E. N. Brandt, a 40 year public relations man at Dow who now has a $1.3 million chair named after him at Michigan State University. Universities are also interested in growth, it seems. Is DOW a drug abuser? Obsession with "growth" does help explain its behavior. Yet as Alcoholics Anonymous followers know, breaking the denial is the first step in overcoming an addiction. Indeed, Dow seems to view anyone who challenges its growth manifesto as a terrorist. Keith McKennon, DOW research director from 1985-1990 told a writer that "During that period Dow transmogrified from the company that sets up antiaircraft guns to shoot down EPA flyover planes to the company that exists today." McKennon doesn't say if he's kidding or not about the guns. But Dow is surely not kidding with its ability to buy silence [i.e. the company that exists today]. Dow even dabbles in public health and journalism. In 1999 Hillsdale College received $500,000 for the Herbert H. Dow II Program in American Journalism. It is "devoted to the restoration of ethical, high-minded journalism standards and to the reformation of our cultural, political, and social practices." That year the Dow Program sponsored Richard Lowry, Editor-in- Chief of the National Review, as a guest speaker. In his speech, titled "The High Priests of Journalism Truth, Morality, and the Media," Lowry criticized American journalism for "reinforc[ing] the radical side in America's culture wars." Not likely to be recruited to speak is Linda Hunt who informs us that in her excellent 1991 book, "Secret Agenda," that in 1951 Dow hired Otto Ambros, the Nazi war criminal convicted at Nuremberg for slavery and mass murder in the killing of thousands of Jews with nerve gas. Dow's close relationships with defacto state terrorists is also less likely to see curricula time at Hillsdale. In 1973 Dow was first company to receive a phone call from Pinochet's military in 1973, according to Brandt, soon after his forces assassinated democratically elected Chilean President Salvador Allende, toppling his government, asking Dow to come back, which Dow "readily accepted" (a Dow official saluting the economic "miracle" of Pinochet). One wonders how Hillsdale or PBS for that matter would explore the 1941 charge by the U.S. Justice Department that Dow conspired with the Nazi's I.F. Farben to hold down magnesium production in the United States in the prewar era (Dow later pleaded nolo contendere). Which gets us back to dioxin. According to Tittabawassee River Watch when Governoral candidate Jennifer Granholm visited the area during her campaign she promised an open, transparent process and a timely response to public health issues. But once in office Granholm went back on her word and engaged in closed door negotiations with Dow, greatly disappointing the Michigan environmental community and many residents living along the 53 mile stretch of the contaminated Tittabawassee and Saginaw Rivers. Granholm is currently under attack by environmentalists for permitting Nestle take water from Lake Michigan without a fight. Privatization is the name of the neoliberal game. Maeder cannot get his film shown on WKAR even though the WKAR offices are just downstairs from the environmental journalism offices in the MSU Communication Arts Building. Citizen groups from Mid-Michigan to Bhopal India are linked in their battles to defend their homelands against the terror of Dow. But Michigan media and universities are quiescent, fearful of offending the behemoth. Brian McKenna can be reached at MCKENNA193@aol.com © 2005 Counterpunch.org
Freed Iraq Hostage Says U.S. Report Insults Italy
by Paul Holmes
Published on Tuesday, April 26, 2005 by Reuters
ROME -- A former hostage saved by an Italian agent killed when U.S. troops in Iraq opened fire on their car branded a report clearing the soldiers of blame a "slap in the face for the Italian government" Tuesday. Journalist Giuliana Sgrena was wounded in the incident at a checkpoint on the way to Baghdad airport late on March 4, soon after military intelligence officer Nicola Calipari had masterminded her release from insurgent kidnappers. A U.S. Army official, briefing reporters in Washington on the preliminary results of the investigation, said Monday that the soldiers had followed their rules of engagement and should therefore face no charges of dereliction of duty. The probe was conducted jointly with the Italians but the Army official said Italy, a close ally in Iraq, had balked at endorsing the report. Rome disagreed with its findings on the car's speed and whether the Italians kept U.S. troops informed. The Italian government, for whom the report comes at an awkward time, made no comment on the remarks from Washington. Sgrena, a veteran war correspondent for the communist newspaper Il Manifesto, said the findings were even more