Note: The Calendars in this file are meant to provide the basis for eventual future editions of the Letters and Correspondence of Thomas More, John Fisher, and John Colet; and are based on the earlier work of Rogers, Herbrüggen, Marc'hadour, Miller, the other editors of the Yale Edition, and many others. Any comments, corrections, suggested additions or queries can be sent to the compiler and editor at email@example.com
Version 1.3d (); © Romuald I. Lakowski. –, –
This File may be eventually split into two
Opera Omnia, Correspondence and Humanistic Works
Polemical and Devotional Works and Trial
Family and Friends, and Biographies
Thomas More and the Creative Arts
Utopia Part A: Editions and Translations
Utopia Part B: Studies
Calendars of the Letters and Papers of Thomas More, John Fisher, and John Colet (Under Development)
Part I: Fisher, Colet and the Carthusians
Part II: Early English English Renaissance (A—H)
Part III: Early English English Renaissance (J—W)
Letters and Papers of Sir Thomas More (A Calendar and a Chronology)
Letters and Papers of St. John Fisher (A Calendar)
Letters and Papers of John Colet (A Calendar)
Md quod die veneris proximo post Festum purificacionis beate Marie virginis videlicet septimo die Februarij inter horam secundam et horam terciam in Mane natus fuit Thomas More filius Johannis More Gent. Anno Regni Regis Edwardi quarti post conquestum Anglie decimo septimo. (Memo. That on the Friday next after the Feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, namely the seventh day of February, between the second and thrid hours of the morning, was born Thomas More, son of John More, Gentleman, in the 17th year of the reign of King Edward IV after the conquest of England.)The phrase in italics was added later. The date of the Marriage of John More and Agnes Graunger is given as 24 April 1474. There are a total of six children listed, of whom four including Thomas survived into adulthood. Thomas More's three surviving siblings were an older sister Joan (b.11 March 1474/75), and a younger brother and sister John (b.6 June 1480) and Elizabeth (b.22 Sept. 1482). For biography of John More (I), see CE 2:453; Allen 4:#999, n. to p.14/61; and ODNB.]
I remember that this conversation was reported to my father by a man who heard them conversing, well before there was any suspicion of this treachery(CW 15:328/2–5 and CW 2:170). More would have been only five years old at the time. Is this an early example of More's political precocity?]
Continuationto the English version of the History of King Richard III, breaks off unfinished with the account of Buckingham's revolt (CW 2:87–93). Buckingham was executed on 2nd November 1483 (
All Soul's Daycf. Shakespeare's Richard III, Act V, Scene I). For the death of Buckingham's son, see 17 May 1521.]
Sweating Sicknessin England
thirty years ago[End of August, 1485] Allen 6:#1593/76–78 and n. l.76, pp.136–137. [L'Univers Prologue, p.30; 63 and n; 250; 409; The exact nature of the English
Sweating Sicknessis unknown, though it is believed to have been related to the modern hantaviruses, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sweating_sickness. There were several outbreaks of the sweating sickness in 15th and 16th century England. The first broke out in 1485. It was followed by several other outbreaks in 1502, which carried carried off Prince Arthur though Katherine of Aragon recovered, a third less severe outbreak in 1507. Erasmus himself contracted the disease in 1511, which may have also carried off More's first wife Jane. A fourth outbreak occurred in August 1517, which carried off More's and Erasmus's friend Andrea Ammonio. A fifth one occurred in June 1528, in which Margaret Roper contracted the sweating sickness but
miraculouslyrecovered (cf. CW 6:468) and which spread to the continent; see also Allen n. to #1593/76) on p.136 in his 1530 De Bello Turcico (ASD V–3: 32 and CWE 64:214 and n.22) and Allen 8:#2278,pp.368–69 from John Fevyn on 6 March 1530); and a final outbreak in 1551. The disease was not recorded in England after 1578.]
reveal that his life there was by no means unhappy, and that the Augustinian cloister was not at all inhospitable to humanistic studies(ODNB).]
conversionto Philology, 1491. [L'Univers 76; CE 1:212–217. Like most humanist scholars of the day, Guillaume Budé (Budaeus) (26 January 1468 or 1468–22 August 1540) was largely self-taught in Greek studies. Erasmus and Budé exchanged about 50 letters including Allen #1233, an important description of More's school. More and Budé also exchanged about 9 letters, and Budé also contributed an important Prefatory Letter to the 1517 Paris edition of Utopia, addressed to Thomas Lupset, see *40A below. More and Budé met once in person at the
Field of Cloth of Goldin 1520.]
not fully two yeres.c1492–1494. Roper 5/15–17; Harpsfield 12/7–20 and nn. on p.306. [L'Univers 79 (and 82).]
Map of the Island of Utopia(CW 4:17) may be partially modelled on illustrations of the island of Hispaniola in the early editions of the First Letter. This is the only account of Columbus's voyages that More had access to in print apart from the pirated version of the First Decade of Peter Martyr, included in the Itinerarium Portugalensium (1508).]
Prologue, p.39. This epigram, first published in 1520 and probably written in 1518 or 1519 (See p.413), deals with More's meeting his first love again after 25 years. More claims says he was 16, and Elizabeth 14, at the time of their first meeting (see CW 3/2: #263/8–9, p.276). Their first meeting thus would have taken place in 1494 assuming the now generally accepted date for More's birth as 1478 is correct. We don't know the time of year, but it seems most likely it was in the Spring
when a young man's fancies turn to loveand summer between finishing his studies at Canterbury College, Oxford, and the start of his studies at New Inn. We know nothing about Elizabeth, except that she was two years younger than More, and obviously still alive in 1519.]
Pageant Verses, c1494–1501? CW 1:1–7, xvii–xxi, cx, nn. on pp.191–91 (and CW 3/2:#272, pp.292–93, nn. on p.417); http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Pageant_Life.pdf, (E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue, trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 21–41. [L'Univers p.125 (which gives a date of 1503). Edwards argues for a dating the poems some time in the 1490's which
would place the Pageant Verses before the generally accepted date of 1503, for which there is no supporting evidence, and would make them the earliest of More's poems(p.xviii). The verses were first published in the 1557 Folio, where William Rastell tells us that
Mayster Thomas More in his youth deuysed in hys fathers house in London, a goodly hangying of fyne paynted clothe, with nyne pageauntes, and verses ouer euery of these pageauntes . . .(p.3/2–4). They were presumably written
when More was in reasonable proximity to his father's house, if not actually residing there(p.xviii), some time before he started boarding at the London Charterhouse (c.1501), and after his residences in Morton's household and at Oxford. Depending on when these "stays" are dated, this gives an approximate dating between 1494 and 1501. (Edwards' dates are slightly different.)]
thirty years agoin the Supplication of Souls [c1495–1499?] CW 7:120/21–121/15 and n. to 120/34–35 and pp.329–30; Gottschalk 79–80; see also CW 6:227/5–6; Fisher English Works 240/18–23; Colet,
A Right Fruitful Monition, Nugent 395; Erasmus, Allen 6:#1593/85–94; CWE 11:#1593/93–101 and n15; and the Colloquy Coniugium impar (March 1529) ASD 3–1:591–600; CWE 40:842–859; Bailey Colloquys 3:61–75. [L'Univers, Prologue, p.30 and nn.22–23. For the controversial question of the "Columbian" origins of Syphilis, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_syphilis.]
Thomas More admissus est in Societat. xij die Februar. ao. sup. dicto  et pardonat. est quatuor vacaciones ad instanciam Johannis More patris sui(
Thomas More was admitted Feb. 12, and pardoned four vacations at the instance of John More, his father). At the same time, Richard Stafferton (who later married Thomas More's sister Johannna) was admitted on the same terms, also at the instance of John More (Douglas, p.105). Richard Stafferton or Staverton and Johanna More seem to have got married some time between 1496 and 1499, see below.]
several monthsat the Court of Cardinal Morton in England, after 17 June [c.August–October?] 1497. [L'Univers 95 and n2; and CW 4:58/16 and n. on pp.313–14.]
The Marriage Date of John Rastell and Elizabeth More.Moreana 52 (1976): 23–24. Geritz suggests that Rastell was born about 1475. From MS. Trinity Coll. Cambridge, O.2.21, we know Elizabeth More's birthday was 22 September 1482.]
The Death-Year of Thomas More's Mother,Moreana 63/2 (1979): 13–16. [Marc'hadour's article includes the Latin text and English translation of an Epigram/Epitaph about the death of Agnes More, possibly by her son, but not included in CW 3/2, cf.p.68.]
maison et domaine attenant) formerly belonging to William More, citizen and baker of London, 1499. [Reed, Early Tudor Drama 2; Margaret Hastings,
The Ancestry of Sir Thomas More,Essential Articles pp.93–94; L'Univers 103–104.]
Erasmus circle in England (act. 1499–1521)under themes. Erasmus (b. c1467) was about ten years older than More, and would have been already in his early 30's when he first visited England.]
In the Colloquiorum Formulae (p. 304) More is represented as coming to Paris on his way to Germany. The incident may be fictitious or may indicate an actual fact; but in any case it is probably an addition made when the Formulae were revised, perhaps in 1500, since there is no ground for supposing that Erasmus had met More before going to England(p.266). In Allen 1#130, note to l.92, p.304, Allen states that he thinks the reference to More's visit
probably indicates an actual occurence.However, there is no other evidence for More visiting the continent prior to 1508. Craig Thompson thinks that the Colloquys
Exorcisminclude anecdotes about More, even though he is not named in them (CWE 39: 161–162, n105). See CWE 39:314/24–315/35 and nn.35 to 38 on pp.324–325 (Bailey The Uneasy Wife I:249–51).]
English disaster, see Allen 1:#119/7 and n., p.275; CWE 1: #119/9 and n., p.237; Allen #145/52–54, p.343; CWE 2: #159/58–61, p.14; Allen #159/53–57, p.368; CWE 2: 45/59–63); #279/11–16 (p.538; CWE 2: 260/16–261/21) and the Compendium vitae (Allen 1:50/114–51/119; CWE 4: 408/127–133; Olin p.44).]
who resides at Lincoln's Inn, which he had entered on 12 Feb. 1496. In the same letter he refers to plans to publish his first work and pursue Greek studies further:
I am getting ready my work on adages, which . . . consists of about eight hundred proverbs, partly Greek and partly Latin . . . I have turned my entire attention to Greek (Ad Graecas litteras totum animum impuli). The first thing I shall do . . . is to buy some Greek authors(cf. Allen #124/43–46, 62–64; CWE #124/49–53, 72–73). The Adagia was published in June 1500, and clearly shows that Erasmus had achieved some knowledge of Greek by this point. For Erasmus' early Greek studies, see Erica Rummel,
First Steps: Erasmus' Greek Studies,Erasmus as a Translator of the Classics (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1985), 3–19. For the later competition between Erasmus and More to translate Lucian, see
A Friendly Competition: More's and Erasmus' Translations from Lucian,49–69.]
plus annis quinque ibi vixiCW 4:106/15), Hythloday then travelled to Taprobane (usually identified with Ceylon) and Calicut (CW 4:50/15–19).]
three years and more.c.1501–1504. Roper 6/7–8; Harpsfield 14/11–19 and n. on p.308. [L'Univers 115 gives More's starting date as 1501; TMSB p.361 as 1503.]
religiously living there, without vow, about four years.c1501–1504. Allen #999/160–167, pp.17–18; CWE 7:#999:172–79, p.21. Roper 6/9–11; Harpsfield 17/5–18 and n. on pp.310–11; [L'Univers 115, 121. More was not an oblate, but probably more than a boarder; Harpsfield, probably following Erasmus, suggests that More was discerning between a call to priesthood and marriage.]
Rufull Lamentationon the death of Elizabeth of York, wife of Henry VII, after 11 February 1503. CW 1:8–13, xxi–xxvi, cx–cxiii, nn. on pp.192–97; http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Rueful_Lamentation.pdf; (E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue, trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 42–62. [L'Univers 123. Probably written immediately after Queen Elizabeth's death. For the biography of Elizabeth of York, see ODNB and CE 1:427–28. This is the only one of More's early English poems that can be more or less precisely dated: the Pageant Verses were probably written in the 1490's (1496–1501), the Mery Jest in 1503 or 1509, and the Fortune Verses by the beginning of 1505 (cf. CW 1:xvii–xviii, xvi–xxvii, xxviii).]
A Mery Gest How a Sergeaunt wolde lerne to be a frere[c13 November 1503? or c21 March 1509?] CW 1:14–29, xxvi–xxvii, cxiii–cxv, nn. on pp.197–201; http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Merry_Jest.pdf; (E/Fr.) Marc'hadour, ed. Poèmes anglais (2004), pp.63–103. [L'Univers p.125. Arthur W. Reed first suggested in EW 1931 I:15, that the poem
may be associated with the Sergeant's Feast held on 13th November, 1503, in the Archbishop's palace at Lambeth, John More being on of the newly elected Sergeant's-at-law: A view endorsed by R.W. Chambers, Richard Sylvester, and Germain Marc'hadour. An alternate date of 1509, when More was made an honorary mercer of London has been suggested by Alison Hanham (cf. CW 1:xxvi–xxvii), which Edwards thinks has some merit. However, this view has recently been rejected by Marc'hadour, Poèmes anglais, p.66. The poem is a farce written in a variant of the
ballad stanza, which has certain affinities to the comic interludes being performed in this period. For other farces associated with the More Circle, see Walter Smyth, The Twelve Merry Jests of the Widow Edyth (25 March 1525) below. Compare More's use of a variant of the
ballad stanza(a quick-paced six-line stanza of two dimeter couplets each followed by a trimeter tail rhyme), with the extremely short lines of More's Latin Epigram #143
Qualis Uxor Deligenda, see 1519 below. This is the only one of More's English Poems not written in Rhyme Royal stanzas.]
Preface to the Book of Fortune1557], [1503?] [Before Beginning of 1505] CW 1:30–43, xxviii–xxxi, cxv–cxvii, nn. on pp.201–208; http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Book_Fortune.pdf; (E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue, trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 104–145. [L'Univers p.125. According to Edwards,
More's Fortune Verses are clearly an early work. [Edith] Willow's efforts to date them as late as 1509 ignore the evidence of MS Balliol 354 (O), in which they appear before More'sThe 1557 Folio adds the Explicit:Rufull Lamentation,which as has been shown, must have been copied into the manuscript by the beginning of 1505. Since the body of the manuscript was copied consecutively, the poem must date from before this terminus ad quem. And since the poem occurs some seventy leaves before theRufull Lamentation,it is quite possibly a much earlier work.
Thus endeth the preface to the booke of fortune.According to Edwards, whe don't know what work these verses were meant to accompany:
the actual work has resisted identification(p.xxix). As with More's
Rufull Lamentation, we have a female figure (Lady Fortune) speaking in the poem, addressing the audience.]
Lettre de More à John Colet,Moreana 22 (1969): 13–16. [L'Univers 131 and n1. The youthful More contrasts the town and country lives. For the life of Colet, see ODNB; CE 1:324–328; intro. to Allen 1:#106, p.242; and Rogers' introduction, pp.5–6. The standard biography is John B. Gleason, John Colet (Berkeley: U of California P, 1989). For More's Greek studies, see Rogers #2.]
Meanwhile, I shall pass my time with Grocin, Linacre, and our dear friend Lily, the first as you know the sole guide of my life (in your absence), the second my master in learning, the third the dearest partner of my endeavors(Rogers #3/65–68 and n. to l.66, pp.8–9; SL #2, p.6, and intro. on pp.3–4). See also Harpsfield 12/15–16 and 14/1–2, and n. on p.306.]
it is just as probable that the Progymnasmata were written towards the end of the decade 1500–1510 as towards the beginning(p.12). For the genre of Progymnasmata as
preparatory exercises, see CW 3/2: n. to p.321 and pp.13–14.]
More and Netherhall,TLS 26 Dec. 1918: 654 + 3 Jan. 1919: 10. [Roper, p.108:
More's marriage to Jane Colt was not later than January 1505.L'Univers 133:
nov.  — (au plus tard janv. 1505).]
politically incorrecttale about More's marriage to his first wife Jane Colt. For passage, see Bailey, 1:249–51.]
he determined to marrie; and therefore he propounded to himselfe, as a pattern of life, a singular lay-man Iohn Picus Earle of Mirandula, who was a man famous for vertue, and moste eminent of learning; for his life he translated, and sett out, as also manie of his most worthie letters, and his twelve precepts of good life.These accounts do not appear in Roper, Harpsfield, or Ro. Ba. (who normally translates from Stapleton). A.S.G. Edwards rejects this early dating and argues that
there is no solid evidence or logical necessity for a date of composition earlier than about 1510(CW 1:xxxix). For the alternate date of 1510, see Rogers #4 below.]
illius non possis non probare; ille sententiarum pondere et sanctitate dictionis excellans(
you cannot but help commend the words of the former. Pico excells in solemnity of thought and purity of diction) (De Conscribendis Epistolis, edited by Charles Fantazzi (Leiden: Brill, 1989), §109, p.136/1–2).]
Pico Verses, included at end of Life of Pico, [1505–1510?].
The Twelve Rules of Spiritual Battle,
The Twelve Weapons of Spiritual Battle,and
The Twelve Properties of a Lover.(L) CW 1: 340–349; (E) CW 1: 103/19–120/11; EW 1931 1:381–94; online on pp.50–71 of http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Life%20of%20John%20Picus.pdf [More translated three short prose Latin texts into a series of rhyme royal stanzas of English Verse.]
A Prayer of Picus Mirandula unto God.(L) CW 1:378–81, nn. on pp. 249–50; EW 1931 1:394–96; (E) CW 1: 120–23; Marc'hadour,
Pico's Prayer to God, Lord and Father,Praying with Saint Thomas More (Angers: Moreanum, 1998), 71–80; (E./Fr.) Marc'hadour, Prions avec Saint Thomas More(Angers: Moreanum, 1997), 63–69 (partial); online on pp.71–74 of http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Life%20of%20John%20Picus.pdf [Pico's original Latin prayer was written in 62 lines of Latin hexameter verse, which More translated into 84 lines of English verse (12 rhyme royal stanzas.)]
Pensioner, or financial administrator of Lincoln's Inn, from Easter to Michaelmas, 1507. Douglas Black Books, Book III, fol.8; p.145.
May 16, 1508. Agreed by the Governors and Benchers in the Chapel, for the completing of the new building, that every Fellow of the Inn being at and called to the Bench shall lend [prestaret] 20s., and that the Treasurer shall levy the same, and next item.]
seven years ago(1508):
Ego in utraque Achademia fui abhinc septennium, non diu quidem, sed interim tamen dedi operam, quae in utraque traduntur, quisque sit utrobique tradendi modus, ut scirem. [I was in both universities [Louvain/Leuven and Paris] seven years ago; not long, to be sure, but while there I tried hard to learn what things are taught in each university and what method of teaching is used there.](CW 15:22/6–8 and n. to 22/6 on p.505). According to both Roper (8/22–25) and Harpsfield (16/27–17/4), after arousing the indignation of Henry VII in the parliament of 1504
had not the king soon died, [More] was determined to go over [the] sea; see R.W.Chambers, Thomas More (1963), pp.91–92.]
ANNO XVcVIIJo — Also Shewde that Maister Thomas More, gentilman, desired to be fre of this felishipp, which was graunted hym by the holle company to haue it franke and fre.(Acts of Court, p.320).]
the Coronation Ode itself is a letter of sorts in verse to Henry VIIISLTM p.21. More later wrote one Latin
verse epistleto his children (Rogers #107).]
at the . . . Court of Assistens . . . the holle Compeny [of Mercers] with thavise of Thomas More, gentilman, agreed that it was best that Maister Wardens shulde go unto my lorde Mayre . . . that it might pleas hym to commaunde his Officers to warne certen Aldermen of diuers felishipys and the Wardens, with viij of the most Auncient and discrete parsones whiche haue ben coming by viij of the Clok in the morning . . . And for as muche as the same Pensonary can not speke Englisshe, the Compeny haue desired the forsaid Thomas More to be here & aunsware hym in Laten.(Acts of Court pp.329–330.]
see and viewe the comen grounde wheruppon the Master of seint bartholemus hath bilded.]
Thomas More, mercerus, electus est in isto Communi concilio in unum Burgensem pro Civibus huius Civitatis pro proximo parliamento apud Westm.]
Introduction, pp. 18,20; Rogers intro. on p.9; CW 15:xxxii n.; CW 1:xxxix–xl. She was probably the sister of Edward Lee.]
The lyfe of Jhon Picus, Erle of Mirandula, translated oute of latin, into Englishe by master Thomas More, about ye yeare of our Lorde. 1510.There was a later edition by Wynkyn de Worde (c1525), also undated (CW 1: cxxi–cxxii). According to Clarence Miller in his edition of Pico's Latin text:
The evidence does not allow us to say with full certitude which edition [of Pico] More used, but . . . the most probable source is the Strassburg Opera omnia of 1504(CW 1:291).]