disappointing than she had expected, given the Americans had initially called the shooting an accident. "Now they're not even talking about an accident, at least according to the reports, but it seems they want to lay all the blame on the Italians," Sgrena told TG3 television. "This represents a slap in the face for the Italian government." A U.S. embassy spokesman in Rome said ambassador Mel Sembler was expected to meet Gianni Letta, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi's chief aide, Tuesday to discuss next steps. The findings come at a difficult time for Berlusconi, whose dispatch of 3,000 troops to Iraq remains deeply unpopular. He has just had to reshuffle his government following a coalition mutiny after a heavy regional election defeat and has said he will start bringing the troops home in September. AT ODDS ON SPEED Italian newspapers said the leaking of the report appeared designed to limit Italy's options, with Berlusconi now facing a tough choice of whether to disagree openly with Washington or try to sweep the findings under the carpet. The Italian Foreign Ministry declined comment, saying the report was still not official. Calipari, feted in Italy as a national hero, was fatally wounded when he threw his body over Sgrena to protect her from heavy gunfire as their car approached a checkpoint near the airport, where a plane was waiting to fly them back to Italy. A front-page cartoon in Il Manifesto Tuesday showed bullets smashing his tombstone and the words "Friendly Fire 2." Corriere della Sera quoted the unnamed Italian agent who was driving and who was also wounded as saying the car was moving at 40 to 50 km/h (25-30 mph) and was shot at without warning, while the report had it traveling at 80 km/h (50 mph). After the incident, the U.S. Army's 3rd Infantry Division in Baghdad released a statement saying soldiers tried to warn the vehicle to stop by using hand and arm signals, flashing lights and warning shots. Sgrena has said she heard and saw no warning. Sembler has called Calipari's killing "a terrible tragedy." © Reuters 2005
This Is Our Guernica - Ruined, cordoned Falluja is emerging as the decade's monument to brutalityby Jonathan Steele and Dahr Jamail
Published on Wednesday, April 27, 2005 by the Guardian (UK)
Robert Zoellick is the archetypal US government insider, a man with a brilliant technical mind but zero experience of any coalface or war front. Sliding effortlessly between ivy league academia, the US treasury and corporate boardrooms (including an advisory post with the scandalous Enron), his latest position is the number-two slot at the state department. Yet this ultimate "man of the suites" did something earlier this month that put the prime minister and the foreign secretary to shame. On their numerous visits to Iraq, neither has ever dared to go outside the heavily fortified green zones of Baghdad and Basra to see life as Iraqis have to live it. They come home after photo opportunities, briefings and pep talks with British troops and claim to know what is going on in the country they invaded, when in fact they have seen almost nothing. Zoellick, by contrast, on his first trip to Iraq, asked to see Falluja. Remember Falluja? A city of some 300,000, which was alleged to be the stronghold of armed resistance to the occupation. Two US attempts were made to destroy this symbol of defiance last year. The first, in April, fizzled out after Iraqi politicians, including many who supported the invasion of their country, condemned the use of air strikes to terrorise an entire city. The Americans called off the attack, but not before hundreds of families had fled and more than 600 people had been killed. Six months later the Americans tried again. This time Washington's allies had been talked to in advance. Consistent US propaganda about the presence in Falluja of a top al-Qaida figure, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, was used to create a climate of acquiescence in the US-appointed Iraqi government. Shia leaders were told that bringing Falluja under control was the only way to prevent a Sunni-inspired civil war. Blair was invited to share responsibility by sending British troops to block escape routes from Falluja and prevent supplies entering once the siege began. Warnings of the onslaught prompted the vast majority of Falluja's 300,000 people to flee. The city was then declared a free-fire zone on the grounds that the only people left behind must be "terrorists". Three weeks after the attack was launched last November, the Americans claimed victory. They say they killed about 1,300 people; one week into the siege, a BBC reporter put the unofficial death toll at 2,000. But details of what happened and who the dead were remain obscure. Were many unarmed civilians, as Baghdad-based human rights groups report? Even