From the Countrywas. The Preface was slightly revised in the 1514 edition. See also Erasmus' Letter to Dorp (1515) (Allen #337/126–128, p.94; CWE 3: #337/134–136, p.116); and Letter to Johann Botzheim (Allen I:19/6; CWE 9:#1341A/690–691, p.320).]
Sept. 3, 1510. Eodem die Thomas More, gent., electus est in unum subvicecomitem Civitatis london loco Ricardi Broke, gent., qui nuper electus fuit in Recordatorem london(Harpsfield p.312). For More's extensive relationships with the city of London, both as Undersherrif and later as a member of the King's council from 1509 to 1530, see R. W. Chambers' extended note to Harpsfield 19/22–20/2, pp. 312–14, listing almost 40 entries (provided by Miss Winnifred Jay) in the Journal of the Court of Common Council and the Repertory or Record of the Court of Aldermen City Records;
More was a judge at the Poultry Compter, one of the Sheriff's goals(CW 4:46/7 and n. on p.295). See also p.xxviii.]
Thomas More, With others as arbitrator.]
Feb. 4, 1511. Md that it is agreed by the Rewlers and other of the Benche that for that Thos More was ij tymes appoynted to be Marshall and lettid by divers casualtees, and for other causes them movyng, the seid Thos shall paie to the seid Companie vli., and therfor to be discharged of the kepyng of the Blak Boke and also of the Marschalshippe for euer.]
Salute More for me; and congratulate Linacre in my name . . . Remind More to see that the books I left in my chamber be returned to Colet(p.11). For Erasmus' return to England in 1511 and his desire to see Colet and More again, see Allen's preface and Beatus Rhenanus' Life of Erasmus (Allen I: 62/220–227; Olin p.54). For the life of Ammonio, see CE 1: 48–50; and intro. to Allen 1:#218, p.455.]
Our honeyed More and his kind wife who never thinks of you without a blessing, with his children and whole household are in excellent health(p.14). More's (first) wife died shortly afterwards, some time in the summer. More remarried within a month, see
Letter from Dan John Bouge to Dame Katheryn Manne(1535) below.]
Item, as ffor Sir Tomas More, he was my paryschener at London. I crystynyd him ii goodly childern. I berryd his ffirst wyf, and within a monythe after he came to me on a Sonday at nyte late and ther he browt me a dyspensacyon to be marryd the next Monday withowt any banys axyng; and as I understond sche is yett a lyff(Roper p.125. ***Include cross-reference to More's
Epitaphin CW 3/2: #258.]
sweating sickness, before 25th August 1511. Allen 1:#226/1–3, p.466 and intro. to #225, p.465; CWE 2:#226/2–5, p.169; Nichols 2:#220, p.20. [L'Univers 179.
I have no news to write of my condition, except that the journey [from London to Cambridge] was most uncomfortable, and my health still somewhat doubtful from that sweating sickness I told you of. Allen thinks that Erasmus fell ill in London, possibly while staying at Grocyn's house, on his way back from Paris to Cambridge. Erasmus was sick enough that rumours of his death had reached Jérôme de Busleiden in Mechlin and Paolo Bombace in Bologna, see Allen #244/A and #251); see also Porter, Erasmus and Cambridge, 78–80. It may very well have been the sweating sickness, that carried off More's first wife Jane about this time. For the origins of the sweating sickness, see 1485.]
I should be very unfair if I did not excuse More occupied as he is with such important affairs (Tam seriis occupato negotiis)(p.23). This is probably an indirect allusion to the death of More's first wife and More's subsequent remarriage.]
Treasurer: More. He refused to serve and was fined 20s. Roudon was elected in his place.]
I am sending back your wine cask.See Allen #238 where Erasmus returns the empty wine cask of Ammonio's via More.]
I have moved at last into St. Thomas College where I am no more housed according to my ideas than I was with More. I do not see the(p.31). The greek phrase translated ashooked beak of the harpybut there are other things that are offensive so that I do know how I can still go on living in England
the harpy's crooked beakis an unkind allusion to More's second wife, cf. Allen #451/19–20 below.]
I have not seen More and thought I need not go on purpose to ask him whether he has delivered your letter which he would scarcely fail to deliver since he either speaks to the Archbishop [Warham] or sees him every day(p.46; cf. Allen #240 above). For the biography of John More (II), see CE 2:453–54; also in DNB but not ODNB. John More seems to have died in 1512.]
lostletter to Fisher, that he asked More to deliver.]
I send you the Icaromenippus for you either to copy if you can do so without trouble or else arrange with More to give it to his brother to transcribe(pp.50–51, cf. Allen #243).]
c. début 1512.) Her father died in 1512 or 1513. She became the ward of Thomas More in c1525, and married John More, Thomas More's son, in c1529.]
With aldermen and bakers]to go to the kynges Counsell to knowe their pleasure for Bysket etc. for the kyng etc.
Compeny of the Stapull haue electe & chosen to haue Comunicacion with the merchantes adventurers for for diffrens aboue written [eight names including More's] At a courte of assistens holden the xxvjth daye of Aprell, Anno ut supra.(Acts of Court 401).]
Business of the Fishmongers.]
Authority of the Mayor over the crafts. The wardens of ten companies came before the Recorder and others,]and all this wardeyns before rehersed, except the Wardeyns of taillors, have aggreed and consented to the peticion late moved in parleament house that all Craftes shalbe hereafter be [sic] under the Rule of the Maire and aldermen for the tyme beyng; and that all the Wardeyns that have consented shall go to the parleament to morwe by barge at their cost and appere before the lordes, and to have the comen sergeant and yong Mor to speke and make aunswere for them.
Mr. Mor, seriaunt, [i.e. More's father], and Mr. Mor, jun. are each appointed to a small Committee, to speak respectively with the Duke of Buckingham and the Bishop of Norwich for the Act concerning Corporations.]
With others to interview the King's Council for divers causes.]
c.11, the date of letter #270 to Colet.]
With others, care of London bridge.]
AldineGreek Edition of the Complete Works of Plato, September 1513. Hapanta ta tou Platōnos. Omnia Platonis opera. in 2 Parts. Venezia, in aedibus Aldo Manuzio & Andrea Torresano, 1513. Online at https://books.google.com/books?id=RfJCAAAAcAAJ&pg=PT4 Also available through Hathitrust (see USTC). [USTC 849832. L'Univers 198. A second edition would not be published until March 1534 by Simon Grynaeus (see Rogers #196). The edition took a long time to prepare. It was first announced in 1497. Erasmus wrote to Aldus Manutius in 1507 (Allen #207) to ask him when his edition of Plato would be published. For Ficino's Latin translation see 1484.]
about the year 1513(EW 1557);
circiter M.D.XIII(Opera omnia 1565). For dating of the composition of the Latin version, Sylvester suggests (cf. CW 2:lxiii–lxv) a date of 1514–1518 as the most satisfactory possibility. Kinney writes:
Even though topical references establish that the Historia . . . cannot have been finished before 1514 . . ., it also seems certain that P [Paris Manuscript MS fr. 4996] was completed not many years after that dateCW 15:cxxxiv.n2). Neither version was published during More's own lifetime.]
About the middle of September 1514(CE 1:401). Answered by Allen #337 below. Erasmus did not actually receive Dorp's letter from a friend (possibly Pieter Gillis) until he visited Antwerp in the summer of 1515 on his way to Basel.]
c'est le sommet de l'echelle académique à Londres. Il est pour la 2nde fois Governor de Lincoln's Inn, et en outre, jusqu'en 1517, Reader à Furnival's Inn. [This is the top of the academic ladder in London. He is for the 2nd time Governor of Lincoln's Inn, and further, until 1517, Reader at Furnival's Inn].]
Sir Thomas More and Doctors Commons,Moreana 14 (May 1967): 15–22; and K.R. Massingham,
Thomas More,Moreana 22:87/88 (1985): 29–35. John Colet was also a member but his date of admission is unknown. For a reproduction of More's signature, see The King's Good Servant #107, p.60.]laicus, gent,
More est designé pour une mission en Flandre.7th February 1515 (L'Univers p.213). [I can't find any evidence for this. Is it a doublet for 7th May (three months before?).]
Forfeiture of some alumA cargo of alum had been illegally confiscated from a papal ship in Spring 1514 by Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. In the late middle Ages the Papacy tried to impose a monopoly on the sale of alum (mined in the Papal States). For recent scholarship, see Richard J. Walsh,as foreyn bought and sold: xxs. is given to Morefor his grete labour and payn by hym susteyned in that behalff.
The papal alum monopoly in the Burgundian Low Countries,Charles the Bold and Italy (1467–1477): Politics and Personnel (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2005), 92–97***. See also next item.]
Epilogueto the second edition of Utopia (1517) (Rogers #41A), and Rogers #47.]
Utopian Embassyto Bruges and Antwerp. For brief biographies of More's fellow commissioners, see intro. to Rogers #10, pp.16–17. For the life of Tunstall, see ODNB, CE 3:349–354; note to Allen #207/22, p.438; and intro. to Rogers #10, p.16. The standard biography of Tunstall is C. Sturge, Cuthbert Tunstall: Churchman, Scholar, Stateman, Administrator (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1938). Tunstall was the leader of the
Utopian Embassy, See Rogers/Herbrüggen #10, #11, #11A, #12, and #14. He is mentioned at the beginning of Utopia (CW 4: 46/8–20, and n. on pp.295–98. For later letters to and from Tunstall, see Rogers #17 and #28, #37, #111, #160 and for later embassies that More served on with Tunstall, see Rogers/Herbrüggen #89, #103D, #147, #169, #169B–#169F, #170, #171, #172, #172A, #173. Tunstall submitted to the Royal Supremacy but changed his mind under Edward VI and was deprived of his bishopric. He was restored by Mary, but again deprived and imprisoned by Elizabeth. He died in 1559. When his servant was asked by More in prison if Tunstall were likely to join them, More said:
If he do not, no force for if he live he may do more good than die with us(Trial p.92. For a Biography of Sampson, see Allen #780 below.]
Yt ys agreed that Thomas More, Gent., oon of [the] undersheryfes of london which shall go on the kinges ambasset in to Flaunders shall occupie his Rowme & office by his sufficient depute un tyll his cumming home agayn.]
UtopianEmbassy to the Continent, c12th May–c25 October 1515. CW 4:46 and nn. on pp.294–299. Roper 9/9–12 and n. on p.110; Harpsfield 20/23–21/3 and n. on pp.315–317. [L'Univers 215. The leader of the Embassy was Cuthbert Tunstall. More's main role seems to have been to represent the commercial interests of the City of London in the trade negotiations:
before he [came] to the seruice of king Henrye the eight, at the suite and instance of the Englishe merchauntes, he was by the kings consent made twice Embassador in certaine greate causes betweene them and [the] merchauntes of the Stilliarde.There is some confusion here. This clearly refers to the two embassies of 1515 and 1517, which were made at least partly to protect the commercial interests of the English Wool Merchants in the Mercer's Company. The two later embassies to the Hanseatic League took place in Bruges in 1520 and 1521. (The Steelyard was the colony of the Hanseatic League in London.) The fundamental study of the
Utopian embassyis still Edward Surtz's
St. Thomas More and his Utopian Embassy of 1515,Catholic Historical Review 39 (1953/4): 272–97. The work of the commission was two-fold: to negotiate an
amity, or non-agression pact, and an
intercourseor trade agreement regarding the wool trade.]
the xiith daye of May last at whiche day wee toke our journey(Rogers 11/13, p.21).]
Dr. Dunstable [Tunstall] and Mr. More have arrived in this town.(#473 to Henry VIII).
Dr. Dunstable and Mr. More have told him he is comprised in thier commission.(#474 to Wolsey). Erasmus met with More a few days later in Bruges after leaving England on his way to Basel. See Allen #362, dated 16th October, below. More brought John Clement as his secretary, as we learn from Utopia 40/14–18 and n. on p.291, see Erasmus' letter Allen #820 below, dated 18th April 1518, to William Gonell.]
King's commission with Mr. Tunstall andIn a note to Sampson (#534) (much mutilated) Wolsey refers to theyoung Moore.
a]dventages ye shall have assocyat with ... [y]ong More and the governor of the said [merchants]. The
John Clifford, head or governor of the English Merchants in the Low Countries, another member of the Commission. (Surtz 1953: 278).]
Are not joined with the commissioners for the intercourse . . . they have no other powers except to express the King's pleasure to have the amity renewed. Think that the intercourse and amity should be communicated jointly, otherwise the merchants will suffer much.]
Thinks, from a private conversation he had with the Provost of Cassel [Georges de Themsecke] and from other things, that they mean to make Englishmen resort only to Bruges. When the Prince [Charles] was here that town was very urgent for certain advantages and obtained leave to make certain great fosses,—whereby they may cause a river and a great water to come to Escluse [Sluys], to the great furtherance of merchants for conveyance of their merchandise.
On the Provost of Cassel complaining that the heaviness of the tolls drove away the merchants, Sampson said that though Bruges might suffer, other parts flourished, as Antwerp,(LP quoted in part by Surtz 1953:287–88). For the life of Joris van Themsecke, Provost of Cassel, whom More mentions in Utopia (CW 4:46/24 and n. on pp.298–99), see CE 3:315–16.]which is now one of the flowers of the world.The Provost answered that was not by English merchants. Sampson said they were the greatest cause, and drew many other merchants thither, as they would probably find out if Englishmen resorted elsewhere. The Provost repliedBruges is now in great poverty for want of merchants resorting, and great pity it is to see the decaying of such an excellent town. Your merchants be vexed with tolls passing into Brabant. Cause them only to resort to this town [Bruges]; they shall be out of trouble, and none other tolls demanded of them but one small thing coming to this town. And that they may come the more commodiously, the town of Bruges with their Importown expenses be making of a straight river and a water for to come to Escluse and to Bruges. And rather than the Englishmen should have remission of these tolls i.e. those levied at Bruges], which is the cause of passing their country and leaving them, they would rage and be ready to an insurrection.
Paulo posteaquam tu a me discesseras, ego Tornacum concessi. (A little after you left me I went to Tournai).More talks to Mountjoy, the governor, and Sampson, Wolsey's representative there, about Erasmus' candidacy for the Canonry. See also CW 6:328/27 and n. 0n pp.694–95; and CW 3/2:#244, pp.256–58, n. on p.404.]
Tunstal and More have written to Wolsey and the council.]
Master More at thys tyme, as beynge at a low ebbe, desyrys by your grace to be set on flote ayen.Chambers transcribes part of the autograph letter in Harpsfield.]
the Prince's commissioners are gone to Mechlin to learn the Prince's]mind in our business.They do not give the English commissioners any hope of a change for the better. Their money is all spent.
[T]hey shewed vs a letter directed vnto theym fro the prynce, by which[e] he gave theym in commaundement to resorte vnto hym and his Counsayle to Meclyne [Mechlin], where he intendyd to bee hymself, within few dayes, at whiche theyr resortyng to his presence they shold haue on his behalf a full and a perfite knowleg[e] of his plesure concernyng oure busynesse(Rogers #12/19–25, p.22).
When after one or two meetings there were certain points on which we could not agree sufficiently, they bade farewell to us for some days and left for Brussels to seek an official pronouncement from the Prince(CW 4:47/30–33) and n. to 46/28–29, p.299.
The difference in place-names does not constitute a serious problem, since [the two places are not far distant and] the commissioners might have met the prince at Mechlin and then proceeded with him to Brussels. In 1515 Charles held court at Mechlin on July 21–22, and at Brussels on July 23–29(Surtz 1953:289 and CW 4:299). In Utopia the reference to More's visit to Antwerp follows immediately on the passage quoted above.]
lostletters to More, [Basel?, July 1515–January 1516?] Allen 2: #388/1–2, p.193; CWE #388/2–3, p.230. [L'Univers 217. The letters were presumably written after his visit to More in Bruges at the end of May or beginning of June 1515 on his way to Basel.]
Has received an answer from the King's ambassador at the Prince's court, that it is no use Tunstal's tarrying there any longer, for the Chancellor of Burgundy [Jean Le Sauvage] has expressly told Dr. Knight that the commissioners will not return; at which he marvels, considering their promises to the contrary. Takes his journey tomorrow to the Prince's court to carry out the King's instructions.Presumeably, More had stayed with Tunstall up to this point, but now with negotiations at an impasse, this would have been a good time for More to visit Busleyden.]
Thinks the amity [non-aggression pact] will not be broken.]
I have not pressed for an answer about the amity, as they are in doubt what to do in the intercourse [trade agreement].]
Wants money; has been there more than four months and lacks a month's pay. Ponynges leaves to morrow for England. Commends his wisdom and diligence.The work of the commission was winding down, and Poyninges was obviously no longer needed. This would also have been a good time for More to go off and visit Pieter Gilles in Antwerp.]
iam tum enim plus quatuor mensibus abfueram domo (I had been then more than four months away from home)(CW 4:48/13 and n. on p.300. Hexter's attempts to argue for an earlier date are not persuasive (cf. CW 4:Appendix A,
More's visit to Antwerp 1515, pp.573–76.) Surtz comments:
It seems that shortly afterwards [After 13th September] that More paid the visit to Antwerp described in his Utopia . . . It is true that More spoke earlier as if he had made this trip in July [but] [h]is statement on being(Surtz 1953: 290). More must have returned to Bruges at some point before his departure to England on 25th October, since the Letter to Dorp (Rogers #15) was dated from Bruges, 21 October 1515.]more than four monthsfrom home . . . is so definite that September must be accepted as the month of his sojourn in Antwerp with Peter Gilles
I met wyth Mr. More [returning home] in the highwaye [from Calais to Antwerp at Gravelines], and because there was at that tyme no commoditie to wryte vnto your grace, I desirydde hym to make schewe off thys vnto your sayde grace.(Harpsfield; cf. LP 2: #1067). See also Allen 2:#388/102–111, p.196; CWE 3:#388/109–119, p.234. In the Letter to Dorp above, dated 21st October, More indicated that he had had to finish writing the letter at short notice because of a summons by Henry VIII to return home (CW 15:122/14–15 and n. on p.542.]
Qualis Uxor Deligenda(in De generibus ebriosorum) [1515?, 1518?] redated to Comiander, 1550. (See also Urceus, 1519.)
wrote to Henry VIII of the(CE 3:350). LP doesn't actually include this quote.]acquaintance and long familiarity[with Busleyden] which existed between themwhen we were both scholars at Padua(LP II-1 1383; Sturge 13-14).
very idle correspondent. Erasmus only recieved the copy of More's letter from Pieter Gillis in Antwerp on 30 May when he returned from Basel (cf. Allen #412/32–33, p.243). The letter gives a detailed account of More's 1515 embassy to the Low Countries.]
More is returned from his friends in Flanders having fulfilled his mission with great credit. He now haunts with us the smoky chambers of the palace. No one is more punctual in carrying his morning salutations to my lord of York [Wolsey](pp.242–43).]
I was pleased with your letter, which was delivered to me by Peter Gillis on my return to Antwerp.(Allen #412/32–33; Nichols II:266–67).]
It is nothing new, and yet it is very pleasant to know by More's letter that you are so friendly to us, however little we deserve it. . . again. You will learn the rest of my news from More.For the life of Linacre, seeODNB, CE 2: 331–332 and Allen 1:#118/23 and n, p.274.]
Committee to fix price of victuals:]and that Mr. More the yonger shall be assistent to theym.
De versiculis nostris nihil scribo; tu vide quid statuas. [I have nothing to say about our [my] verses; you must do as you think best](Allen #424/81; CWE #424/89–90); cf. Allen #461/21–25.]
rescuesErasmus' servant from a beating and talks Erasmus out of sending back Ammonio's horse.]
c.October, even though More's Letter of 3 September to Erasmus (Allen #461/1–2, p.339), mentions the existence of the prefatory letter. McCutcheon notes that this reference gives
us, incidentally, the only date that can be attached to this letter to Peter Giles(p.14). There is no indication that More ever revised it. For the life of Pieter Gillis (Petrus Aegidius/Peter Giles), see CE 2:99–101; Allen intro. to 1:#184, p.413; intro. to Rogers #25, pp.76–77; De Vocht Busleyden #80, p.464–65; and De Vocht LC #159, pp.438–40. For later letters to Gilles, see Rogers #41A (Epilogue to 1517 2nd edition of Utopia) and #47.]