if they were trying to defend their homes by fighting the Americans, does that make them "terrorists"? Journalists "embedded" with US forces filmed atrocities, including the killing of a wounded prisoner, but no reporter could get anything like a full picture. Since the siege ended, tight US restrictions - as well as the danger of hostage-taking that prevents reporters from travelling in most parts of Iraq - have put the devastated city virtually off limits. In this context, Zoellick's trip, which was covered by a small group of US journalists, was illuminating. The deputy secretary of state had to travel to this "liberated" city in a Black Hawk helicopter flying low over palm trees to avoid being shot down. He wore a flak jacket under his suit even though Falluja's streets were largely deserted. His convoy of eight armoured vehicles went "so quickly past an open-air bakery reopened with a US-provided micro-loan that workers tossing dough could be glanced only in the blink of an eye," as the Washington Post reported. "Blasted husks of buildings still line block after block," the journalist added. Meeting hand-picked Iraqis in a US base, Zoellick was bombarded with complaints about the pace of US reconstruction aid and frequent intimidation of citizens by American soldiers. Although a state department factsheet claimed 95% of residents had water in their homes, Falluja's mayor said it was contaminated by sewage and unsafe. Other glimpses of life in Falluja come from Dr Hafid al-Dulaimi, head of the city's compensation commission, who reports that 36,000 homes were destroyed in the US onslaught, along with 8,400 shops. Sixty nurseries and schools were ruined, along with 65 mosques and religious sanctuaries. Daud Salman, an Iraqi journalist with the Institute for War and Peace Reporting, on a visit to Falluja two weeks ago, found that only a quarter of the city's residents had gone back. Thousands remain in tents on the outskirts. The Iraqi Red Crescent finds it hard to go in to help the sick because of the US cordon around the city. Burhan Fasa'a, a cameraman for the Lebanese Broadcasting Company, reported during the siege that dead family members were buried in their gardens because people could not leave their homes. Refugees told one of us that civilians carrying white flags were gunned down by American soldiers. Corpses were tied to US tanks and paraded around like trophies. Justin Alexander, a volunteer for Christian Peacemaker Teams, recently found hundreds living in tents in the grounds of their homes, or in a single patched-up room. A strict system of identity cards blocks access to anyone whose papers give a birthplace outside Falluja, so long-term residents born elsewhere cannot go home. "Fallujans feel the remnants of their city have been turned into a giant prison," he reports. Many complain that soldiers of the Iraqi national guard, the fledgling new army, loot shops during the night-time curfew and detain people in order to take a bribe for their release. They are suspected of being members of the Badr Brigade, a Shia militia that wants revenge against Sunnis. One thing is certain: the attack on Falluja has done nothing to still the insurgency against the US-British occupation nor produced the death of al-Zarqawi - any more than the invasion of Afghanistan achieved the capture or death of Osama bin Laden. Thousands of bereaved and homeless Falluja families have a new reason to hate the US and its allies. At least Zoellick went to see. He gave no hint of the impression that the trip left him with, but is too smart not to have understood something of the reality. The lesson ought not to be lost on Blair and Straw. Every time the prime minister claims it is time to "move on" from the issue of the war's legality and rejoice at Iraq's transformation since Saddam Hussein was toppled, the answer must be: "Remember Falluja." When the foreign secretary next visits Iraq, he should put on a flak jacket and tour the city that Britain had a share in destroying. The government keeps hoping Iraq will go away as an election issue. It stubbornly refuses to do so. Voters are not only angry that the war was illegal, illegitimate and unnecessary. The treatment inflicted on Iraqis since the invasion by the US and Britain is equally important. In the 1930s the Spanish city of Guernica became a symbol of wanton murder and destruction. In the 1990s Grozny was cruelly flattened by the Russians; it still lies in ruins. This decade's unforgettable monument to brutality and overkill is Falluja, a text-book case of how not to handle an insurgency, and a reminder that unpopular occupations will always degenerate into desperation and atrocity. Jonathan Steele is the Guardian's senior foreign correspondent; Dahr Jamail is a freelance American journalist. © 2005 Guardian Newspapers, Ltd.
More Babies, Young Kids Going Hungry in US
Published on Sunday, June 12, 2005 by Agence France Presse
Common Dreams NewsCenter
Increasing numbers of young American children are showing signs of serious malnourishment, fueled by a greater prevalence of hunger in the United States, while, paradoxically, two-thirds of the US population is either overweight or obese. What happens in America is -- what seems bizarre -- that some of the recommendations that we give to families to prevent underweight of children are the same as we give to prevent overweight. We recommend families not to give their children junk food. Dr. Maureen Black In 2003, 11.2 percent of families in the United States experienced hunger, compared with 10.1 percent in 1999, according to most recent official figures, released on National Hunger Awareness Day held this year on Tuesday, June 7. Some pediatricians worry that cuts in welfare aid proposed in President George W. Bush's 2006 budget will only exacerbate the situation. By contrast Bush plans to keep tax cuts for more affluent sectors of the population, they note. In the working class port city of Baltimore, Maryland, Dr. Maureen Black, a pediatrician, sees numbers of underweight babies in her clinic specialized in infant malnutrition located in one of the poorer areas. "In the first year of life, children triple their birth weight," said Black, "and if children do not have enough to eat during those very early very times, you first see that their weight will falter and then their height will falter." "If their height falters enough and they experience stunting under age two, they are then at risk for academic and behavior problems" at school, said Black. Dr. Deborah Frank, a professor of pediatrics at Boston University's School of Medicine, who also runs a specialized clinic for malnourished babies, has similar concerns. "We are seeing more and more very young babies under a year of age which is a particular concern because they are most likely to die of under nutrition, and also their brains are growing very very rapidly," said Frank, in a telephone interview. "A baby's brain increases 2.5 times in size in the first year of life," she says, adding that if the baby fails to get the nutritional building blocks he or she needs for the brain to develop, a child can have lifelong difficulties in behavior and learning. But infant-child protection centers do not exist in the United States, unlike it other countries, such as France, which makes children below the age of three or four years old somewhat invisible to authorities, laments Frank. "They don't come to my clinic until they are already quite underweight. "Recently I have been alarmed because we are getting more children who are so ill that they go to hospital rather than they come to the clinic first" a situation which, in 20 years of practicing medicine, Frank had seen reverse. Some children in the United States occasionally look like the malnourished children we see in some parts of Africa, however, welfare programs targeting society's poorest ensures that problem is generally avoided, the pediatricians say. Paradoxically, malnutrition is not always due to lack of food -- rather to the quality of the food being consumed. "People often ask me how many children go to bed hungry. The answer is the parents work very hard so they don't go to bed feeling hungry. The parents try to fill the baby up with french fries and soda pop," said Frank. In some areas, green vegetables and fruit are impossible to buy -- even in a can, because there may be no supermarket. Moreover, such items are costly. "What happens in America is -- what seems bizarre -- that some of the recommendations that we give to families to prevent underweight of children are the same as we give to prevent overweight," said Black. "We recommend families not to give their children junk food." In some families, eating junk food will mean one child is obese while the other is underweight, said Black. "The first will eat junk food and nothing else, the second will eat junk food and everything else." © Copyright 2005 AFP
Guatemala police files on abuses found - ombudsman
17 Jul 2005 01:08:45 GMT
GUATEMALA CITY, July 16 (Reuters) - Some 30,000 police files have been unearthed and confirm that human rights abuses took place in the 1980s at the height of the country's civil war, Guatemala's human rights ombudsman said on Saturday.
The documents, discovered in archives of the now defunct National Police, contain information about disappearances in the 36-year civil war during which rights groups estimate 200,000 people died and 50,000 vanished, ombudsman Sergio Morales said.
"This is one of the most important discoveries in recent times," he told local radio.
Security forces are accused of carrying out illegal detentions, disappearances, summary executions, kidnappings and torture during the war, which ended in 1996 with peace accords between the government and leftist insurgents.
The war pitted largely poor rural dwellers against a government backed by the United States and Guatemala's urban elite. The army was accused of wiping out entire villages that it said harbored guerrillas.
Activists from dozens of rights organizations have demanded the Guatemalan government carry out a full examination of the archives.
The National Police was replaced with a new police force after the civil war ended.
AlertNet news is provided by Reuters
|October 19, 2005|
US soldiers in Afghanistan burnt the bodies of dead Taliban and taunted their opponents about the corpses, in an act deeply offensive to Muslims and in breach of the Geneva conventions.
Published on Wednesday, October 19, 2005 by the Sydney Morning Herald / Australia
Psych War in Afghanistan Film Rolls as Troops Burn Dead
by Tom Allard
US soldiers in Afghanistan burnt the bodies of dead Taliban and taunted their opponents about the corpses, in an act deeply offensive to Muslims and in breach of the Geneva conventions.
An investigation by SBS's Dateline program, to be aired tonight, filmed the burning of the bodies.
It also filmed a US Army psychological operations unit broadcasting a message boasting of the burnt corpses into a village believed to be harbouring Taliban.