I am sending you [our] Nowhere [nostram Nusquamam], which is nowhere [nusquam] well written. I have added a prefatory epistle to my Peter. I know that I do not have to tell you to give proper attention to everything else. . . . If you publish my Epigrams, give some thought to the propriety of printing my remarks about Brixius, as some of them are rather caustic, . . . . As for any silly remarks, handle them all as you know will be for my own good. . . . Farewell and give my regards to Master Tunstall and Master Busleiden(SL #6, pp.73–75; cf. Allen #461/1–3, 20–22, 24–25, 28–29, pp.339–40). Tunstall was on a displomatic mission to the continent at this time . The linking of Tunstall and Busleiden here increases the likelihood that the unnamed statesman of Rogers #22 below is Busleiden. More had evidently made arrangements with Erasmus for the publication of his Latin Epigrams, though in the event they were only published in 1518 in two editions of Utopia of March and November (together with Erasmus's own Epigrams). Erasmus in the end ignored More's advice to omit the epigrams about Germanus Brixius, which resulted in a literary quarrel, that occasioned the 1520 Letter to Brixius (Rogers #86) below.]
Sometime ago I sent you my Nowhere [Nusquamam]; I am most anxious to to have it published soon and also that be handsomely set off with the highest of recommendations, if possible from several people, both intellectuals and distinguished statesmen(SL #7, p.76; Allen 2:#467/13–17, p.347). He then asks Erasmus to request a letter from one nameless individual (Busleiden [SL #7, p.76n4] or Colet [Allen n. to #467/17, p.346]?), and to
describethe Utopia to Cuthbert Tunstall, if he has not already shown it to him.]
Lostletter to William Latimer, [London, Before 22nd September 1516]. Allen 2:#468/10–11, p.347. [L'Univers 235 (Marc'hadour dates it
c. début oct.) More and Erasmus write to Latimer to ask him to help Fisher learn Greek, see Allen #520 below.]
Pieter Gillis is devoted to you. You are constantly present to us. He is delighted with your Nowhere (tuae Nusquamae), and greets you most warmly, you and all yours(CWE #474/34–36).]
I am preparing Nowhere (Nusquam<am> adorno). I want you to write a preface, but addressed to anyone else other than to me. I should rather prefer Busleiden(Nichols p.406 altered).]
Your friend More is charmingly well(pp.411–12).]
I am delighted to hear that Pieter approves of my Nusquama [Nowhere from the Latin adverb nusquam]; if men such as he like it, I shall begin to like it myself. I should like to know whether Tunstall approves [cf. Rogers #17,#28 below] and Busleyden [Rogers #27 below], and your chancellor [Jean le Sauvage, leader of the opposing party in the negotiations of the(CWE #481/68–74, p. 481) — Utopia asUtopianembassy of 1515]; that it should win their approval is more than I dared hope, being men so gifted that they hold high office in their own countries, unless they were to favour it because in such a polity as I have invented men like themselves, so cultivated and upright, would certainly be at the head
Mandarinocracy? For the life of Jean Le Sauvage, see CE 2:325–26; CW 4:284, n. to 26/24; and Maarten Vermeir,
Chancellor Jean le Sauvage /Ioannes Sylvagius, Erasmus' princeps christianus and a prince of Utopia for Thomas More,Moreana 53:203–204 (June 2016): 269–82.]
LostLetter from Erasmus to More, [Brussels, c.9 November 1516]. Allen intro. to 2:#499, p.413. [cf. L'Univers 237. For More's reply, see Allen #499, 4 December 1516.]
praeter Erasmi annotationes). The artist of the 1516 map is unknown (CW 4:276&77). In the Hexastichon by Anemolius, the nephew of Hythloday, occurs the only reference to Utopia as Eutopia or
happy-place(CW 4:20/9 and n.on p.279), an
equationthat More himself never makes in any of his surviving works. The Utopian alphabet and verses were omitted from the 1517 edition, but reprinted in the two 1518 editions, which also included a new map by Ambrosius Holbein (CW 4:clxxxviii–cxc). The Utopian alphabet and Maps were not reprinted in later early modern editions of Utopia, probably for typographical reasons. For possible Indian [Malayalam] sources for the Utopian alphabet, see nn. on CW 4:277–78 and 584; J. Duncan M. Derrett,
Thomas More and Joseph the Indian,Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland April, 1962: 18–34; and
The Utopian Alphabet,Moreana 12 (1966): 61–66; and Christophe M. Vielle,
La langue de l'île d'Utopie: les Indes orientales vues des Flandres à la Renaissance,Acta Orientalia Belgica 26 (2013): 203–22.]
Our Thierry [Martens] has willingly and joyfully undertaken the printing of Utopia. Paludanus [Desmarez] will show you the figure of the Island itself, drawn by an excellent artist (Figuram a quodam egregio pictore effictam) . . . And I will take great care that the Utopia shall be produced in a handsome form, so that there may be nothing to interfere with the pleasure of the reader.For the life of Geldenhauwer, see CE 2:82–84; intro. to Allen 2:#487, pp.379–80; and De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.#179, p.484. For More's references to Geldenhouwer's poetry, see Letter to Dorp (CW 15: 106/24–25 (n. on p.537), 108/1,16, 118/4, 120/15).]
Vtopia in manibus est typographi). But see Desmarez's letter below (*28A).]
LostLetter from Tunstall to More, Brussels, end November 1516. [L'Univers 237. In Allen #499 dated 4th Dec. 1516 below, More writes:
Master Tunstal recently wrote me a most friendly letter. Bless my soul, but his frank and complimentary criticism of [our] commonwealth [republica nostra] has given me more cheer than would an Attic talent(SL #11, pp.84–85; cf. Allen #499/35–39, p.413). More had earlier asked Erasmus in Allen #467, dated 20th Sept. 1516, to show the manuscript of Utopia to Tunstall:
I am also anxious to know if you have shown it [Nowhere] to Tunstall, or at least described it to him(SL #7, p.76).]
c.déc.: More remercie Tunstal de ses félicitations(Rogers 28, avec laquelle on peut bloquer Rogers, 17.)Rogers #17:
What possible gain is it for me to be employed in embassies, for although my Prince is generously inclined towards me, yet far from seeking advancement at Court I turn away from it with loathing(Hallett). In Rogers #28: More thanks Tunstall for his previous letters, which are not extant, especially his last one with
its praise of my Commonwealth [Republica mea] . . . . Wherefore, for having so carefully read through the Utopia, for having undertaken so heavy a labor for friendship's sake, I give you the deepest thanks(SL #10, p.82); see also previous entry. Cuthbert Tunstall's lost letter from Brussels and More's reply both clearly predate Allen #499 (Rogers #29) below.]
As to the Utopia, I leave it to you to decide. Desmarez' things can be left out. The mention of the alphabets in Pieter Gillis' preface need cause you no anxiety(CWE 5:#732/28–30, p.229). Rhenanus evidently decided to omit Desmarez's pieces but retain the alphabets in the March 1518 edition.]
Your letter delivered to me by More does not need much answer, except that I am amused at that class of people who live to gratify their appetite(p.445; cf. Allen #483, dated 9 November).]
LostLetter from Erasmus to More, [Brussels, before 15 December 1516]. Allen 2:#502/17–18,24–26, pp.420–21. [cf. L'Univers 237. The letter clearly announced the imminent publication of Utopia as we can tell from More's reply.]
Your letter has aroused my hopes, which I greedily seize upon; and from day to day I look forward to [our] Utopia with the feelings of a mother waiting for her son to return from foreign parts(SL #12, p.87;cf.CWE #502/27–30). Erasmus's letter is not extant.]
LostLetter of Erasmus to William Mountjoy, [Brussels, end of December 1516.] Allen 2:#508/1–3, pp.425–426; CWE 4:#508/1–3, p.177. [Erasmus sends a newly printed copy of Utopia to Mountjoy possibly as a strena or
new year's gift.(Allen 2:399, intro. to #461); see also Allen 1:#187/1–14, p.450 and CWE 2:#187/2–16, p.101 and n.to l.4, where Erasmus refers to the custom of giving MSS as New Years Gifts (Erasmus to Richard Foxe, etc.) and More's Prefatory Letter to Joyeuse Leigh at the beginning of his Life of Pico.]
Your letter has come, and with it the book about the island of Utopia which you sent me . . . . I expect to read it soon from beginning to end, so that though I am not in a position to enjoy the society of my beloved More, I may at least see his reflection in his Utopia.(CWE #508/1–2, 5–8). Erasmus's letter to Blount is not extant.]
LostLetter of More to Busleyden thanking him for his Prefatory Letter to Utopia, [London, Before 13 January 1517]. Allen 2:#513/6, p.430; CWE 4:#513/7, p.183.
I have written to thank our friend Busleyden. You must thank Desmarez yourself on my behalf no less warmly than Gillis, for they wished you to have the credit of what they wrote(CWE 4:#513/7‐9). More's letter to Busleyden is not extant.]
I beg your grace to accept a little book [Utopia]. It was written in due haste, and I fear is lacking in wit, but a friend of mine, a citizen of Antwerp [Peter Gilles] allowed his affection to outweigh his judgment, thought it worthy of publication and without my knowledge had it printed(SLTM #13, p.60). The glosses are Stapleton's. The pretence at reluctance to publish was something of a topos in this period.]
claimsthat he had originally wanted to dedicate the Utopia to Cardinal Wolsey, who had just become Chancellor:
I had had it in mind to betroth my Utopia to Cardinal Wolsey alone (if my friend Peter had not without my knowledge, as you know, ravished her of the first flower of her maidenhood [i.e. by publication])(SL #14, p.60).]
As for More, you know how quick he is, what a forceful mind he has, and with what energy he addresses himself to anything once he has started; in a word how much he resembles you(#520/136–138). For Fisher's Greek studies, see also More's Letters to Erasmus: Allen 2:#468/10–11, p.346 (CWE 4:#468/12–14 and n., p.80); and #481/16–19, p.371 (CWE 4:#481/17–20, pp.114–15).]
merry book on the new island of Utopia.]
LostLetter from Erasmus to More together with a copy of Utopia, Antwerp, c13 February 1517. Allen 2:#543/1–3, p.494; CWE 4:#543/1–4, p.270. [Allen suggests that it was probably a copy for More to revise for new forthcoming edition.]
When you have read More's Utopia, you will feel you have been suddenly transported into another world; everything there is so different.]
As for Thomas More's Utopia, if you have not yet had a chance to see it, mind you buy a copy, and do not grudge the leisure to read it, for you will not regret the trouble taken.Budé later contributed a Prefatory letter to the 2nd edition of Utopia (Paris: ?Oct. 1517), see *40A below. For the life of the great French humanist Guillaume Budé, see CE 1:212–17, Allen intro. to 2:#403, pp.227–28, and Rogers intro. to #65, p.124. Budé, who was one of Erasmus's most important correspondents, exchanged about fifty letters with him, and another 9 odd letters with Thomas More; and several more with Richard Pace and Cuthbert Tunstall.]
LostLetters from More to Erasmus, Received 20 February 1517. Allen 2:#536/14–17, p.482; CWE 4:#536/17–18, p.253. [L'Univers 245.]
LostLetter from Erasmus to More, Antwerp, c23 February 1517. Allen 2:#536/14–17, p.482; CWE 4:#536/17–18, p.253. [L'Univers 245. Erasmus replies to More's
lostletters, received on 20th, cf. #539 to Andrea Ammonio.]
if you wish to see the very wellsprings of all troubles in the commonwealth.]
If you have anything that can restore me to life send it by More, unless you have a more likely envoy, cf. Allen #498/28.]
I sent you not long ago a parcel of epistles, with the copy of the Utopia . . . I send one letter, which I have written to Marlianus [Marliano], because he suspected the first book of Utopia to have proceeded from me. I do not want that notion to gain ground, as nothing is more silly. . . Send your revised Utopia here as soon as you can, and we will send the copy either to Basel, or if you like, to Paris.]
Send the Utopia as soon as may be. There is a Senator of Antwerp, who is so pleased with it, that he has learnt it by heart.At the end of the letter Erasmus makes an uncompimentary comment about Vives:
If Vives has been with you often, you will easily guess what I have suffered in Brussels.(CWE #545/16–17, and note on pp.274–75). In the 1521 edition of Epistolae ad diversos the name is changed to
Pollioprobably to avoid embarrassment since Erasmus had changed his views on Vives. The later reference in Allen #1106 (26 May 1520) in which More professes not to know Vives at all, is not necessarily incompatible if More's acquaintance with Vives was only slight and they hadn't actually met (see note in CWE).]
Office of the gaugership, and tithes.]
statesman More and saintly Colet.More and Fisher both later wrote against Oecolampadius.]
On May 12 More was one of a Commission appointed to go to the kinges grace & to know his plesure when the Mayr & aldremen & diverse of the Substancyall Comeners of this Citie shall sue to beseche his grace to be good and gracious lord un to theym & to accepte theym nowe beying most Sorowfull & hevye for thees late Attemptates doon ageynst their wylles; and also to fele my lord Cardynalles mynde concernyng the nombre of persones that shall cume to the kinges grace for the Seyd sute to be made(Harpsfield 313).]
Peter Gillis and I are being painted in one picture, which we intend to send you as a present before long. . . I have sent your Epigrams, and the Utopia . . . to Basel by my own servant, whom I have kept here for some months for the purpose.]
Where it was shewed unto the Compeny by Maister Wardens that Maister More shuld go over the see as Imbassator into Fraunce for a day of dyat there to be kepte, and they of the Compeny that haue had any Iniuries or wronge done unto theym by Frenchmen lett theym shewe it to the said Maister More(Acts of Court 446).]
From your letter to my friend More, dear Erasmus, I learn that my letter [Ep. #559 and #574?] has gone astray and that you are anxious for a copy of it.See Allen #584/43–46, above. For the life of Guistiniani, see CE 2:203. Giustiniani was the Venetian Ambassador to England from 1515 to 1519. For More and Giustiniani, see CWE 4:#461/3–5, p.66, CWE 5:#601/64–65, p.18 and Giustiniani's Letters to the Signory on 28 February and 18 September 1518.]
With the Recorder, to arbitrate between the parishioners of St. Vedast and the Fellowship of Sadlers.]
The Mysterious Malady of Pieter Gillis,in Humanism: Pieter Gillis.]
La correspondance de Guillaume Budé et Thomas More,Moreana V:19/20 (1968): 41–68. Marc'hadour also suggests including Budé's letter to Lupset in the list of Correspondence here, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 91.]
Budé, Ammonio, More, and other scholars.Later he writes:
I got a letter from our friend More, now I suppose more the Utopian not the Englishman. . . . I have been most deeply immersed in the business of princes.. . . The result of all this has, I am sure, reached you by common report, or at least you have understood it clearly in our friend More's new republic of Utopia, where he deals in characteristic fashion with Naples breaking loose and everything else connected with it.]
c.oct. ? 1518but the editors of CWE argue for an earlier date on the assumption that Brie had access to a manuscript copy of More's Epigrams (cf. intro. to CWE #620, pp.60–61). Erasmus first asks Germanus Brixius about his quarrel with More. See Allen #1045 (Dec. 1519) for a
responsefrom Brie written over two years later. In Allen #584 (c30 May 1517), Erasmus indicates that he has sent a copy of More's Epigrams together with Utopia to Basel for Froben to publish; but there is no indication that he also sent a copy to Paris for Lupset to publish in September 1517.]
sweating sickness, 17 August 1517. Allen #623 (from More below); #624 and #639/1–2, 20–22. [L'Univers 250. See also 1485 and August 1511.]
sweating sicknessin England, which carried off their mutual friend Andrea Ammonio (d. 17 August). See also Allen #624.]
Second Letter to Gillis,
Epiloguein 1517 Utopia. For some mysterious reason, probably accidental oversight on Erasmus's or Rhenanus's part, the letter was omitted from all later early-modern editions of Utopia. However, it sheds some important light on More's own views of his artistic creation.***]
and especially that they make a good job of More's pieces(i.e. Utopia and Epigrammata).]
I should like More's Utopia and Epigrams to have a letter of commendation from Beatus Rhenanus (cf. Ep. *58A) by way of preface, and if you think fit they can be put together in one volume. If, however, you think it would do any good, add also a short preface by myself, which I enclose in this letter(cf. Ep. *41B).]
Has despatched Mr. Knight and Thomas More with their commission and instructions to Calais to demand redress of grievances, and not depart till a complete settlement has been made on both sidesLP.]
I am grieved indeed at the death of Ammonius. But how I wish More were here safe!]
More is coming here with all speed (Morus huc advolat)(cf. Allen #623 above).]
But I am cheered by the news that More will be with us, and if that happens, I shall get a new lease on life.]
Id Thomas Morus olim adolescens scite vertit hunc in modum.Colophon dated September 1517, and Froben's concluding letter to the reader dated 27 November 1517 (CW 3/2: 346. Earliest printing of one of More's Epigrams.]
You must forgive Colet his eagerness; I know your kind heart. I had given More leave to show the book to Colet, not to deposit it with him.]
I am sorry for you tied to Calais as you are. If nothing else is possible, do at least write often, even a few words. Farewell, My dear More, who I love best of mortal men. For reproductions of the paintings, see CWE 4: pp.370–371 and CW 3/2: between pp.299–300. For colour reproductions see The King's Good Servant (for Gillis) Colour Plate II, facing p.52 and Gordon Rupp, Thomas More Illustrations #17 and #18, etc. For More's verses on the paintings, see Ep. 54 (Allen #706) below.]
I am now concerned with the second edition of More's Utopia, which I hope to finish at the end of the month.Did you receive the paper I left for you at More's house.]
If you come to Bruges, send for Mark [Lauwerijns/Laurinus], the dean of St. Donatian's, who is my good friend.See Allen #740 below.]
More, if I mistake not, is now in Calais on some mission for his king.]
has made a prosperous start for England with our pictures; if More is at Calais, he already has us to look at.]
Richard Pace's Sketch of Thomas More,Journal of English and Germanic Philology 57 (1958): 36–50. For references to Utopia, see pp.68–69, 108–109, and 126–127. For a facsimile of title page, see Pace frontispiece and CWE 5: 302. Erasmus sent a copy of Pace's book to More, see Allen #776 (=Rogers #58).]
Guilielmi Lilii in mori tabulam continentem effegies erasmi & egidij, together with an English prose translation. Since Lily was a close friend of his, More presumeably showed Lily the diptyph shortly after his return from Calais at Christmas 1517. See Gilbert Tournoy,
La Poésie de William Lily pour le diptyque de Quentin Metsijs.Moreana 97 (1988): 63–66.]
I like More's verses.]
More is at Calais on a mission for his king.]
More's shorter works [i.e. the translations of Lucian] I should prefer not to be separated from my dialogues, but to remain joined with them, as they have been hitherto (Opuscula Mori nolim a meis dialogis separari sed manere coniunctis).]
I had a letter from you today, together with letters [from Erasmus] for Colet and the bishop of Rochester . . . . I will see to it that they are delivered as soon as possible(CWE #796/2–4). All three letters are lost. See also CW 3/2:300–303 for edition of Epigram #277.]
do not let yourself be overcome with grief that will destroy you, and be a painful burden to your family and very painful to More and myself.He adds:
I have had two letters from More(Eps. #683, #688).]
More is still at Calais, where his stay appears to be most disagreeable as well as expensive, and his business as hateful as can be. This is the blessing that Kings confer on their friends; this is what it is to be in favour with Cardinals! Just in the same way Pace was sent to Switzerland, and kept there two years. Please let us have his letter(see Allen #619).]
As regards More's Utopia and Epigrams, the business meant more to me than my own affairs. Though I urged them [Froben and Lachner?] to produce it, for some reason they seem to have lost interest. . . . As to the Utopia, I leave it to you to decide. Desmarez' things can be left out. The mention of the alphabets in Pieter Gillis' preface need cause you no anxiety. You say nothing about More's Epigrams, intending to return to them later, and end up by saying nothing at all.Erasmus is probably referring to a
lostletter here by Rhenanus. Erasmus had originally wanted the translations of Lucian published along with the Utopia and Epigrams, see CWE 5:#704A (renumbered from Allen 3:#733) above. In the end Froben published More's and Erasmus's translations of Lucian separately (see *56A below). See also Allen intro. to 2:#550, p.502 and CWE 4:#550, p.281.]
Thomae Mori Ciuis Londonensis et vice comitis Lucubrationes, Vtopia, Epigrammatum Liber, Epigrammata Erasmi.However, in notice at the end, Froben indicates that their printing has been postponed:
Sic enim plus Mori gloriae & studiosorum in primis commodo consuletur, quibus nihil aeque est ingratum ac immensa multiplicium chartarum coaceruatio. [In this way, More's glory and especially the studious readers' convenience will be better taken into account, readers to whom nothing is as unpleasant as an immense accumulation of pages.]]