According to an SBS translation of the message, delivered in the local language, the soldiers accused Taliban fighters near Kandahar of being "cowardly dogs". "You allowed your fighters to be laid down facing west and burnt. You are too scared to retrieve their bodies. This just proves you are the lady boys we always believed you to be," the message reportedly said.
"You attack and run away like women. You call yourself Taliban but you are a disgrace to the Muslim religion, and you bring shame upon your family. Come and fight like men instead of the cowardly dogs you are."
The burning of a body is a deep insult to Muslims. Islam requires burial within 24 hours.
Under the Geneva conventions the burial of war dead "should be honourable, and, if possible, according to the rites of the religion to which the deceased belonged".
US soldiers said they burnt the bodies for hygiene reasons but two reporters, Stephen Dupont and John Martinkus, said the explanation was unbelievable, given they were in an isolated area.
SBS said Australian special forces in Afghanistan were operating from the same base as the US soldiers involved in the incident, although no Australians took part in the action.
The incident is reminiscent of the psychological techniques used in Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison.
Copyright © 2005. The Sydney Morning Herald.
Legalized Torture, Reloaded
New york Times
Amid all the natural and political disasters it faces, the White House is certainly tireless in its effort to legalize torture. This week, Vice President Dick Cheney proposed a novel solution for the moral and legal problems raised by the use of American soldiers to abuse prisoners and the practice of turning captives over to governments willing to act as proxies in doing the torturing. Mr. Cheney wants to make it legal for the Central Intelligence Agency to do this wet work.
Mr. Cheney's proposal was made in secret to Senator John McCain, the Arizona Republican who won the votes of 89 other senators this month to require the civilized treatment of prisoners at camps run by America's military and intelligence agencies. Mr. McCain's legislation, an amendment to the Defense Department budget bill, would ban the "cruel, inhuman and degrading" treatment of prisoners. In other words, it would impose age-old standards of democracy and decency on the new prisons.
President Bush's threat to veto the entire military budget over this issue was bizarre enough by itself, considering that the amendment has the support of more than two dozen former military leaders, including Colin Powell. They know that torture doesn't produce reliable intelligence and endangers Americans' lives.
But Mr. Cheney's proposal was even more ludicrous. It would give the president the power to allow government agencies outside the Defense Department (the administration has in mind the C.I.A.) to mistreat and torture prisoners as long as that behavior was part of "counterterrorism operations conducted abroad" and they were not American citizens. That would neatly legalize the illegal prisons the C.I.A. is said to be operating around the world and obviate the need for the torture outsourcing known as extraordinary rendition. It also raises disturbing questions about Iraq, which the Bush administration has falsely labeled a counterterrorism operation.
Mr. McCain was right to reject this absurd proposal. The House should reject it as well.
New York Times
|Nov 1, 2005
Tender Mercenaries: DynCorp and Me
by Jeremy Scahill
Published on Tuesday, November 1, 2005 by CommonDreams.org Note: In the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, journalist Jeremy Scahill investigated the role of private security companies like Blackwater USA, infamous for their work in Iraq, that deployed on the streets of New Orleans. His reports were broadcast on the national radio and TV show Democracy Now! and on hundreds of sites across the internet. In response to Scahill's recent cover story in The Nation magazine "Blackwater Down," the President and CEO of DynCorp, one of the largest private security companies in the world, wrote a letter to the editor of The Nation. Dyncorp CEO Stephen J. Cannon's letter is reprinted below, followed by Scahill's response.
Falls Church, Va. -- In "Blackwater Down" [Oct. 10] Jeremy Scahill wrote that "mercenaries from companies like DynCorp, Intercon, American Security Group, Blackhawk, Wackenhut and an Israeli company called Instinctive Shooting International (ISI) are fanning out to guard private businesses and homes, as well as government projects and institutions."
For the record, employees of DynCorp International did not "fan out" in New Orleans or any other area affected by Hurricane Katrina. DynCorp International (DI) did not send anyone to the area to provide security services until we had made specific arrangements with clients and knew exactly what our responsibilities would be.
In the immediate aftermath of Katrina, Tenet Health Organization Group engaged DI to help protect its facilities, patients and employees. In the course of our work with Tenet, we have evacuated scores of employees and dozens of animals who had taken refuge in at least two of its hospitals, escorted company officials while they assessed damages, and even transported Tenet officials to a local bank to arrange payroll for their employees.
The people who are performing this security work are all fully certified police officers--either retired or on leave from their jobs--who were deputized by and work under the supervision of the St. Bernard Parish Sheriff's Department. They are not mercenaries, as Scahill disparagingly described them.