I rejoice to know that you like More and Pace; I should like such men as that, even if they were Scythians.For the life of Mark Lauwerijns [Marcus Laurinus], see CE 2:307–308; Allen 1:#201, n, to line 2, p.432; CWE intro. to 5:#651 on p.102; Herbrüggen (1997): 84–87; and De Vocht, LC intro. to Ep.6a, pp.13–14. Herbrüggen thinks Erasmus is probably referring to an epistolary relationship and that More didn't actually met Lauwerijns for the first time until 1520, see Herbrüggen 1997: 85. Marc'hadour, however, suggests that More and Pace did actually meet Laurinus:
c.20: Avant Noël, via Bruges, où, avec Pace, il est entretenu par Marc Lawerin, More rentre ` Londres.See also Allen #740–#742, #763 and #789 below. See also J. Wegg, Richard Pace, 115–16, and intro. to CWE 5:#619, p.56.]
Farewell, my excellent Pace, and if More is in your company, give him the warmest greetings from me, to match the warmth of my affection.]
If More is with you, I wonder that he keeps this more than Pythagorean silence. . . . I send no greetings to More, for he sent me none in your letters.]
[Gonell] Wrote to [Gold] by his brother nearly three months ago. Regrets he has had no return from him. Has received the living of Conyngton [6th Sept. 1517], which is very agreeable to him on account of its nearness to his native place and to the university [Cambridge]. Consequently he will be able to visit Gold and his friends as often as he pleases. Would be glad if he could hire a preacher of simple faith and honesty [as a curate] , and regrets that Gold is not old enough to take it himself. More has returned from his embassy. Clement is well, and so is More's whole family. [Gonell] Begs his remembrances to Grey and to Symson. He is to ask the latter to send a copy of Cicero's letters, as More wants to use it(LP p.1528). For the life of Gonell, see Rogers #63 below.]
LostLetter from Cuthbert Tunstall, [London, 1517–1518?]. [More replies in Rogers #37.]
Tunstall was abroad in 1517 and would probably have purchased the amber on the Continent.Tunstall was on the continent at the beginning of 1517 and was back in England by 7 October (cf. More's Letter to Erasmus Allen #683/59 and Sturge Tunstall p.55). More himself was dispatched on a separate mission to Calais and did not return to England until Christmas 1517. The amber itself almost certainly came from the Baltic, and was commonly traded by the Hanseatic League. Tunstall's letter to More is not extant, nor do we know what services More did on behalf of Tunstall's friends, mentioned at the beginning of the letter. Since More entered royal service and became a member of the King's Council by 26 March 1518, and would have been in a better position to help Tunstall's friends, a date in 1518 seems more likely than Rogers' 1517.]
début 1518, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 91. In L'Univers, he further suggests
Still no news of More, for this long time.Erasmus had received a letter from More by January 14th, see Allen #763/4–6 below.]
For many reasons I have long been indebted to your kindness, and now I am even more bound by the kind reception you have given to More, the dearer half of my own soul; he expresses such satisfaction, in a letter to me, at having seen your Highness. I am not the less grateful for this because in you it is nothing new; at the same time, devoted as I am to him, I was a little jealous of him because I could not do the same.For More's visit to him at Saint-Omer in Oct. 1517, see Allen 3:#683/53–58, p.105; CWE 5: #683/54–60, p.149 (=Rogers #46 above). For the Life of Antoon van Bergen, see CE 1:130–31 and intro. to Allen 1:#143, pp.334–35.]
More writes to me from England that he thinks himself fortunate to have made your acquaintance; he was so taken by your free and open character and manners.More's letter is
lost. See also Allen #740 above.]
[Wolfgang] Capito informs me that the Utopia of More which Pace mentioned in his De Fructu, as well as his Epigrams, is being published at Basle. Be sure buy them at the Frankfurt fair. I thirst for More's Utopia (Utopiam morinam sitio). For Capito, see Ulrich von Hutten to Wolfgang Capito, Fulda, 28 August .]
I know you wrote a letter to More and addressed it to me, and sent the letter meant for me to him, but, my dear Wentford, there was nothing wrong in that; what belongs to either of us is as truly his as mine.For More's comments on Wentford, see Allen #688/1–8, p.111; CWE 5:#688/2–9, p.157 above. For the life of Wentford, see CE 3:438, and intro. to Allen 1:#196, p.428.]
About Pieter Gillis' health I spread no rumours, but I did complain in a letter to More; and I only wish the report was untrue.See Allen 3:#597/20–24, p.5 (CWE 5:#597/23–27, p.9) above and Allen 3:#687/7–11, p.110 (CWE 5:#687/10–13, p.156). For the Life of Sixtinus, see Colet's Correspondence.]
The Cardinal [Wolsey] had promised to appoint Richard Pace and Thomas More, as commissioners to negotiate the repeal of the wine duties. They are the most sage, most virtuous, and most linked with him (Giustiniani) of any in England. Suspected this promise would not be performed, because Pace was known to be devoted to the Signory, and More to justice.]
It would be wrong not to mention my friend More — everybody's friend, rather, for the quality both of his learning and of his natural wit must be obvious to anyone who is prepared to read his Utopia or his other works. I say nothing of his charm in daily life, his courtesy and most amusing conversation, and his outstandingly high character.For the life of Richard Sampson, see ODNB, CE 3:192, Allen 2:#388, n. to l.35, p.194, and Rogers intro. to #10, p.17. For diplomatic missions that Sampson served on with More, see also Rogers #10, #11, #11A, #12, #13(=103D), #14, and #98.]
I am delighted to hear you have Folly [More] in person with you, that turbulent man, I mean; I beg you earnestly to give him my very cordial greetings. I love him from the bottom of my heart, and am much indebted to him. He supports me with his prayers, and ministers encouragement and advice in his letters.CWE reads
Moriamfor the nonsensical
Send your greetings to More and Pace, who are devoted to you.See also Allen #740 and #763 above.]
I have, however, written to tell More to give him friendly warning not to persevere in this nonsense.See Allen #776 and De Fructu above.]
Thomas More's 1518 Letter to the University of Oxford,Renaissance News 1 (1948): 17–24; rpt. in Nugent 64–72, SL #19, pp.95–103 and TMSB pp.204–211; SLTM #19, pp.69–77 (from Yale). [L'Univers 265 and n1. The Letter to Oxford: an epistolary tract. Contains a vigorous defence of Greek studies. Rogers dates this to 1518, but Daniel Kinney (CW 15:xxviii–xxxi) suggests 1519 as a possible alternate date. For Erasmus' later allusion to the attack on Greek studies, see Allen 3:#948 (pp.546–547) below; See also Richard Croke's (cf. Rogers #81 below) near contemporary defence of Greek studies at Cambridge in Orationes duae (Paris,1520). For later correspondence between More and Oxford, see Rogers #114, #132, #133, #134, #150, #151, #157, #158, #167, #177, and #181.]
paiduntil June 21st below.]
is going back to his native England to please his doting mother, who cannot believe her son is safe and sound unless she sees him in Britain. He will live in Thomas More's household. More himself is entirely absorbed by the court, being alsways in attendance on the king, to whom he is now secretary.For the life of John Smith, and his later career see CE 3:261 and Allen intro. to 1:#276, p.534.]
I should be really sorry for poor More's bad luck in being haled to court, were it not that under such a king and with so many educated colleagues and acquiantances, one might think it more a shrine of the Muses than a palace. But meanwhile there is no news out of Utopia to make us laugh, and he, I know, would rather enjoy a joke than ride in a state coach. . . . I am sending my John [Smith] back to England. . . . Yet I do not feel I am parting with him, since he is moving to join the household of my beloved More.]
Pace affirme qu'en Angleterre Linacre, More, Tunstall, Latimer, et d'autres encore, partagent son admiration pour G. B.Budé replies:
Puissé-je un jour connaître More . . . Quelle cour, celle d'Henry VIII, où se côtaient des hommes tels que Linacre, Pace, Tunstal, More!
Ais enim in amore, atque etiam (si credere ipse sustineo) admiratione mei socios tibi esse Linacrum, Morum, Tonstallum, et Latymerum cum nonnullis aliis...Budé goes on to praise Henry VIII's court:
Id quod de eo Rege haud dubie mihi persuaserim, qui Linacros, Paceos, Tonstallos, Moros, Latymeros, & veluti cohortem quandam palladiam in praetorio semper habeat.He concludes the letter by sending greetings to Linacre, Tunstall and More.]
I have a great affection for [Beatus] Rhenanus and I owe him much gratitude for his extremely kind preface. I should long ago have sent him a letter of thanks had not that fatal disease of laziness held me captive(Hallett). See also Allen #388/152–154, p.197; (=Rogers #16); CWE 3:#388/161–64, p.235. For Rhenanus' Preface see Ep.58A above.]
Verse Epistle, not included in the first edition of More's Epigrams in March 1518. The poems was composed while More was making a journey on horseback in stormy weather and having to ford deep waters, either while More was following Henry VIII on one of his royal progresses, or perhaps on one of More's diplomatic missions to the continent:
More probably wrote this poem betweeen the fall of 1517 and 1520, when it was first published. He might have written it during his visit to Calais between August and October 1517. But in 1518 and 1519 More often travelled on the king's business in England (see, e.g. Rogers, nos. 60, 77–79). Three prose letters More wrote to his daughters have reasonably been assigned to the years 1517 and 1518 (Rogers, nos. 43, 69, 70). But the poem has closer affinities with a letter More wrote to his children's tutor William Gonell on the day before Pentacost, probably in 1518 (Rogers, no. 63). The last sentence of that letter is almost an outline for the poem(CW 3/2:413, n. to 264/1–55).]
Of More I have no news.]
Ad istam Curiam Thomas More, Gent., unus Subvicecomes Civitatis in Computatore Pulletr' london, libere et sponte . . . Resignavit Officium predictum in manus Maioris et aldermannorum.More gives up the office of Under-Sherrif to serve the king. However, he continues to have dealings with the City until 1530:
Meantime the exchange of courtesies and good offices continued, the Londoners evidently feeling that in More they had a friend at court(Harpsfield p.313. Winifred Jay includes another 19 items from the period 1519 to 1530, see pp.313–314.]
Thomas More is of the privy council, not only the Muses' darling but the pattern of all charm and of every grace, whose ability you have been able to discern to some extent in what he has written. Pace, almost a brother to him, is secretary.]
Vale, Tonstallo, Linacro, Moro, qui me uerbis tuis uel epistolis salutarunt, centuplicato salutem rependito. Parisijs Calend. August.See also Budé's letter of November 1518 to Pace.]
Has notified to the King, by his secretary and by Thomas More, such occurrences as were at that time. Has received letters of the arrival of the Bp. of Paris [Étienne Poncher] at Sandwich on Thursday lastLP.]
Had visited the King at Eltham, to congratulate him, as ordered. Communicated to him the Levant newsletters. The King said the treaty [of peace, negotiations to end the League of Cambrai?] was not yet concluded, as some difficulties still remained. Took leave, as the King was going out on pleasure. After dinner, held a conversation with Thomas More, newly made councillor, who was a great friend of his. Could learn nothing from him, as the Cardinal of York [Wolsey], according to him, alone transacted the business with the French ambassadors, and when he had concluded he called the councillors, so that the King himself scarcely knew the state of affairs. More added that the Spanish ambassador had likewise received no information respecting these matters, except the assurance that nothing would be introduced in the negotiations at variance with the amity existing between England and the Catholic King.]
He apologizes because while conversing with a prominent cleric he had failed to notice a certain noble lady who entered the room and stood beside them for some time while they talked,[August–October 1518]. CW 3/2: #265, pp.282–85, and nn. on pp.414–15. cf. LP 2/2:#4549, #4559, pp.1393, 1395; CSP Venice 2:#1074, p.458. [
The identity of this French lady (line 47) is unknown. Perhaps, More is punning on her first name (Claire) in line 19. Between August and October a large French embassy, who had come to England to complete the Treaty of London was lavishly entertained(CW 3/2, p.414, n. to 265/14. The note then cites LP and CSP Venice.]
c.oct. ? 1518for Allen #620, which is dated by Allen to
c. August 1517. See Allen #1045 (c. Dec. 1519) for Brie's response.]
Parisijs Nonis Nouemb.L'Univers 271 (Marc'hadour gives date as 7th). Budé sends his greetings to Tunstall, More, and Linacre:
Vale mi Pacee, & mihi Tonstallum, Morumque meos, Linacrum, aliosque saluta.
Speaks of the magnificent preparations made in England on the reception of the French embassy; and the graciousness and munificence of Henry. The Frenchmen on their return were loud in their commendations, and their reports greedily listened to. Praises especially Henry's learning and eloquence. Pace's oration on the occasion. Beraldus is gone to court with the Bishop of Paris, and the King's arrival to receive them is reported. Paris, non. Novemb.(LP.]
More's Utopia approaches the end. It will be followed by a work of Zasius. . . .Referring to the second Froben edition of Utopia, dated November 1518 in the colophon.]
Please greet for me that good and learned man Lascaris. I have no doubt that you have already given my best wishes to Beroaldus [Bérault], without my reminding you; you know how dear he is to me—and deservedly so, for I have hardly ever met a more learned man or a more pleasant companion(Hallett. The Utopians have Lascaris's Greek grammar, see CW 4:180/33–34 and n. on p.469. Budé mentioned Bérault in Rogers #66/195–99, 228, pp.131–32.]
Prefatory Letter of Ulrich Zasius to John Renner.Ulrich Zasius, Lucubrationes (Basel: December, 1518). sig. a3v. online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. [USTC 652728; L'Univers 273. Mentions More:
Thomam Morum, uirum Graece et Latine doctissimum ferunt extra Angliam natale solum studiorum nomine non diuertisse.]
As John is not included, it is perhaps one of the earlier letters. It was written when More was away from home, probably on the Mission to Calais in 1517, to settle disputes between English and French merchants(Rogers, intro. to #43, p.96).]
I thank you, dear Clement, for being so keenly solicitous about the health of my family and myself that although absent you are careful to warn us what food to avoid. I thank you, my dear Pole, doubly for deigning to procure for me the advice of so skilful a physician, and no less for obtaining from your mother—noblest and best of women, and fully worthy of such a son—the remedy prescribed and for getting it made up. Not only do you willingly procure us advice, but equally evident is your willingness to obtain for us the remedy itself. I love and praise both of you for your bounty and fidelity(Hallett). For John Clement, see Allen #820 above. For the life of Reginald Pole, see ODNB, CE 3:103–105 and Rogers intro. to #71, pp.135–36; see also Rogers #128/3–12. Pole later denounced Henry VIII's executions of More and Fisher in Pro Ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione (1536). Pole's mother, Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury and cousin of Henry VIII's mother, was executed by Henry VIII in revenge in 1541, and beatified by Pope Leo XIII in 1886.]
Qualis Uxor Deligenda. Antonius Urceus, Rhythmus codri festivissimus. Carmen mori urbanissimum I [sic] lusus camicziani verissimus (Leipzig, Melchior Lotter, 1519, sigs. A3v–B1v). CW 3/2: #143, pp.180–192, n. on pp.371–72, and Appendix D: #3, p.710; Essential Thomas More, 127–132 (verse translation); (L/Fr/E) Moreana 26 (1970): 19–32. [USTC 691163. First published in the 1518 Epigrams, but see Comiander, 1550. For More's Epigram as an example of a suasoria, see CW 3/2: 372. For an example of a controversia, see also More's Reponse to Lucian's Tyrannicida (1506). ***Include note on CW 3/2: #143 but also #263, #265***?]
immediately commanded Mr. More to write in Pace's behalffor a ecclesiastical preferment for his brother.]
John Melsham, one of More's clerks, was admitted one of the attorneys of the sherrif's court at More's special request and instance.]
I have read the copy of that tragi-comic story which you sent to our friend More, and what you you say about the case is quite right: men of that sort are being swept away by a kind of fatal insanity.Probably the letter to Fisher (an appeal for help against Lee) mentioned at the end of Ep. #908 above.]
The names of Thomas More, John Rooper and others appear in these lists. Signed: T. carlis Ebor.]
TheHuntington Library Quarterly 26 (): 147–54.]Man For All SeasonsAgain: Robert Whittington's Verses to Sir Thomas More,
There were even men ready to ascribe to me More's Utopia, so universal is the rule that any new publication, willy nilly, must be mine.]
Thomas More is of the Privy Council, and so is Colet.]
Appendix II: Extract from Vergil's dedication of the "Adagia Sacra" to Richard Pace, 1519, pp.150–51 in
The Life of Polydore Vergil of Urbino,Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 12 (1949): 132–151. [L'Univers 287. The Preface is dated 1519 even though the book was not published until 1521. Prefatory letter praising English Humanists including More and Fisher:
An aliam causam esse putas cur Thomas Morus noster certatim a cunctis diligatur? Enimvero sola hominis loquendi festivitas gratiave, quae passim omnibus etiam alienis obvia existit, et multam doctrinam ac humanitatem quibus praeditus est, late redolet, illud facit.
Do you think there is any other reason why men fall all over each other in loving our Thomas More? For this is brought about only by the man's festivity and grace of speech, with which he greets all men, even complete strangers, and is redolent of the deep learning and kindness with which he is endowed.(Dana Sutton)]
extolled with one accord your habitual readiness to be of use, being a man as approachable as you are uprighthas undertaken to write to Claymond to make his acquaintance. For the Life of John Claymond, see CE 1:307–308.]
businessletters between More and Wolsey, most of them autographs.]
biographyof More. According to M.A. Nauwelarts, without doubt composed in Louvain, though dated from Anterp, where Erasmus had gone to meet Richard Pace on 23rd July (cf. Allen 4:#1001/53–55), see Erasme à Louvain: Ephémérides d'un séjour de 1517 à 1521 (p.15). Erasmus later had a falling out with Hutten; he contrasts him unfavourably with More in his Letter to Johann Botzheim (1523) (Allen I:27/29–32; CWE 9:#1341A/1046–1050, p.336). See also Beatus Rhenanus' Life of Erasmus (Allen I: 70/529–31; Olin p.70) where Rhenanus quotes the Letter to Hutten in comparing Erasmus' stature with More's (Allen 4: #999/34–35 and n.34, p.14). See also Allen #191, #1233, #2750 for more biographical sketches of More. For the Life of Hutten, see CE 2:215–220; Allen intro to 2:#365, pp.155–56; and Rogers #67,n. to l.12, pp.132–33. Harpsfield draws extensively on Allen #999 without acknowledgment, see especially pp.56, 141–42, etc.]
c. July 1519because More refers to Colet without mentioning his death (16 September). Contains a defence of Erasmus' Praise of Folly and biblical studies. SL #26 translates the second half of the letter, corresponding to CW 15:248–311.]
proud of the rings, the hunting dogs and house dogs More has sent. His gift would have been more munificent had More accompanied it with one of his witty letters. Values nothing so highly as the letters of his friends. Has distributed the dogs among his friends, the cramp rings among female relatives. Paris, pridie id. Sextiles, 1519. Commends Christopher Longolius, who is going to England, and will visit More(LP.]
Richard Staverton admitted one of the attorneys in the sherrif's court at the sute & Request of Mr. John More oon of the kinges Justices & Mr. Thomas More.]
lostletter from More, that Budé showed to Vives (cf. L'Univers 285); however, CWE comments:
nothing is known about the letter Budé showed him.]
bookagainst Erasmus or at least some notes about it:
If you are too busy to be able to do me this kindness, let More at any rate be asked to undertake it, if you think fit, even if you have to urge him.]
When you write to More or Pace or Rhenanus or Hutten or Budé, please make kindly mention of your friend van Dorp.]
bookbecause More is Erasmus's friend.]
Whoever has led you, my dear Croke, to believe that my love for you is lessened because for so long you have neglected to write to me, either is himself deceived or has cunningly decieved you. Although I certainly take the greatest pleasure in your letters, yet I am not so proud as to claim as a right that you should pay me the tribute of a daily salutation, nor am I so sensitive and querulous as to be offended at some trivial neglect of duty, even if such a duty existed. Indeed I should feel that I were acting very unjustly were I to exact letters from others when I am only too conscious of my own negligence in this regard. Therefore be reassured on this head, for my affection to you has not grown so cold as to need to be fanned into flame again by continual letters. I shall be delighted if you will write when you have the opportunity, but I would certainly never desire you to interrupt those useful labours to which so constantly you devote yourself to the advantage both of yourself and your scholars, or to waste the time that should be given to your lectures in writing complimentary letters to your friends. The other part of your excuse I will have nothing to do with. for there is no reason why you, my dear Croke, should fear my nose like the truck of an elephant. For your letters are not so poor that they need fear to reproach any living man, nor am I so long-nosed that I would have any man fear my censure. As for the place which you ask me to procure for you, both Pace, who loves you dearly, and I have spoken to the King.(Hallett). Croke's letters to More are not extant. For the life of Richard Croke, see ODNB, CE 1: 359–60, Allen #227/25, n. on pp.467–68, and intro. to Rogers #81, pp.162–63. See also Croke Orationes duae (1520) below.]