Security is only one of many service areas in which DynCorp International works. In the area affected by Katrina and Rita, DI helicopters are providing transportation, DI aviation technicians at several military bases are servicing aircraft that have been deployed for the relief effort, Marine Spill Response Corporation ships with DI crews are repairing oil platforms and cleaning spills, and DI logistics experts are installing temporary housing and office facilities for local officials and relief in St. Bernard Parish.
Stephen J. Cannon
Scahill Replies To hear Stephen Cannon tell it, DynCorp has been reincarnated as the Red Cross. He objects to the term "mercenary." The primary quality of a mercenary is that his main motivation is money. That is why DynCorp forces, paid much more than regular US military forces, are in Afghanistan, Iraq, Haiti, Africa, the Balkans--it is profitable. DynCorp itself is a mercenary, making a killing for its services. In the past two years alone, the company's revenues have doubled to more than $1.9 billion. Not bad for not being mercenaries.
As a journalist, I'm afraid I have to judge DynCorp not on the spin of its CEO but on its record. Here are just a few of the reasons for serious concern about DynCorp forces operating on US soil:
- DynCorp employees in Bosnia, where the company plays a major policing role, have engaged in organized sex-slave trading with girls as young as 12, and DynCorp's Bosnia site supervisor was filmed raping a woman. A subsequent lawsuit, filed by a company whistleblower, alleged that "employees and supervisors from DynCorp were engaging in perverse, illegal and inhumane behavior [and] were purchasing illegal weapons, women, forged passports and [participating in] other immoral acts." The whisteblower, with whom DynCorp eventually settled, "witnessed coworkers and supervisors literally buying and selling women for their own personal enjoyment, and employees would brag about the various ages and talents of the individual slaves they had purchased." The company's initial response was to fire the whistleblowers. The employees involved in the sex ring were transferred out of the country. Some were eventually fired, although none were ever criminally prosecuted. One of the whistleblowers told Congress, "DynCorp is the worst diplomat our country could ever want overseas.''
- In Afghanistan, where DynCorp guards President Hamid Karzai, the company has a reputation for brutality and recklessness, including serious complaints from internationals of intimidation. It has even been rebuked by the State Department for its "aggressive behavior" in interactions with European diplomats, NATO forces and journalists. A BBC correspondent also witnessed one of the guards slapping an Afghan government minister.
- In Haiti earlier this year DynCorp bodyguards on the detail of interim president Boniface Alexandre beat at least two journalists trying to cover a presidential event. DynCorp has had a checkered past in Haiti, where it "trained" the national police force after the original coup against President Aristide, bringing several feared Tonton Macoutes leaders back into prominence.
- The company is facing a major lawsuit filed by 10,000 Ecuadoreans forced to live (and die) with the impact of DynCorp's toxic crop spraying, which it does in several Latin American countries, including Colombia, as part of Plan Colombia. Representative Jan Schakowsky, an Illinois Democrat, charges that "DynCorp's employees have a history of behaving like cowboys." A leading Colombian newsweekly called them "lawless Rambos."
As DynCorp swallows up more lucrative government contracts by the week, some in Congress are raising questions. "Is it [the] policy of the US government to reward companies that traffic in women and little girls?" Representative Cynthia McKinney asked Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld in March.
Using private military contractors like DynCorp in places like Afghanistan and Iraq allows the government greater secrecy and less transparency and accountability. The real question is: Why are these particular firms needed in the United States for what should be relief and reconstruction operations? The answer is that they are not, but their road to the lucrative contracts is paved with political connections and the offer to their employers of plausible deniability. Unfortunately, if recent history is any indicator, the damage from this cronyism could extend well beyond the taxpayers' pockets to the safety and security of the people of New Orleans and other cities unfortunate enough to encounter these private security forces.
Take the words of Brig. Gen. Karl Horst, deputy commander of the Third Infantry Division in charge of security in Baghdad. In September he said this of DynCorp and other security firms in Iraq: "These guys run loose in this country and do stupid stuff. There's no authority over them, so you can't come down on them hard when they escalate force.... They shoot people, and someone else has to deal with the aftermath. It happens all over the place."
Jeremy Scahill is a correspondent for the national radio and TV program Democracy Now! He is currently a Puffin Writing Fellow at The Nation Institute.