This letter was written . . . after the appearence of his Oratio, September, 1519, [in which he retracted his earlier views] and before [More's] letter to Erasmus of March/April 1520(MHL p.375n5, cf. pp.170–71n5). In the second extract
More probably alludes to the treatment of Dorp by some theologians, on account of the edited Oratio . . . if so the terminus a quo is the end of December, when Dorp finally returned from Holland . . . . The terminus ad quem is the first week in January 1520 . . .[when Dorp who] had been ejected out of his College, had left Brabant(ibid. p.376n1).]
You ask me, my dear Lee, not to lessen my affection for you in any way. Trust me, good Lee, I shall not. Although in this case, my sympathies are with the person you are attacking [Erasmus], yet I trust that you will withdraw your troops from the seige with perfect safety. I shall ever love you, and I am proud to find that my love is so highly valued by you. If ever occasion requires it, my zeal on your behalf shall be no less fervent than it is now on the other side than it is now on the other side. So that if you ever bring out a book of your own (and I doubt not you will bring out many), and Erasmus, casting a critical eye upon it, should write a pamphlet in an attempt to refute it (although it would be much more seemly that he should not retaliate), I, although my talents are poor, will yet stand by you to defend you will all the energy of which I am capable. Farewell, my most dear friend(Hallett).]
Brie has written a very harsh book against More. I regret not to have it in hand to send it to you.Sullivan incorrectly dates the letter to 1526. For the life of Haio Herman, see CW 2:157–158.]
end of February–April.]
Commission of Henry VIII . . . to conclude with the bishop of Helna and others a treaty of intercourse [commercial treaty] with the Emperor [Charles V](LP). See Herbrüggen, pp.21–24, who lists seventeen manuscripts and gives the text of the original copy in Vienna, whereas Rogers used a copy in London.]
that on 12 April 1520, in the chapel at Greenwich, the treaty of intercourse between Henry VIII. and the Emperor was solemnly sworn . . .P.R.O. ***; calendared in LP 3:#739(b), p.260. [
Thomas More, councilloris listed as one of the subscribers. LP gives the date of the notorial attestation as 15th April 1520.]
Charles agrees, unless prevented by weather or other reasonable hindrance, to be at Sandwich by the 15th of May, where Henry will meet him . . .]
May–June: More is with Wolsey and Henry VIII at the Field of Cloth of Gold
July–August: More is at Bruges negotiating on behalf of Henry VIII with the Hanseatic League
Ratification of the treaty for a meeting between him and Charles king of Spain, concluded at London, 11 April last.Thomas More is listed as one of the Commissioners for England.]
There is one point . . . which I would mention to Vives if I knew him personally(CWE #1106:/104–105 (but see Allen #545 above). In his reply in Allen #1107 (Rogers #95), Erasmus agrees with More's assessment of Vives' abilities. For the life of the great Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives, see CE 3:409–413 and Allen intro. to 3:#927, p.508. The standard biography in English is by Carlos G. Noreña, Juan Luis Vives (La Haye: Nijhoff, 1970). For Vives and England, see De Vocht, MHL 1–60. Though no letters between More and Vives survive, there are plenty of references to letters exchanged between them in Vives' letters to Erasmus and Cranevelt. Like More himself (except possibly for the Prison Letters), Vives does not seem to have made any special efforts to preserve his correspondence.]
Participants in the Field of Cloth of Gold (act. 1520)in ODNB Themes. Contrast the fulsome description in LP with Fisher's heavily ironic? one below.]
Regrets that in his straitened lodgings he had no materials for writing, when he never had a more fertile subject. The meeting of the two Kings and their retinues has grown up into intimate association. Never was such magnificence. The house of the king of England, run up in a few months for temporary use, and ornamented with incredible skill, might occupy the eyes and attention, for some days, of the least excitable man accustomed to such spectacles. The tent of the French king, erected at an unusual expence, astonished every one with its cloth of gold and other precious textures, and was never surpassed. Recommends to him the care of his children. Ardes, 16 kal. Junii (Julii ?)(LP). For the life of Guillaume du Maine, see CE 1:410–11.]
The theological faculty [in Louvain] have brought up a fresh ruse, against the College of the Three Tongues [Collegium Trilingue, Jérôme de Busleyden's foundation]; More's letter will show you the sort of thing.The Letter to More is not extant.]
Richard Stafferton, one of the Prenotaries of the Sheriffs' Court of London, son of Master Stafferton, was admitted at the instance of Mr Thomas More of the King's Council, . . . he is pardoned four vacations(Douglas Black Books, Book III, fol.81; p.194). [L'Univers p.295. Richard Stafferton, Jnr, was More's nephew by his sister Joan. See also entry for 13 February 1496.]
Document of Agreement between the English and the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, dated 14 July 1520, which bears the signature of Thomas More, acting on Henry VIII's behalf. Service d'Archives, Lille.]
Withernam: A Legal Practical Joke of Sir Thomas More,and
Withernam: A Postscript,Catholic Lawyer 7 (1961): 211–22, 242 + 9(1963): 124–27, 137. For location and dating see Herbrüggen (1997): 73–74 and n.137.]
I have shown More the passage of your letter which concerns him. Counsel Brixius to leave More alone.Another letter in which Erasmus attempts to mediate in the quarrel between Brixius and More (cf. Allen #1117). Haio Herman's letter to Erasmus is lost but obviously referred to the controversy. For the life of Haio Herman, see CE 2:157–58.]
Rogers, 96, 97, qui sont sans doute extraits de la même lettre, bien que cités à des pages différentes de Tres Thomae. More semble avoir quitté Budé depuis plusieurs semaines et cependant n'avoir pas vu encore les Epistolae [cf. n. to Rogers #9/15 on p.246] du 20 Août.In view of the redating of Rogers #107, August seems more likely than September as a date. The edition of Budé's letters published on 20th August included two letters to More (1518 and 1519). More met Budé at the Field of the Cloth of Gold in June 1520.]
An Unpublished Letter of Ulrich von Hutten,Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 12 (1949): 192–96, esp. 194; The Correspondence of Wolfgang Capito, Volume 1: 1507–1523, trans. by Erika Rummel and Milton Kooistra (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2005), #56, p.101 (summary). [
Miror an Erasmus scripserit. Certe Mori epistolam habere se quidam scribit.
Hutten asks Capito to continue supplying him with news and asks specifically about Erasmus and More.No letter from More to Hutten from 1520 survives. For Capito, see CE 1:261–265; and G. Marc'hadour,
Un Alsacien contemporain de More: Wolfgang Köpfel, dit Capiton,Moreana 17/67–68 (1980): 123–24.]
in whom More has kindled some sparks of his love for me.]
John Constable's Poems to Thomas More,Philological Quarterly 42 (): 525–31.]
More begged the Court of Aldermen for the reversion of the Secondaryship for Richard Staverton which hath maryed the Syster of the seyd Mr. More.]
between July 25 and 29, when Erasmus, probably in Charles V.'s train, passed through Bruges on his return from the Field of Cloth of Gold(p.313). Cranevelt had been town pensionary of Bruges, i.e. chief legal adviser to the town magistrates, since 1515. He later joined the Grand Council of Mechlin in 1522 (see Allen #1317).]
De Moro video qui[[d]]ae [=quae] dicis. Ego vero puto illum virum laudari satis non posse pro dignitate. Gratulor tibi munera, quae puto te amare, non quod haudquaquam vulgaria sunt, sed quod ab illo data(ll.10–12). J. IJsewijn thinks it
likely that both men [Vives and More] met for the first time in Calais during the Conference of Charles V and Henry VIII on 11–14 July 1520(HL 42(1993):3). See also Allen #1145 above.]
(en grec): J'ai pardonné à More.]
It was I not you that created the genre of the adages.Advises Polydore Vergil to seek the advice of Thomas More and Erasmus's other friends in England if he wishes to publish again in the future. For the life of Polydore Vergil, see CE 3:397–99; Allen intro to 4:#1175, p.425–27; Rogers note to #102/57, p.252; and Denys Hay, Polydore Vergil, Renaissance Historian and Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1952).]
homo omnium horarumas
a man for all seasons.Whittinton takes a few of Erasmus's exemples of
copiainvolving praises of More in his 1512 De Copia and gives English translations along with the Latin.]
candida et eloquentissima urbanitas [the pure and polished elegance of More](CW 15: xxxn4). For a summarized and paraphrased account of Croke's lectures, see James Bass Mullinger's The University of Cambridge 3 vols.(Cambridge: At the University Press, 1873, 1884, 1911), Vol.1:529–39, esp. 534–35, online at https://archive.org/details/universityofcamb00mulliala.]
lui parle longuement de la querelle entre More et de Brie.See also the recent edition of the Vives-Budé correspondence.]
Budé félicite de Brie de avoir déposé tout animosité a l'égard de More.
Enimuero tibi quoque gratulor, o beate, qui rixam aduersus meum Morum amoueris, ac veluti illam Moro repugnantem aequa mente commutaueris(1574, p.61; Latin trans.)]
Vives has shown me your letter concerning More and Brixius [see 28th January]. The quarrel gives me pain. More has promised to withdraw his letter if Germain will calm down.Referring to the controversy between Germain de Brie (Brixius) and Thomas More and Erasmus's and Budé's attempts to mediate between them.]
After Budé's letter it seems nothing can prevent More and Brixius from continuing their quarrel.]
Two of the sheriff's officials had to appear before the King's Council to be censured. The undersheriffs were told to present the serjeants to the Council and especially to Mr. More.]
Nunc libebat videre quid fuissem nugatus et, ut fit, repperi quod me alias fefellit in epistula ad Morum tua aeditus. Quod adhuc emendaram etiam in hac mea.Fevynus had changed
editusin one of Cranevelt's letters to More, but now thinks he was wrong and asks Cranevelt to retain the diphtong in his own letter. See the introduction to this letter. For the Life of Fevynus [John de Fevyn, Jan van Fevijn], see CE 2:26, Allen intro. to 4:#1012, p.64, Rogers note to #138/12, p.317–18; Herbrüggen (1997): 83–84; and Henri de Vocht, Literae ad Craneveldium xci–xcix and passim Fevynus was a close friend of and frequent correspondent of Cranevelt, whom More had first porbably met during the 1520 embassy.]
Proficiscitur cras familiaris quondam Laurinii Londinum. Huic si quid dare modo voles ad Morum tuto committes et erit homini gratissimum mihique, ut qui unis tuis literis erit commendatus Moro; deinde auxilio Mori commendatior apud illum, cui inservire decrevit. Aliud nihil quam ut hodierno die adhuc habeam. Nam collegit ille prope suam sarcinulam. Et salutem adnunciabis meo nomine Moro.]
Tum etiam ad me siquid est novi de Moro.]
Quod me dudum, Reverende imprimis Domine Francisce, Domino Thomae Moro tuis litteris commendaveris, habeo immortalem gratiam, habeboque dum vivam. . . . Audivi Thomam Morum aut iam esse aut brevi apud vos futurum; quem eque ac meipsum opto bene valere.]
Morus noster quid? Venit, an est venturus? An neutrum? Scribe de hoc, simul si venit, quod ei vertat quam optime. Post salutationem meis verbis die ei pro me, ut quam primum curet me certiorem reddere, quo me velit ad se venire.The editors comment:
It is clear that in 1521 Vives was very anxious to see More and, through him, the English king.]
De Moro si quid scieris, ad nos quam primum.]
Commends More's wit and native aptitude for writing; was struck with it on receiving his letters from Theobald. Has kept no copy of the letter he sent More by Sir Richard Wingfield on his departure. Chatillon will present the letter; "eximia morum suavitate gratiosus." He is one of the few noblemen who has a taste for letters. Divione, where the Court now is, 10 kal. Junias(LP).]
through his good servicesto obtain a prebend for one of his Cambridge priests.]
Foxford.Marriage Licence of Margaret More and William Roper, issued July 2, 1521, fol. 10 recto [Sullivan 2:246]. [L'Univers p.311 and Guy A Daughter's Love, pp.132–34. For biography of William Roper, More's
firstbiographer, see Roper xxxi–xliv; CE 3:170–71, NCE 12:665–66; Allen #1404, n.to p.366/8; Rogers #106, n.to p.255/48; and ODNB.]
All else you will learn from More's Letter.Not Extant. See intro. to CWE #1220 below.]
More present at the Court of Aldermen. It was stated that the king was displeased with the City because divers persons had lamented the death of the Duke of Buckingham, saying he died guiltless.]
Again present at Court of Aldermen; it was suggested that all the harness [arms] of the City be brought to certain places to pacify and please the king.]
I shall wait here at Bruges for the King [Henry VIII] and for More, so as to see how I can provide for my living hereafter. I have had payments from the Queen [Katherine] towards my sustenance, and she still helps me. I wrote to More that I should have a long talk with him on his arrival.Vives' letter to More (l.17) is not extant.]
desyrith Your Grace to make Sir Wylliam Sandys, and Sir Thomas More, priveye to all suche matiers as Your Grace schall treate at Calice.]
De Moro accepi a nobili quodam Britanno eum venire cum Cardinale. Porro Cardinalem non ignoras huc adventare. Cui enim ignotus esse potest tantus hospes tamque streperus? Qui in Britannia adhuc erat, hoc est in altero mundo, et iam hic trepidabat tota civitas, ut eum exciperet; in portis dicebatur esse.Wolsey met with the Emperor in Bruges on 14 August and stayed until 25th August.]
Henry Patenson—Sir Thomas More's Fool,Moreana 101/102 (1990): 75–86. Patenson appears in the Holbein family portrait. For an other incident that also took place during More's visit to Bruges in 1521, involving
Davey the Dutchman, see CW 8/2:815/29–816/14 and n. in 8/3:1669.]
Cum esset apud te Morus, attuleras tecum unum atque alterum libellum et, ni fallor, uterque translatus erat a Copo. De Egineta commemini; alius excidit memoria, sed tamen erat dignus lectione. Quare erit mihi gratum, si scierim ex te quis fuerit is author, et multo gratissimum si possim uti.]
Both yesterday and this morning endeavoured to obtain admission to Cardinal Wolsey, but failed in the attempt . . . . Yesterday morning, when the Cardinal went forth to ride with the Emperor [to church?], presented himself, and announced his wish to pay his respects on behalf of the Signory. . . . On coming away from the mass, invited an English gentleman, by name Master Thomas More, a very learned man (For the Life of Gasparo Contarini, later Cardinal, see CE 1:334–35 and Allen note to 11:#3066/26, p.241.]Uno cavalier Englese molto litterato che se chiama messer Thoma Moro), to dine with him. He had accompanied Cardinal Wolsey to Bruges. During dinner discussed the business negotiated by Wolsey with the Emperor, but More did not drop the slightest hint of any other treaty than that of peace between the King of France and his Imperial Majesty.
Rediens iamiam ex aede nostra perscrutatus sum ex Eucollio, quod is ante Vesperas apud Morum agebat, an vacaret colloqui cum Moro. Adfirmavit is eum multo occupatissimum. Quare cum constituissemus adire ipsum, ne ludamus operam, alio tempore et commodiore ipsum invisemus.]
Dorpio significavi adesse Morum, virum omnibus modis doctissimum, atque aliquantisper mansurum, id quod eciam a[b] Erasmo intellexerat. Respondit is, ut solet hilariter, curaturum se uti ho[minem] vel praesens praesentem, si ita ferant negocia, vel absens saltem per literas conveniat.The editors comment:
If anything, this letter proves that there were no bad feelings between More and Dorpius(p.57).]
On Education: More's Debt to Erasmus,Miscellanea Moreana, p.115 and n.74 on p.123. For quotations, see Sherry, sigs. L4v–L5r, O2v–O3r.]
Shortly after 5 X 1521(p.59), and Herbrüggen (pp.149–50) to c8th October.]
Moro scriberem, si crederem eum esse adhuc Brugis. Nam tu dicis eum fuisse, quum scriberes, brevi discessurum.]
declaryd by mowth to your ryght trusty Counsaylours, Sir Thomas More your Undre Treasourer, and Sir William Fitzwilliamthe king's instructions.]
whyche autoritie he haith nott, as Hys Grace thynkyth, in hys Patentes and for knowlege off the truith to be hadde therin, he haith committidde to Sir Thomas More to peruse the sayde Patente in the Rollis.]
I undrestonde, by the relacion off Sir Thomas More, to my grete discomforte, that ye are displeasydde wyth me for 3 causis.Pace defends himself against Wolsey's three charges, the third of which was that he had obtained an office in chancery for a friend that had been in Wolsey's gift:
And where as I nowe undrestonde, by the sayde Sir Thomas More, that the sayde office is in Your Graces gyfte, that was to me utterly unknowen(80).]
It is now more than fifteen years ago I lay in a tertian fever and had passed I trow three or four fits.See CW 12: 88/9–89/24 and nn. on pp.368–69; and Harpsfield 90/21–91/19, where Anthony's
young girlis identified as Margaret Giggs, More's foster-daughter and future wife of John Clement. The next letter to Cranevelt in the bundle (Ep. 96/94) is from John Clement, who had recently arrived on the Continent (cf.Ep.109/107 above).]
Syr Thomas Nevell, Sir Thomas More, Mr. More the Jugge and Mr. Broke, have, by the Kyngis commaundment, debatidde the matier off substitution off a Deputie in the sayde lande [Ireland] by the Kyngis Leutenant there, and they be off the same opinion as Your Grace is off [i.e. in favour?]. See Letter of 27th October.]
Warrant for the payment of £80. to Sir Thos. More, £5. of which is by way of loan, and the remaining £75. due to him for his diets when sent to Bruges last year, and again in the present year, about a diet between England and the Easterlings [Hanseatic League], for which he was to be paid 20s. a day. Windsor, 18 Nov. 13 Hen. VIII.]
late 1521, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 92; cf. L'Univers p.315, where he suggests November 1521.]
You have always outshone other men . . . This I experienced to my great joy in Bruges last year. I have not forgotten the entertaining and at the same time authoritative opinions expressed in conversation by yourself and by the Englishman Thomas More, that distinguished paragon of every virtue(5, 10–13).]
ANNO XVcXXJo — Moreouer at the said Courte unto theis parsones underwritten auctorie was geuen and full power to haue Comunicacion with my lorde Admyrall for the conductyng of our Shippes from this present Mart for cli or under yf they may. Wheruppon was taken owet of the Tresour Chyst of merchauntes adventerers jcli and payde as foloweth. . . to syr Thomas More xx markes. . .(Acts of Court 537).]
Made about the yere of our Lorde .1522.Katherine Rodgers dates it to the
early 1520sCW 1:lxiii, 127. Rodgers also suggests that
The Last Things does bear the mark of a declamatio, putting its case by means of such rhetorical devices as proving the unlikely, anticipating and overturning the objections of an implied audience, and appealing to authority(CW 1:lxiii–lxiv, cf. pp.ciii–cv).]
More than the rest . . . to his own(or start at beginning of Chapter XI (p.103); and
I have in my possession . . . two gold ounces(p.107).]
Next reversion of clerkship in Mayor's Court promised to William Blakwell, clerk to one of the attorneys of the Sheriff's Court, at the request of Sir Thomas More, undertresorer of England, a specyall lover and ffrende in the Businesses and Causes of this Citie.]
lostletter of Cranevelt in which he had complained about the meanness of the people of Bruges (Herbrüggen ll.10–15), after praying that Cranevelt will find a position of honour, More promises that
And if you see there is anything I could contribute, I will strive to bring it about just as if all my resources and connections, everyone's as well as my own, were mustered for your sake.(cf. ll.15–20)]
I think you will get a letter from More by the hands of Clement, who has set off in these last few days for Italy and means to pass through Basel, or so he said. In his last letter to me More says nothing of his illness [cf. *103F]. I think he must have recovered, for his earlier letter already indicated that he was improving.Neither More's letter to Erasmus, nor his two letters to Vives are extant.]
Grant of the manor of South, Kent, with advowsons, in the King's hands by the attainder of the duke of Buckingham . . .See Guy Public Career (1980) p.25, and CW 1:lx–lxi. For earlier references to Buckingham, see 17 May 1521 and 5 July 1521.]
More requires the Mayor and Aldermen to search for and imprison Frenchmen, and attach their goods.England was virtually at war with France at this point.]
Your letter to Barbier shall be entrusted only to safe hands. I shall speak with More in England. How I wish I had a letter for him from you, and one for the Cardinal of York [Wolsey] as well.Morillon was imperial secretary, and obviously accompanied Charles V to England in June.]
William Lily's Verse for the Entry of Charles V into London,Huntington Library Bulletin no. 9 (1936): 1–14.
But be sure of this, my dear Cranevelt, if something should happen which would seriously require that the services of a friend should be manifested, in that matter you would never find me at fault(Miller, 55). As Herbrüggen points out
From Cranevelt's other correspondence in 1528 we hear of no personal difficulties for which friendly help would be welcome. Could it be that DV 262 was misdated by Stapleton and actually belongs to June 1522? At that time, More's (repeated [i.e.*106A]) offer of assistance would be plausible, before Cranevelt finally quit his ill-paid job at Bruges and took up a position with the Grand Council of Mechlin in October 1522(1997:49). See also Allen #1317 below.]
I had two letters from More a few days ago, in which he said he was in excellent health, heaven be thanked.Neither of More's letters is extant.]
commendatores(l.13); he tells Cranevelt that More has sent him some rings blessed by the King of England:
Habeo gratiam qui Morum mihi salutaris; de annulis festive; sed quid non sic ille. Misit etiam & ad me, sed ut matronis istis Brugensibus consanguineis meis darem; nam me irreligiosiorem putat, quem qui talia curem.See also De Vocht's note. More sent more rings to Vives in 1524 (Ep.102) and also to Cranevelt (see More's letter Ep.151).]
Your letters to More and to the Archbishop of Canterbury I sent off to England today; they will get them soon, for many people now return to England every day from the Antwerp fair.Neither of Erasmus's letters to More or to Warham is extant.]
Haec ille. Quae nos maluimus Thomae Mori uerbis dicere, quam nostris. cuius laudes obiter atque aliud agentem attingere pene sit nefas. Grandibus enim uoluminibus uix adhuc totae queant explicari. Quis enim de illius ingenii acumine de iudicii acrimonia, de uarietate eruditionis atque praestantia, de facunda linguae eloquentia, de suauitate morum ac probitate: in prouidendis rebus consilio, in exequendis dexteritare, in omnibus moderatione integritate, aequitate, fide satis pro dignitate dixerit, nisi uno uerbo summa, perfecta, undique absoluta, suis omnibus consummata numeris dixerit: nisi id quod res est, exemplaria, specimina, sui quodque generis affirmarit? magna loquor, et mirabuntur, qui Morum non norunt. sed sciunt uera me loqui qui norunt, qui libros legerint. qui actus uel uiderint, uel audierint, fidem facillime hababunt. Ceterum in huius uiri laudibus uelut in latissimo pelago erit aliud tempus, quo liceat uela pandere, et nos totos prosperrimae aurae committere, scribereque tum multa, tum maxima idque secundis lectoribus(sig.d3) [quoted in Moreana 31/32 (1971): 266n2 and 267n1.]
Thus far Lucian. We have rehearsed it in the words of Thomas More, whom to praise negligently, or as if we were otherwise employed, were grossness. His due commendations are sufficient to exceed great volumes. For what is he that can worthily limn forth his sharpness of wit, his depth of judgement, his excellence and variety of learning, his eloquence of phrase, his plausibility [suavity] and integrity of manners, his judicious foresight, his exact execution, his gentle modesty and uprightness and his unmoved loyalty? Unless in one word he will say that they are all perfect, entirely absolute, and exact in all their full proportions? Unless he will call them (as they are indeed) the patterns and lustres, each of his kind? I speak much, and many that have not known More will wonder at me, but such as have, will know I speak but truth: so will such as shall either read his works or but hear or look upon his actions: but another time shall be more fit to spread our sails in this man's praises as in a spacious ocean, wherein we will take this full and prosperous wind and write both much in substance and much in value of his worthy honours, and that unto favourable readers.(Healey p.62; cf. Sullivan 1:350–51). Vives also praises Budé in his comments on Book II.17 (not II.7 as in Moreana), sig.e2, p.53; reprinted in Moreana 19/20 (1968): 69; for translation, see Healey, p.81.]
Yt ys agreed that Syr Thomas More, undertresorer of ynglande, for his labor and payn that he toke for the Citie in makyng of a preposicion at the Comyng and Receyvyng of Thempperors grace in to this Citie shall have towardes a gown of velvet x li.See also 6 June 1522.]
More exhibits the king's letter to the Court of Aldermenn about the exercising of physic [medicine] in the City.]
Letter to Botzheim(Catalogus omnium Erasmi Lucubrationum). It was revised in 1524, but the date kept unchanged, and again after Erasmus' death. Two of the references from 1499 and 1500 have already been calendared above.***]
ghost. Although not officially dedicated to More this is essentially a Dedicatory Preface, containing repeated praises of More:
More whom I think Nature has made for the cultivation of friendship, not only complies with reasonable requests; he even runs forward to meet them, in anticipation. . . . More is so great a friend, and I have so often experienced the fruits of his benevolence that I am afraid lest I should be suspected of cultivating a friendship for my own base advantage, were it not that I really believe that More esteems no man unworthy of his kindness, so long as he possesses a good will, and acts in accordance with it.Vives then goes on to tell his readers that More had inspired his declamatio:
When More had expounded the first Declamatio of Fabius Quintilian to his little boy John More and his daughters, Margaret, Elizabeth, and Cecilia, the worthy offspring of their father, with a view to leading them more easily to the pursuits of wisdom, by some letters he exhorted me, that I should answer Quintilian's Declamatio, and thus disclose more openly the art of writing, in way of reply, and as it were by conflict(Watson, Vives 16–17). Vives goes on to praise More's reply to Lucian's Tyrannicida.]
the church of christ is nowhere (ecclesiam christi fateatur esse nusquam(118/21):
Eam fortasse vidit in Vtopia (Perhaps he has seen it in Utopia). The Yale editors comment:
Pynson's, or More's, reference to Utopia is both pertinent and suggestive. Luther's church is made to appear as illusory and impossible as the desire of that prelate who wanted to rush off and convert the Utopians. cf. Utopia, CW 4, 42, 292(CW 5/2:887, n. to 118/11 gloss). For the authorship of the glosses, see CW 5/2: 834.]
first(Baravellus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum.]
first(Baravellus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum (Spring 1523).]
Some copies bound up and sent off in June in time for Erasmus to receive his by July. In June
The Baravellus is withheld for reworking in accordance with the appearence of new material by Luther.]
Interim e Britannia adpulit Lupzetus; is Morum renunciavit bona esse valitudineThe king has just set off with a mighty force for Scotland, and when that that war is over he will finally bring us aid. Lupset was on his way to Italy via Basel and Constance, and he stayed in Italy until 1525. Lupset was in London from March 6–26th 1523.]
Politics and Precedent: Wolsey's Parliament of 1523. Thomas More's Political Career and Thought.]
Cras discedo Brugis in Britanniam, ubi salutabo tibi Morum officiosissime vt amicitiam communem decet.See Allen 5:#1362/102–107, p.284, where Vives tells Erasmus that he is leaving for England
I also wrote you a letter after the last occasion of your leaving us [April 1517], and gave it to our mutual friend More; but having had no reply, I thought it best thereafter to remain silent until chance should bring us together somewhere.Polydore Vergil's 1517 letter is not extant.]
It is thought by the Speaker (Sir Thomas More) and other members, that their vote for the grant now to be passed should have been completed yesterday; but it will not come till tomorrow, and will require some time]to oversee and groundly digest the same to your most profit.
August 3. More resumes work on the Responsio. The new prefatory material is written and the H signature is enlarged. September 17. The Rosseus is ready to be submitted to the printer, but is again withheld in accordance with Royal policy.]
second(Rosseus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum (Fall 1523). For Carcellius's
response, see 17 September.]
The faithful diligence of the said Sir Thomas More in all your causes treated in this your late parliament, as well for your subsidy right honorably passed, as otherwise considered, no man could better deserve the same than he hath done.And he adds weight to this recommendation by saying,
I am the rather moved to put your highness in mind thereof, because he is not the most ready to speak and solicit his own cause.]
Your Majesty's kindly feelings towards me were reported to me by Thomas More, and the fact was extremely welcome, thoughbe no means novel.More's letter is not extant.]
<Petrus Dominiclus binas literas> tuas mihi reddidit: quas autem ad Morum et ad <Viuem scripseras, non fuiss>et daturus ni exegissem: credo quod in Britanniam medit<auit iter, ut uidi p>ost, cum tuas legissem. Ille, ut in tuis posteri<o>ribus etiam meministi, aiebat se illuc profecturum; tamen dedit que iusseras in literis, at ea lege ut si contingeret petere Britanniam, illi committerem. Libens assensi; at si prodesse homini possent, uel tua (ut sic dixerim) noticia quicquam ei prodessent apud Morum uel Vivem. Interim uero nihil de profectione, et literas adseruo, ut cum iuuenis, qui Viuis literis detulit ad nos, e Brabantia redierit, illi tuto dare possim.Peter Dominicle was a goldsmith and alderman in Bruges who was contemplating a trip to Britain. In the end Fevyn decides to give Cranevelt's letters to Vives and More to the young man who had initially brought Vives' letters to them from England.]
second(Rosseus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum.
Responseto letter of William Ross dated 3 August.]
Jubet te saluere in literas ad me suis Nicolaus E[u]colliu<s> Medicus, qui nunc agit Londini apud Morum.For Nicolaus Eucollius [Goethals] (u not n), see LCB I, Ep.2, HL 41(1992): 11. Eucollius spent several years in England, and was still there in 1526 (cf. LC Ep.182/15, p.491), but returned to Bruges in 1527 (cf. Ep.243/15–19,p.622). See also LCB Ep.86 (2 November 1521) From Vives above.]
splittingthis letter up, see Rogers 128(a) (*99B), dated before Feb. 1521. Marc'hadour suggests October 1523 as date [for 128(b)]. This letter was written when Margaret Roper was confined before the birth of her first child (Elizabeth), see also Allen #1404.]
Salutauit illa quondam & Maximilianum [Maximilian of Austria], Erasmum, Morum, Vivem.]
amicis fruor omni disciplinarum generis magnis & suspiciendis: nosti Moros, Li<nacros,> Tunstallos, Latimeros, Claymundos [Claymond], Monioyos [Mountjoy], Roffenses [Fisher]; expectamus indies Pacaeum [Pace], Annibalum [Hannibal]; etiam aliquando Sampsonem; in quibus dici non potest maximae eruditioni quam dulce condimentum ab humanitate et commoditate morum accesserit qua; deesse germane & γνiσίως doctis non solent.De Vocht thought that
probably it was at [More's] house, that [Vives] met most of the friends here referred to.]
More thanks the Court of Aldermen for promising Staverton the reversion of the Secondaryship of the Counter in Bread St. As Staverton no longer wants it, he asks it for John Wyseman, clerk of the counter, and asks Wyseman's place for an old acquaintance, Reve, a scrivener.]
In consequence of the great matters]at the knitting up of this term,Sir Thomas More cannot be spared from the Exchequer for four or five days.
On the return of Sir Thomas More and Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam from the King, devised instructions to be sent by the latter, as the King desired(LP). Wolsey has carried out Henry's instructions speedily and has
wel incorporated in my mynde your full deliberacion and intent in that matier, aswell by such consultacion, as I lately had with Your Grace therin, as also by the knowlege of your pleasure, signified unto me by the said Sir Thomas More(p.149).]
son(actually daughter Elizabeth), though some commentators give the child's name as
Thomas. See John Guy A Daughter's Love (2009): 220.]
Brie against More.]
Appendix III: Letters from Leonicus to Tunstal preserved in the Vatican Library,Cuthbert Tunstal (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1938), 350–52.]
binas tuas litteras, quas mihi Morus noster reddidit. De Vocht thinks these letters were
probably in reply to Ep. 80.See also Ep.72 above.]
Si Reginae post se de priuatis foeminis mentionem fieri paterentur, adderem huic numero . . . tum Thomae Mori filias, Margaritam, Elisabetam, Caeciliam, atque earum consanguineam Margaritam Gigiam. quas pater non contentus esse castissimas, etiam doctissimae ut essent curauit: sic fore iudicans, ut uerius firmiusque essent castae. In quo nec uir ille sapientissimus fallitur, nec alii qui idem censent. (Now if a man may be suffered among queens to speak of more ordinary women, I would reckon among this sort . . . the daughters of Sir Thomas More, Margaret, Elizabeth, Cecilia, and with them their kinswoman Margaret Giggs, whom their father not content only to have them good and very chaste, would also they should be well learned, supposing that by that means they should be more truly and surely chaste. Wherein neither that great wise man is deceived, nor none other that are of the same opinion.)(Watson, Vives p.53; Nugent 77). For comments on the printing, see Vives' letter to Cranevelt dated 1 May 1524, LC Ep.102, pp.275–76.]
fere dialogi Luciani, quos Erasmus transtulit, & Morus(
including part of the Dialogues of Lucian which Erasmus and More translated.Watson, Vives p.250).]
Quid quod praestabilius est tantum illum existimari ut appositis non sit opus, velut Gulielmo Budaeo, Erasmo Roterodamo, Thomae Moro?(
Is it not more flattering to be so highly thought of that there is no need of epithets, as in the case of Guillaume Budé, Erasmus of Rotterdam, or Thomas More?) (§47, p.70/25–27); and in these two examples of greetings:
si quando Morum conveneris, admone hominem ut cum Rossensem [Roffensem] Episcopum mittet litteras, adscribat precari me laeta omnia ac felicia(
When you visit More, remind him that when he writes to the Bishop of Rochester [Fisher] he add my wishes for his success and good fortune.(§94, p.118/14–16);
Cum ad Morum dabis litteras vel nactus fueris qui eo profiscatur et mandata ad illum miseris, ne obliviscare accuratissimam mea vice salutationem adiungere ipsi et liberis, sed in primis Margaritae Roperae meae, quam ego ex quo primum novi, non amavi minus quam si mihi esset soror germana. (When you write to More or find someone to bear a message to him, do not forget to add most attentive greetings to himself and his children on my part, but especially to my dear Margaret Roper, for whom, from the first moment I met her, I bore as much love as for my own sister.)(§95, p.120/5–6). In Juan Luis Vives, De Conscribendis Epistolis, edited by Charles Fantazzi (Leiden: Brill, 1989).]
In the king there are many glories, whether you consider endowments of body or mind; he loves all scholars; among them he esteems most highly Erasmus and More. The queen is so devout that one could desire nothing more; the nobility is charmed by all scholars. (In Rege esse ornamenta plurima, uel si corporis siue animi dotes spectes; literatos amare omneis; in iis lingue latine columen, Erasmum, Morum plurimi facere; Reginam tanta esse pietate ut nihil preterea desyderes; nobilitatem adfectam literatis omnibus).]
Morus tibi salutem & omnia prosperrima precatur, mittitque Dominae coniugi tuae sex annulos argenteos, quos inter suos distribuat: sunt enim sacri more Britanniae, see LC Ep.13 above (2 Nov. 1521). De Vocht notes that
According to the last paragraph the epistle contained six silver rings which had been blessed by the King of England (cp. Ep.13,69); the impress of one of them shows clearly underneath the address: it is a circle of 15 to 16mm. diameter, apparently caused by a circlet in wire against which the paper was pressed(p.272).]
antico amico mio. For Schönberg's life, see CE 3:429–30. Schönberg was sent by Pope Clement VII to make peace between Henry VIII, Francis I and Charles V, but was unsuccessful.]
But I do not doubt that More, who can give the most prudent advice about this, will have given you plenty. (Sed non dubito quin hisce de rebus, vt prudentius potest, ita copiosius scripserit ad te Morus.)]
Quod epistolam ad te meam Moro miseris, nae tu nugas: misisti viro eruditissimo, quem equidem <propter er>uditi<onem ra>ram suspicio, ut omnes item alios.
You sent the letter I wrote to you to More . . . You have send it to a most learned man whom I venerate for his rare culture.De Vocht identifies the letter as Ep.85[/17, n. on p.224], which alludes to Cranevelt's first meeting with More.]
More recte valet: misit literas per Livinum Erasmi egitque gratias quod tam diligenter ac crebro salutarem per literas, alioquin satis occupatus, quum liceat excusare per negocia, vt ipse scribit; sed nulla negocia tanti sint, vt tales amici sunt vel negligendi vel contemnendi.
More is fine; he sent a letter by Livinus to Erasmus and expressed his thanks that I, although otherwise very busy, greeted him so diligently and frequently by letter, although I could excuse myself because of my affairs, as he himself writes . . .(Sullivan). For Lieven (Livinus) Algoet, a servant-pupil of Erasmus, see De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.95, p.245; CE 1:35–36 and Allen intro. to 4:#1091, p.235.]
I hesitate to write to you dreading that interference in temporal affairs with which your friend More has so justly reproached an English Carthusian. I hope More has no reproach to make to me.The Carthusian Lieven van den Zande writes to Erasmus to introduce himself, mentioning More's
Letter to a Monk(Rogers #83) in the process. He expresses the wish to avoid the mistakes of More's Carthusian critic [John Batmanson]. For the life of Levinus Ammonius, see CE 1:50–51.]
Defenceof the education of women. For the Life of Richard Hyrde (d.1528), see Watson, Vives 14–16, 159–60; and Diane Valeri Bayne,
The Instruction of a Christian Woman: Richard Hyrde and the Thomas More Circle,Moreana 45 (1975): 5–15. Frances Staverton was Thomas More's niece by the marriage of his sister Joan to Richard Staverton. Hyrde's name was also variously spelt
Hirt, Hirde, Herde, Harte.John Leland wrote an epigram
Ad Richardum Hirtium, which is included on p.7 together with an English translation by Virginia W. Callahan (see Byrne above). See also notes in Dana Sutton's edition and E.M.G. Routh's Sir Thomas More and his Friends (pp.134–35).]
John Leland in Paris: the evidence of his poetry,Studies in Philology 83:1 (1986): 1–50 and John Guy, A Daughter's Love 169 and 306. Though Hyrde may have begun work on his translation fairly soon after the publication of Vives' original Latin edition, it seems unlikely that he finished it, and wrote his Dedicatory Preface to Queen Katherine, until after he had written the Prefatory Letter for Margaret Roper's Devout Treatise. Hyrde may very well have met Vives in person on one of his visits to England, see Eugenio M. Olivares-Merino,
A month with the Mores: The meeting of Juan Luis Vives and Margaret More Roper,English Studies 88:4 (July 2007): 388–400, esp.393:
Since we know the exact date when Vives arrived at Bruges (10 May 1525), the disagreement lies in the fact that we do not know the precise date when Vives left Oxford and was welcomed into More’s house. Be that as it may, the time spent with More at Chelsea gave him the opportunity not only to become more acquainted with Margaret and her husband William, but also with Richard Hyrde and many of More’s other friends.]
has no doubt spoken with More; for More is with him constantly and in high favour, as you will learn from his letter.More's letter is not extant.]
[Quondam dicebatur] Anglo in manu esse vtrum uelit, an accendi faces belli, aut ex[ting]ui; neque non tibi occurere potest quid ea de re abs te rogatus responderit:De Vocht dates this episode as occurringNon ego dico uobis quod habebitis pacem![quod nescio] quomodo interpretabere.
either in Aug.–Sept. 1520 after the meeting of Calais [cf. Ep.115] or in July–Aug. 1521, at the meeting of Charles V, and Wolsey.]
Thomas More and Thomas Linacre,Moreana 13 (1967): 63–67. Includes a number of references to More including Utopia, Clement and Pole:
Rediit [i.e. Linacre] Londino, unde noster Morus. Studuit Patauij, ubi Latimerus. (He returned from London, as did our More. He studied at Padua, as did Latimer.)(1527: fol.105v  and Marc'hadour 1967:64). And later in the section illustrating the use of Zeugma and Syllepsis:
Quis scribit? Morus scribit. Quis scripsit Vtopiam? Morus scripsit Vtopiam. Zeugmata figuratus, talis: Quis scribit? Morus. Quis scripsit Vtopiam? Morus.(1527: fol.111v ). He also refers to John Clement who would succeed him as Court physician:
Quando venit Clemens? dudum(1527:fol.112 ). And Reginald Pole, whom he had been tutoring:
Conualuitne Polus? Imo recidit in morbum(ibid.). For continental editions, see Shaaber L175–L198. Marc'hadour seems to be quoting from Shaaber L195.]
Ego vocor Thomas(sig.D1) and
Quis scripsit haec? if he be answered Thomas: there must be answered, scripsit(sig.E2v). For continental editions, which translate the English parts into Latin, see Shaaber L202–L227. Marc'hadour quotes from Shaaber L215.]
Arbitrator in the case of Coke v. City as to the setting up of mills on the Thames.]
Anna Crisacria Joannes Mori Sponsa anno .15.[i.e. 14], and for John:
Joannes Morus Thomae Filius anno.19.[i.e. 18]. These are the same superscriptions that appear on the Hans Holbein cartoon in the Kunstmuseum, Basel. She married John More, Thomas More's son, in c1529 below.]
Is glad to hear from Sir Thomas More [by letter?] that the King is satisfied at his communications with the chancellor Alençon, sent by the French king's mother.Wolsey then thanks Henry
it hath pleased Your Highness, of your excellent goodness and gracious favour, to advertise me, by the said Sir Thomas More, of such reports, as have ben made unto Your Highness(p.154).]
Eo ipso die quo litteras tuas accepi, mane dicesserat Joannes Clemens, Anglus, quem salutare iusseras.]
Sir Thomas More, a man of singular and rare learning, and in great favour with the King and Cardinal, returned thanks to the State for having sent an ambassador, declaring that the King would be as ready to gratify the Republic, as if he had a seat in the Venetian Senate. More then said that the King's good will towards the State was hereditary, and would be perpetual, and also commended Cardinal Wolsey for his demonstrations in favour of the Signory, such having been in accordance with the will of the King. More then spoke in like terms of the negotiations of the Reverend Richard Pace and of the King's other agents in Italy.]
E Brittania accepj fasciculum epistolarum, in quo inerat quaedam tua ad me, illinc remissa, et haec; ad te Morj cum annulis(See LC #151/17–18, p.419 [Rogers #138]).
Velim olfacias, cuius sit libellus Taxandrj, et ad me perscribas, aut ad Morum, quj hoc cupit cognoscere.On Taxander and More, see intro. to LC #148, pp.405–408 and LC #151/7–14, p.419.]
Jn proxima mea epistola inerat Mori quaedam cum annulis argenteis, quo numero, non sat scio: fac certiorem me, an sit reddita.]
Ανθρωπος μωρω ονόματι μεν δη ομοιότατος, πράγματι δε άνομιότατος. Άλλα τί έρωτας: le plus fou des hommes à en croire son nom; le moins fou en réalité(p.369).]
Foxford.Licence for a doulbe marriage between Elizabeth More and William Dauncey, and Cecily More and Giles Heron issued Sept 29, 1525, fol. 100 recto [Sullivan 2:246]. Roper 40/19–43/2; and nn. on pp.115–22; Harpsfield 19/15–17 and 53/24–28, and nn. on pp.311–12, 326. [L'Univers 369. Both husbands were elected to the Parliament of 1529 to represent Thetford. Giles Heron was later hung, drawn and quartered by Cromwell in 1540 without benefit of a proper trial. Hitchcock in extended notes to Roper 40/19 and 42/16–17, pp.115–122, deals not only with the double wedding but also the death of Giles Heron in 1540.]
Sir Thomas More: Maker of English Law,in Essential Articles for the Study of Thomas More (1977), 104–118; and John Guy, The Public Career of Sir Thomas More (1980), 26–30.]
Morus factus est Cancellarius Lancastriae; munus est honoris et fructus haud exiguj, quod obtinebat Vinfeldus, qui in Hispania Legatus interijt; hoc demum est]legatum obire. Accipiet in singulos annos supra mille et quingentos angelatos; questuram resignabit alterj.
This letter and Epp 1766 and 1797 show that despite the long hiatus in their surviving correspondence (from Ep. 1220 in June or July 1521 to Ep 1770 of 18 December 1526), More and Erasmus remained in touch(CWE 11, p.398n2). See also Epp. 1766 and 1797. For the life of Aldridge, see ODNB, CE 1:27–28 and intro. to Allen #1656 on p.243]
Epithalamium Ioannis Clementis Medici, et Margaritaein the couple's honour. After the wedding, they moved into Bucklersbury, where More had lived before moving to Chelsea.]
Your opponents have spread a rumour throughout England that you and your writings have been condemned in Paris. It is so persistent that everywhere people have been approaching our friend More and Zacharias [Deiotarius] and myself, along with other friends of yours to ask if there was any truth in this distressing tale. . . . Out of his charity and to please you, More has become my very good friend.For other references to More about this period see CWE, Epp 1271 n21, 1385 n1, 1656 n2, 1766 n10 (cf. 1666n.6).]
A Printed Letter of the London Hanse Merchants (3 March 1526),Publications of the Oxford Bibliographical Society ns 1 (1947): 25–32; Carl S. Meyer
Thomas More and the Wittenburg Lutherans,Concordia Theological Monthly 39 (1968): 246–56; Paul Akio Sawada,
Thomas More und die Hanse, 1526,Thomas Morus Jahrbuch 1984/85 98–100.]
Saluebis a Moro nostro, et filiabus facundissimis et faecundissimis, nam duae pepererunt iam, tertia gerit vterum.
Amitiés de notre cher More, ainsi que de ses filles, non moins fécondes qu'éloquentes; 2 entre elles sont déjà mères de famille, la 3e attend un bébé.De Vocht's note refers to Vives comments about Margaret Roper in his 1534 De Conscribendis epistolis.]
Your Eminence should give my Colloquies to someone to read who knows both Greek and Latin — I shall not suggest Thomas More or Cuthbert Tunstall for they are both friends of mine, though both are the sort of friends who put the truth first. But give the book to somebody who is not obviously biased in my favour or against me.(See also n.10 on p.167)]
Reverend bishop, all the generous gifts you decided to lavish on me have been duly delivered. I received the ten angels through More and got another ten last year.]
had a long discourse with [the French] ambassador touching the treaty [of 8th August 1526]. After much discussion it is now concludedin a better form
thenne was conteyned in the minutes therof lately declared, and sent unto Your Highnes by Sir Thomas More(p.169)]
As for the copy of Luthers letter, His Grace knoweth none other, but that Sir Thomas More hath hit.]
Brixius, the rival of More, has produced a little book from the Greek of Chrysostom translated into Latin . . . I congratulate More who has had such an erudite adversary. I congratulate the world which has produced such distinguished men.]
More, ce mois, touche des honoraires d'un Lord Darcy.]
Pleasith it Your good Grace to understond, that Sir Thomas More beyng at this tyme absent, bi the Kinges commaundement, to thentent that he shulde vew certayn landes of the Duchye of Lancastre, as Daventre, Higham Ferez,and other, his servaunt arripved [sic] here, with letters from Your Grace unto the sayde Sir Thomas, upon Thursday laste; whiche I wolde not presume to see, dowtyng of Your Graces pleasure, but dyd send immediatly the sayde servaunt unto his master, and yesterday Sir Thomas Moore countremaunded his servaunt with the sayde letters, wyllyng me to exequute that, that Your Grace commaunded hym to doo(p.176).]
This day received Wolsey's letters sent to Sir T. More, dated from the More, 29th ult. . With the same was . . . a precept for the proclamation touching coins. . . . Expects Sir T. More tonight. If he should not come, will show the proclamation to the treasurer (Fitzwilliam)(LP).]
C'est peut-être à cette lettre que répond Knight le 11.]
Your letters to More, dated Hampton Court, the 8th, [reached us?] on the 9th; and as More was gone to London, I opened the packet(LP).
Aftyr this, I shewed unto His Highnesse the hole effect of Your Graces letter sent unto Mr. More, wherein he commendyd gretely your cownsel in that, that the Pope shuld in no wise departe from Rome, but there to fortifye hymselve(p.182). The King agreed to give 30,0000 ducats to Pope Clement VII. Marc'hadour suggests:
More est peut-être occupé à Londres à éditer la lettre de Luther et la réponse d'Henry VIII.]
As you requested, I sent the book with the collations [of MSS of Seneca] to Master Thomas More on 11 May and pressed him to forward it as rapidly as possible. He had promised to do so when I visited him at Easter [1 April], when he received me most graciously, as you would expect from someone of his kindly and obliging nature. I realize of course that my reception owed much to you, for he was aware that you and I have long been on close and familiar terms. Please commend me to him when next you write. That would please me very much.See also Erasmus' letters to Aldridge, Epp. 1656, and 1797 n.5.]
Complete Worksto English recipients:
Let them leave twenty carefully bound sets made up of individual volumes (or]parts), and when the work is complete send: one set to the archbishop of Canterbury [William Warham]; the second to Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London; the third to Thomas More, English baron; the fourth to John [Longland], bishop of Lincoln, the fifth to Cambridge to be deposited in Queen's College, in the library of that college; the sixth to John [Fisher], bishop of Rochester. . . .
E quibus Thomas Morus, equus auratus, moribus et ingenio candidissimus, neque minori praestans eruditione, tametsi negotiis regis et regni grauissimis, occupatus sit.]
But everyone knows that Longueil, in his ambition to be a Ciceronian, developed a number of affected mannerisms. They [Some Italian critics of Erasmus] will not allow that any]Tramontanecan have success in poetry. To this I have countered with an epigram or two of Thomas More's.
The Magnifico Salamanca and his two colleagues sent by the King of Bohemia had audience of his Majesty at Greenwich on the 14th. One of them [John Faber] delivered a public oration after the German fashion. He set forth the genealogy of the Turk [Solyman II.], and his power; the peril which thus threatened the Christian commonwealth; the calamity which had befallen the kingdom of Hungary, and its loss, through the forays of the Turkish garrisons in Belgrade and other places. Recourse was therefore had to the King of England, asJohn Faber later became bishop of Vienna, and was the recipient of Erasmus's important letter in 1532 on More's resignation (Allen #2750 below). For the life of Johannes Fabri, see CE 2:5–8. The fall of Hungary to the Turks would later provide the setting for More's major prison work A Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation (1534–35). For the Turkish invasion of Hungary and the Battle of Moh´cs, see entry for 29 August 1526 above.]Defender of the Faith,and kinsman of the King of Bohemia [and Hungary]. The reply on behalf of his Majesty [made by Sir Thomas More] purported that he had never ignored the power of the Turk, and therefore of late years, in the midst of victory over his enemies, he abstained from pursuing them, and, ceding many of his rights, made peace. That having done so, he laboured incessantly to pacify the other Christian Princes; it seeming to him that this was the only way to meet such danger. That the loss of Hungary, both by reason of the public detriment and that incurred personally by King Ferdinand, grieved and grieves his Majesty as becoming, nor before that loss did he fail expressing his readiness to give assistance; so that if all men, and especially those whom it most concerned, had done their utmost, Hungary would not have been lost. In the next place he considered the recovery of that realm to be beyond the forces of him, the King of England, even if united with those of any other sovereign; and that the undertaking required a confederacy of all the Christian powers, which, so far as he could comprehend, was impeded solely by the Emperor; wherefore the King of Bohemia should apply to his brother alone, and exhort him to this union, and at length to desist from such obstinate prosecution of that hatred which he bears his enemies; and that he should content himself with the numerous kingdoms which God had given him, and respect those of his neighbours; together with many other expressions to this effect, uttered in accordance with the candour and integrity of his Majesty of England.
Thank you for the Seneca . . . If you would suggest how I might repay you, your kindness would not be lost on a thankless creature. I have commended you most warmly to Thomas More.CWE notes:
This letter is not now extant, but the reference is further evidence that More and Erasmus corresponded more frequently in this period than the small number of extant letters would indicate(12:500n5).]
I will finish the Hyperaspistes, and if it is not safe to publish it, I will send it to you by my own servant(CWE 13: #1804/311–12, p.27. For the influence of More on the writing of Erasmus' Hyperaspistes, Part II, see CWE 76:lxxvii–lxxxiv.]
As far as pertains to More, what else, I ask you, can I write to you now than what I have constantly testified even in published writings, that I in no wise shrink from his friendship even though without cause he has seriously offended me,—you principally being the agent and as it were rectifier with whose will indeed I cannot honorably disagree. For my attraction towards you, indeed my love for you, has such weight with me that everything that seems to you good to do seems to be both right and true. Therefore you have arranged the restoration of friendship between More and myself. For I shall follow where you lead as one who even otherwise has a spirit inclined toward the friendship of More and and especially at this time in which the desire to visit that island through an occasion of this kind repeatedly comes to me—a thing in which I see our King Francis is in wonderful agreement with King Henry of England. And on this journey unless some misfortune deprive me of it, I have fully determined to turn aside and greet you and More (whose influence I hear is extraordinary and very important with both the King and the Cardinal) and freely to join this right hand with his right hand, the Muses clearly inviting me to do this. For I am so far from thinking that I shall estrange and offend More that I have complete confidence that, visiting Britain, I shall enjoy the man, the worshipper and friend of the Muses and Graces, for all things as a faithful interpreter and benevolent friend unless perhaps he should wish to belie and falsify his nature, described graphically to me by many men.In the event, More and Brie never met: More did not visit Paris and Brie never visited England.]
What kind of a man is this Lupset of yours? Because when some months ago he came hither to accompany you to France, he promised to carry my news to the bishop of London [Tunstall], and further he added some silly jokes to the sober notes of More, which he sent me. Is this the way to treat me?]
More is in the retinue of the British Idol [Wolsey]; and there indeed the man belongs; was he not the first to intercept Praet's letters to the Emperor
In comitatu est Morus, bonus ad eam rem author! Nam is primus interceperat Pratensis ad Caesarem litteras. Fevynus is still blaming More for the events of Feb. 1525, see De Vocht LC #191. More accompanied Wolsey on his voyage to France to meet with Francis I to attempt to show that Henry VIII's marriage to Catherine was not valid.]
Cranevelt has received a letter from More [evidently Ep. 242] through Erasmus' amanuensis [no doubt, Nicolas Cannius]; he avails himself of the opportunity to write to Erasmus through whom he has been blessed with so great a friend. He mentions Wolsey's mission to France, and hopes that it will procure honour to the Cardinal and to More, who accompanies him, and security to the threatened territories of Flanders; he wishes that King Henry's marriage should not be invalidated after so many years, and that man should not separate what God has united.]
Was met by the French king and a great train, a mile and a half from Amiens; was lovingly received by him, bonnet in hand, and presented to the king of Navarre(LP):
the Frenche King saluted my Lord of London [Cuthbert Tunstall], my Lord Chamberlain [William Sandys], Master Comptroller [Henry Guildford], the Chaunceler of the Duchy [Thomas More](p.237).]
I rejoice that you have made a friend of More.]
Lee knows that attacking me is distasteful to the best of his compatriots, the king, the Cardinal, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, Thomas More . . .]
Great Matter, Oct. 1527. Rogers #199/54–58, p.493; SL #53, pp.206–207; SLTM #62, p,214, etc. [L'Univers 401.
Sir, upon a time at my coming from beyond the sea, where I had been in the King's business, I repaired as my duty was 55 unto the King's Grace being at that time at Hampton Court. At which time suddenly his Highness walking in the gallery, broke with me of his great matter.]
the last two dear yearsof Famine, 1527–29. Supplication of Souls (Sept. 1529): CW 7:121/16–122/5 and n. to 121/20 on p.330; Gottschalk 80–81 and Nugent 227; see Rogers #171/19–20, p.416 and CW 6:468. [L'Univers 403.]
Is asked by Wolsey to mention that the King has the greatest possible desire to see Budé, your master of requests, for a few days, and have a literary conversation with him, from the great esteem he has for him. Promised to write, and said he was sure that none of Francis' servants, great or little, would object to obey him, but he must not be surprised if Budé was some time in coming, owing to his age and illness.]
One of their servants is now in great danger from the wetting,—a young man, learned in physic, Greek and Latin, whose death would be a great loss.(#4103)We suppose ye know him well. His name is Richard Herde. He was wont to resort much to me, Steven Gardiner, there, and sometime dwelled with Master Chancellor of the Duchy(More). Master Gregory says that in summer the south wind brings pestilence here from a river within a mile of the city.
Richard Herde died on Lady Day [25 March], to our great discomfort, as we had great confidence in his learning and experience in physic [medicine].Hyrde was part of the English Embassy to the Pope about Henry's divorce.]
desires the rest of Compton's offices to be stayed; among others, the office of Furnesse, which he intends for Mr. Treasurer (Fitzwilliam) and Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy (More), as joint patentees.]
Master Chauncelour of the Duchie, unknoweyng to the Kynges Highnes, hathe lettin the herbage, pannage, and waters, with the other commodities at Kelyngworth, which the King was myndid I shuld have, to one Wyggeston; wherwith His Highnes is not content, as well anenst Master Chauncelour for lettyng of them . . .]
In a dedication to his augmented Adages, Erasmus refers to the daughters of More as a true choir of the Muses.]
In England the great have taken me up, the king, the queen, the Archbishop of Canterbury [Warham], More, and Tunstall.]
If you have nothing of Seneca except what was annotated Aldridge [cf. Allen #1656, #1797] in the manuscript which has been for rather a long time at More's, do nothing. We have others very different . . . I had entrusted the Moor with my letter to Queen Katherine [Nigro commiseram epistolam], but unsealed and enclosed [in the letter to More Allen 1804], giving him the responsibility to send it or not.Erasmus' letter to Katherine is not extant.]
Is it true that More has come to Paris? have you seen him?The rumour Erasmus had heard was false, see LP 4:#4579, App. 196, 198–199. More returned to the continent for one final diplomatic mission in July– August 1529.]
I don't know what Manuscripts Vives saw, unless perhaps it was yours or one that was collated by a friend of mine [Aldridge] at the home of Thomas More.]
At More's house I did not see any edition of Seneca that had even a single correction.]
Defenceof More after his death, see The Immediate Aftermath of More's Death.]
The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster came in person to recommend for the post of sword-bearer, his servant, Walter Smith, who had been with him eight or nine years.For Walter Smyth, see 23 March 1525]
Water-baillyis a mistake for
sword-bearer, both of which were gentlemen attendant on the Lord Mayor, and that this story refers to Walter Smyth. See also Reed, Early English Drama p.155.]
Thomae Mori domus nihil aliud quam Musarum est domicilium. [The house of More is nothing other than a domicile of the Muses.]]
Letter of Credence, [London, before June 1529]. CW 6:24–26. [Fictional Prefatory Letter to A Dialogue Concerning Heresies (June 1529).]
Letter of the Author, [London, before June 1529]. CW 6:26–27. [Fictional Prefatory Letter to A Dialogue Concerning Heresies (June 1529).]
yf I had not had the secours of my Lord of London is [Tunstall's] table and som tymys with Master More, I had not aben able to sawe [save?] the Kyng my master is honnor, nether my nown as his pore orrator . . . As for any tedynges that we hawe in this partys my forsayd Lord of London an Master More sall schow your M<astership> at length of all owr ocorenttes here to this tyme(pp.292–93).]
Two Unpublished Letters of John Cochlaeus,Historical Bulletin XXXI: 32–39. [L'Univers 425 and n8; Sullivan I:206. Praise of More:
Bene vale Rex florentissime, Princeps fortunissime, Domine clementissime et haud temeritatem meam condona bonitati patroni mei nomine Thomae Mori, cuius virtutes plurimas vehementer amo et suspicio.See also Rogers #164.]
What joy to receive all of you by the grace of the pen of Holbein.Answered by Ep.179. See also Holbein's Picture, April 1527.]
Margaret of Austria's Gifts to Tunstal, More and Hackett after the Ladies' Peace,Moreana 12(1966): 57–60. [See also articles by Henri Meulon under Thomas More's Travels]
From this point until More's Trial in June 1535, I have
table structure of earlier versions of this
file, until I have thoroughly revised the earlier entries up til 1529.
|Number||Description, Editions and Comments|
|— (L).||More's Appointment as Chancellor, 25 October 1529.
Close Roll 21 Henry VIII m. 19 d.;
PRO Ref. C/54/398, no.18.
[L'Univers 429. Accounts of Wolsey's resignation and More's
appointment as the new Chancellor of England. See also E. & J.
Birchenough, and G. Marc'hadour,
More's Appointment as Chancellor and His Resignation,Moreana 12 (1966): 71–80.]
|More's Appointment as Chancellor: Norfolk's Praise of More and More's Reply. Roper 39/4–40/17; Harpsfield 48/23–25, 50/25–52/20 and n. on p.326; Ro. Ba. 65/13–68/3; Cresacre More (1631), Ch.6, ¶4, pp.204–211 (Kennedy pp.101–106). [Cf. Sullivan 2:338. The speeches of More and Norfolk are elaborated in Ro. Ba. and especially in Cresacre More.]|
|Letter of Eustace Chapuys to Charles V,
London, 25 October 1529.
William Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V
and his ambassadors at the courts of England and France.
(London: Richard Bentley, 1850), 293.
CSP Spain 4/1:#194. Online at
[L'Univers 429. Sullivan I:191:
The chancellor's seal has remained in the hands of the Duke of Norfolk till this morning when it was transferred to Sir Thomas More. Everyone is delighted at his promotion because he is an upright and learned man and a good servant of the Queen.]
|— (Fr).||Memoranda of Sir John Spelman, [26 October 1529]. Spelman I:34. [Brief account of More's appointment as Chancellor (25 October 1529) and his resignation two and half years later on 16 May 1532.]|
|177 (L).||From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, Oxford, [c.27 October 1529]. Rogers #177, pp.424–426; —. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 97.|
|178 (L).||From Thomas More to Erasmus, [Chelsea], 28 October . Leipzig Library MS (destroyed during WWII); Allen 8:#2228, p.294 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2228.pdf); CWE 16:#2228, pp.77; SL #43, pp.171–172; SLTM #53, pp.147–148; Érasme et More #48, pp.228–235. [Autograph letter throughout. Answering Ep. 175.]|
|Thomas More's Oration to the Parliament condemning Wolsey, 3 November 1529. Hall II:163–65 (quoted in Harpsfield 326–327); online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/1529Hall.pdf; Rolls of Parliament (Guy: C 65/138 m. 1) in Journals of the Lords I:cli (partially quoted in Harpsfield 327 and Guy, Public Career 115); poorly calendared in LP 4:#6043, p.2689; CSP Spain 4/1:#208, pp.323–25 (8th Nov. 1529); online at http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp320-336 [L'Univers 430, 431 and n11. See John Guy, Public Career 113–15.]|
|(E).||Debate about Wolsey's Pension, After 26th October 1529.
Cavendish 130/24–131/20, and note on 131/3 on
pp.243–44 and p.xxi, n1.
[Sullivan I:176. After Wolsey's dismissal in a lengthy speech (131/3–20),
an anonymous member of the council advocated giving the fallen Cardinal an
although he never did me good or any pleasure.In his note, Sylvester sees this as a possible reference to More, who is never actually named anywhere in Cavendish's account. Wolsey's pension was actually paid on 18th March 1530, see LP Vol.5, p.318.]
|179 (L).||From Margaret Roper to Erasmus, [Chelsea], 4 November . Wrocław, MS. Rehd. 244. 129; ——; Allen 8:#2233, pp.299–300; (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2233.pdf); CWE 16:#2233, pp.86?–88; partially translated in Reynolds, Margaret Roper 54–55; Robineau, trans., (Fr. & E.) Moreana III:12 (1966):40–43 [Transcription of Latin Autograph on p.40]. [L'Univers 431. Margaret Roper's autograph. Answering Ep. 176. Partial facsimile reproductions of beginning in E. E. Reynolds, Margaret Roper (1960) facing p.54; and of end in Moreana 12 (1966): 41. For an autograph letter of More to Erasmus, see Allen #1770 above.]|
|180 (L).||From Thomas More to Conrad Goclenius, Chelsea, 12 November . Leiden MS B.T. 885; Rogers #180, pp.427–428. [Written by a secretary, with a postscript by More.]|
|—.||Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered
Royal Service, [After 25 October], 1529.
Repertories 8.77; Harpsfield p.314.
The Lord Chancellor of England to have a tun of good wine of red and claret.]
|181 (L).||From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, Oxford, [1529?]. Rogers #181, pp.428–429; —. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 101v. [Written after More became Chancellor.]|
|John More marries Ann Cresacre, December? 1529.
Harpsfield n. to 66/2–3, p.329;
cf. LP 5:#318.24, p.149 [June 23rd 1531].
[L'Univers 433. Harpsfield:
Information as to Ann Cresacre is available from the inscription on theRuth Norrington, In the Shadow of a Saint, p.65, suggestsBurford Priorycopy of Holbein's painting of the the family of Sir Thomas More: Johannes Morus Londinensis armiger Thomae Mori et Janae unicus filius aetatis 19 duxit uxorem Annam Cresacrem Eboracensis aetatis 18 anno 21 H. 8, 1529.
December 1529. However, the
Burford Prioryaccount may not be completely reliable: we know from other sources, see Anne Cresacre, 1525, that the age difference between the two of them was at least three years. In any case they must have been married by the end of 1530. Their first son was born 8 August 1531 (cf. Roper 112), and John More received a special license to inherit Anne's estates at Bamborough on June 1531 (cf. A Daughter's Love 317).]
|(L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Juan de Vergara,
[Freiburg, c13 January 1530].
Allen 8:#2253/35–37, p.322;
CWE 16:#2253/38–40, pp.125–126.
[After telling de Vergera of the fall of Wolsey (cf. #2228), Erasmus reports:
The office [of Chancellor] was given, therefore, to Sir Thomas More amid general applause; his elevation gave no less pleasure to all good men than did the fall of the Cardinal.]
|(L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Cuthbert
Tunstall, Freiburg, 31 January 1530.
Allen 8:#2263/31–33, p.344;
CWE 16:#2263/33–35, p.[after 127];
Froude 374; DeMolen 172.
[L'Univers 437 and n1; Sullivan I:328. Mentions More's
promotion to Chancellor:
As to More, I am pleased to hear of his promotion. I do not congratulate him personally, but I congratulate Britain and, indirectly, myself.]
|— (L).||From a letter of Erasmus to John Botzheim,
Freiburg, 3 March, 1530.
Allen 8:#2277 /14–16, p.367.
CWE 16:#2277/**–**, p.***.
[L'Univers 439; Sullivan 1:328.
In Anglia omnes amiciciae sunt incolumes. Cardinalis deiectus est, Morus est summus Angliae iudex.
[i]n England, all my friendships are intact. The Cardinal has now been overthrown. More is now Lord Chancellor.]
|— (L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Richard Pace,
Freiburg, 22 March, 1530.
Allen 8:#2287 /7–8, pp.386–387.
CWE 16:#2287/**–**, p.***.
[L'Univers 439; Sullivan 1:328:
I rejoice for the king and kingdom but not for More.]
|182 (E).||To Sir John Arundell, Chelsea, 5 April . Rogers #182, p.430. BL Add. MS 19,398, fol. 41; LP 4.6311 (pp.***). [L'Univers 439. An original.]|
|182A (L).||From the Prior <Thomas Goldwell OSB> and Chapter of Christ Church, Canterbury, to Sir Thomas and Lady More, Canterbury, 23 April 1530. Herbrüggen #182A, pp.84–91. Canterbury Cathedral, Chapter Archives, Register T, fol. 346v. Letter of Confraternity. For facsimile and English translation see C. Jenkins. Sir Thomas More. A Commemoration Lecture... Canterbury Papers 5. Canterbury: 1935. Facing page 21 and p.29. [L'Univers 439.]|
|182 AAAA* (E).||From Thomas More to George Gylidforde [Guildford], Westminster, 8 July . PRO STAC 2/29/64; Herbrüggen, Moreana 20:79/80 (1983):36,40. [Holograph.]|
|.||Publication of Frederick Nausea's
Tres Evangelicae Veritatis Homiliarum Centuriae.
Cologne: Peter Quentell, August 1530. Sig. A2v.
[See Moreana no. 4 (1964): 64–65. In his
Dedication, Nausea praises recent English authors:
ex Anglia regem serenissimum Heinricum VIII, Ioannem episcopum Roffensem, Thomam Morum, Rhossaeum (i.e. More again), Io. Pouelum (Edward Powell), Guilliemum Meltonum (William Melton). John More translated Sermon No.36 from the "Second Century" into English in 1533.]
|— (L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Germain de Brie, Freiburg, 5 September, 1530. Allen 9:#2379/208–12, 218–26, pp.35–36. [L'Univers 445; Sullivan 1:328: Three references to More in connection with his role in the quarrel between Dorp and Erasmus, the quarrel between Lee and Erasmus, and the quarrel between Brie and More. (Sullivan). Add translation of lines 218-226 from CW 3/2:571–72.]|
|182B (L).||From Thomas More to Cochlaeus, [November 1530].
Epistola Nicolai Pape, 1536, Fol.Ddv;
Rogers #166, pp.401–402;
(Lines 1–9: Tres Thomae 74; Hallett 57 ).
[Redated from 1529, see Herbrüggen #182B, p.92.
Partial translation of Lines 1–9 (out of 30) from Hallett:
I beg you, my dearest Cochlaeus, by our mutual love to believe that none of my friends' letters for many years has been so acceptable to me as that lately received from you. Of the many reasons for this I will mention the two most important ones. First, then, because I perceive in your letter your deep affection for me. It was not indeed unknown to me, but now it is more clear than ever before, and gives me the most explicit delight. To say nothing of your deserts, who would not be proud to have gained the friendship of so renowned a man? Second, because in your letter you have kept me informed of the doings of Princes, etc.]
|——.||Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered
Royal Service, 1530.
Repertories 8.86, 102, 141;
More signs the ordinances of the London Parish Clerks.(b)
Bill of Sir Thomas More for £50.(c)
More to have a tun of good wine at Christmas.]
From a letter of Nicholas Leonicus to Reginald Pole,
Padua, 8 February 1531.
Vatican MS Rossiano 997; paraphrase in Cardinal F. A. Gasquet,
Cardinal Pole and his Early Friends
(London: G. Bell, 1927), p.116. Full view at
[No edition of the Latin text. Sullivan 2:226.
May you do all that is great and love your Leonicus and keep him in your mind. Say a word of salutation for me to those illustrious and most revered men, Tunstall, More, and [William] Latimer.]
|183 (L).||From Erasmus to John More, Freiburg, 27 February 1531. Aristotelous hapanta = Aristotelis summi semper uiri, et in quem unum uim suam uniuersam contulisse natura rerum, opera, quæcunque impressa hactenus extiterunt omnia, summa cum uigilantia excusa. Basel: John Bebel, 13 March 1531. fols. a2–a5 = Allen 9:#2432, pp.133–140. Online at http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/pageview/114443 [USTC 555012. Preface by Erasmus to 2nd Edition of Aristotle in the Greek, edited by Simon Grynaeus. See also Rogers #196.]|
|——.||More's Comments to Eustace Chapuys, London, 11 April 1531.
CSP Spain 4, ii, 114 (#683).
[L'Univers 455. More condemns the blindness of Christian
Princes who refused in 1531 to aid the Emperor in driving back the Turk.
The Chancellor himself complained some days ago to one of my secretaries, in a very piteous tone, of the blindness of those princes who refused to assist Your Majesty against so cruel and implacable an enemy, and upon my secretary observing that perhaps those very princes, seeing Your Majesty engaged in the repulse of the Turk, intended to engage in some undertaking by themselves, or solicit and procure something else, the Chancellor replied that there was no actual danger of that on the part of this country at least, for there were no preparations or power to do so; which statement I really believe to be the fact, since their will is evidently stronger than their power.]
|183A (Fr).||From Charles V to Thomas More, Brussels, 11 March 1531. Herbrüggen #183A, pp.92–97; cf. (F./E.) Moreana 37:143/144 (2000): 147–150. [L'Univers 455. Facsimile on frontispiece of Herbrüggen.]|
|— (L) (from Rogers #196).||
From Simon Grynaeus's Prefatory Letter to John More,
[Basel], 1 March 1534. [After 18th March–Before 8th June 1531].
[Tres Thomae 80?***; Hallett 63 [58–59].
[L'Univers 454 and n2, 457; Sullivan 2:56–57
(15 line translation). Simon Grynaeus's visit to England in the Spring 1531
to gather manuscripts for his edition of Plato and Proclus, see
Rogers #188 and #196 below ***.
Partial translation of extract:
Your father at that time held the highest rank, but apart from that, by his many excellent qualities, he was clearly marked out as the chief man of the realm, whilst I was obscure and unknown. Yet for the love of learning in the midst of public and private business he found time to converse much with me: he, the Chancellor of the Kingdom, made me sit at his table: going to and from the Court he took me with him and kept me ever at his side. He had no difficulty in seeing that my religious opinions were on many points different from his own, but his goodness and courtesy were unchanged. Though he differed so much from my views, yet he helped me in word and deed and carried through my business at his own expense. He gave us a young man of of considerable attainments, John Harris, to accompany us on our journey, and to the authorities of the University of Oxford he sent a letter couched in such terms that at once not only were the libraries of all the thrown open to us, but the students as if they had been touched by the rod of Mercury accordingly showed us the greatest favour. [mentions the help of John Claymond who gave him some manuscripts of Proclus.] Accordingly, I searched all the libraries of the University, some twenty in number, They were all richly stocked with very ancient books, and with the permission of the authorities I took away several books of the commentaries of Proclus—as many perhaps as could be set up in print within a year or two. I returned to my country overjoyed at the treasures I had discovered, laden with your father's generous gifts and almost overwhelmed by his kindness.(Rogers #196/303–18, 321–27,Tres Thomae 80?, Hallett 63). Erasmus's commendatory letter to More (#196/301) does not survive; nor does More's letter to Oxford (#196/315). For John Harris (#196/314), see 192* below. For the dating of Grynaeus' visit to England, see Allen 9:#2488, #2499, #2502; pp.21–62, 274–75, 278. For the life of Grynaeus, see CE 2:142–46; intro. to Allen 6:#1657, pp.244–45; and intro. to Rogers #196, p.471. ***Mention More's copy of Grynaeus' Novus Orbis at Yale, and Euclid in the Bodleian.***.]
|184 (L).||From John Cochlaeus to Thomas More, Dresden, 26 April 1531.
Fidelis et pacifica commonitio Ioannis Cochlaei, contra infidelem
et seditiosam commonitionem Martini Lutheri ad Germanos.
(Leipzig: Valentin Schumann, 1531), sigs A1v–A2;
Two Unpublished Letters of John Cochlaeus,Historical Bulletin XXXI: 32–39; Rogers #184, pp.431–432. Available online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek [USTC 657486; L'Univers 455; Sullivan I:206–207. Prefatory Letter to More.]
|184B (E).||<Thomas Goldwell OSB>, Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, to Lord Chancellor <More>, [Canterbury, c. beg. of May, 1531]. Canterbury Cathedral, Chapter Archives: Christ Church Letters 1: 61; Moreana IV:15/16 (1967):241–47. [Holograph draft by Goldwell.]|
|185 (L).||From Thomas More to John Sinapius, Chelsea, 2 May . Epistolae in librum octauum topicorum Aristotelis, Simonis grynaei commentaria doctissima. Adiectae sunt ad libri calcem selectiores aliquot eiusdem s. Grynaei epistolae. (Basel, Johann Oporinus, 1556). fol.145; Rogers #185, pp.432–433; Online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10170661_00145.html [USTC 665983; L'Univers 455. More thanks Sinapius for a lost epigram addressed to More. Grynaeus has told me a lot about you.]|
|.||Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor, London, 6 June 1531.
CSP Spain 4, ii, 178 (#739).
[cf. CE 1:294.
A German doctor residing at Basle, Simon Grineus by name, and one of Erasmus' friends, has been in London these last few days. He came here in company with a printer of the said Basle, for the purpose of finding old manuscripts to set up in type. The King has caused him to argue this divorce question with three or four of his principal doctors and shewn him the book lately printed on the subject. Grineus, as it would appear, has pronounced it to be of very little value or efficacy, and offered to the King the opinion of the doctors in the district where he himself resides, which offer the King has willingly accepted, and given him money in advance to defray all expenses.—London, 6th June, anno31.This is the first mention of Erasmus in Chapuys' correspondence, for Chapuys' later relationship with Erasmus, see CE 1:293–95.]
|185A (L).||From John Cochlaeus to Thomas More, Dresden, 29 June 1531.
Venerabile Collegio Inglese: Scrittura 6. N. 4;
John H. Pollen, S.J.,
Johannes Cochläus an König Heinrich VIII von England und Thomas Morus,Die Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte XIII (1899): 42–49; H. E. G. Rope,
Two Unpublished [sic] Letters of John Cochlaeus,Historical Bulletin [St. Louis University, MI] 25 (1951): 32–39; Herbrüggen #185A, pp.97–106. [L'Univers 457 and n3; Moreana 139/140 (1999): 83–84. MS Letter of Cochlaeus to More.]
|186 (E).||From Sir John Lowther to Thomas More, Carlisle, 16 October 1531. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §68, pp.20–21; Rogers #186, pp.433–435. [L'Univers 459.]|
The Boke Named the Gouernor.
London: Thomas Berthelet, 1531. ***–***.
Edited by H.H.S. Croft. London: K. Paul, Trench & Co., 1883.
[Sullivan I:313. Possible More reference:
Certes, I haue knowen men of worshippe in this realme, which durynge their yongth haue dronken for the more parte water. [Of whome some yet lyveth in great auctoritye, whose excellencie as well as sharpnesse of wytte as in exquisite learnynge is all redy knowen throughe all Christendom.](Croft II:343–44 and note):
The allusion here intended is undoubtedly to Sir Thomas More, who at this time was in his fifty-first year, and of whom we are told by another contemporary writer that,Croft also adds:When he was a young man he used and delighted in drinking of water; his common drinke was verie small ale, and as for wine, he did but sipp of it, and that onlie for companies sake or for pledging his friends.In his other work, entitled the Castel of Health, the author repeats the observation in the text. He says,We have sene men and women of great age, and stronge of body, whyche neuer, or very seldome, dranke other drynke than pure water.Fo. 33, b. ed. 1561.
The passage within brackets has been omitted in all the subsequent editions, and was probably suppressed in consequence of the disgrace and execution of Sir Thomas More.The reference to More only drinking water is found in Allen 4:#999/***–***, p.**; CWE 7:#999/63–67, p.19 and Harpsfield 142/9–13, following Erasmus.]
|187 (L).||From Jerome Perbonus (Girolamo Perbono) to Thomas More, Oviglio, [1531? or 1532?]. Ouiliarum opus luculentissimum & elegantissimum Hieronymi Perboni marchionis Incisae ac Ouiliarum domini in libros XXVI divisum. Milano, a Vincenzo Meda sumptu auctoris & Giovanni Antonio da Legnano, 1533. Epist. lib. 3, fol.iii; Rogers #187, pp.435–437. [USTC 847469; L'Univers 473.]|
|— (E).||From The confutacyon of Tyndales answere, Part I, Spring 1532.
CW 8/1:176/8–179/17, 185/8, and nn. on pp. 8/3:1525–30,
|— (L).||More's Resignation as Chancellor, 16 May 1532. Close Roll 24 Henry VIII m.24 d.; PRO Ref. C/54/401, no.16.; Moreana 12 (1966): 74–80; Roper 51/7–52/13; Harpsfield 58/9–60/16, and nn. on pp.326–28. [L'Univers 467 and n1. Account of More's resignation and the giving of the Great Seal to the new Chancellor Thomas Audeley. For other accounts of More's resignation, see Spelman I:34 (above under More's appointment).|
|188 (L).||Thomas More to Erasmus, Chelsea, 14 June 1532.
Allen 10:#2659, pp.31–34 (Available online at
SL #44, pp.172–177;
SLTM #54, pp.149–154;
Érasme et More #49, pp.235–242.
[L'Univers467 and n.2. Announcing More's resignation as Chancellor.
More refers to Simon Grynaeus's recent visit to England in Allen
10:#2659/97–100 and n., see also Ep.2459, 2487–8, 2831.
Marc'hadour thinks that Erasmus may have suppressed some personal details:
Erasmus publie la sienne [Allen #2659] dès 1533, mais en l'amputant, semble-t-il, des détails personnels.The letter was delayed for several months in Saxony, perhaps with Cochlaeus, see Érasme et More 235n13.]
|189 (L).||Thomas More to John Cochlaeus, Chelsea, 14 June 1532.
Epistola Nicolai Pape 1536, fol. Dd3;
Rogers #189, pp.438–439;
SL #45, pp.177–178;
(Excerpt, Lines 16–28: Tres Thomae 200;
Hallett 79 [73–74]).
[L'Univers467 and n.2. Marc'hadour notes that in his 1538
Scopa (see below), that Cochlaeus says this is the last
letter he received from More and that the bearer
Georgewas his nephew. Marc'hadour suggests that he was also the bearer of Rogers #184, dated 1531, from Cochlaeus. Cochlaeus had a nephew Nicolaus Wolrab, who became a Lutheran but this can't be the same person.]
|Death of William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, 23 August 1532. [L'Univers 468 and n3.]|
|(L).||Simon Grynaeus publishes a revision of Ficino's
Latin translation of Plato, Basel, August 1532.
[USTC 678373. Grynaeus seems to have planned to dedicate this edition to Thomas
More, but Erasmus dissuaded him:
Postremo decreuerat Platonem ab ipso multis locis deprauatum Moro dicare, et fecisset, ni dissuasissem(Allen #2878/21–22, p.317). Instead, Grynaeus dedicated his 1534 edition of the Greek text of Plato to John More (see Rogers #196).]
|Thomas Cranmer succeeds Warham as Archbishop of Canterbury, 1 October 1532. [L'Univers 470 and n5.]|
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to John Choler,
Freiburg, 5 October 1532.
Allen 10:#2728/28–33, p.116.
[L'Univers 471; Sullivan I:328:
More has resigned. The Lutherans are jubilant and bruit it about that he is in disgrace and that his successor has released forty evangelicals arrested by him.]
|— (L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Quirinus Talesius,
Freiburg, 31 October 1532.
Allen 10:#2735/10–13, 38–40, pp.123–124;
[L'Univers 471; Sullivan I:328. Brief mention of More's second wife,
Dame Alice, and of More's resignation as Chancellor of England.
In marrying a widow you have done as did More and I think not without happiness. More has implored thr king for permission to resign; in keeping his post he would have given the impression of appriving the king's repudiation of Katherine(Sullivan). See Moreana 12 (1966): 44–46 and CE 3: 306–307 for biographies of Talesius.]
|190 (E).||Thomas More to John Frith, Chelsea, 7 December . CW 7:229–58; Rogers #190, pp.439–464; SLTM #55, pp.154–82 (modernized by Russell Shaw). [L'Univers 471 and n4. The Letter to Frith: an epistolary tract. A polemical work responding to the writings of the young English reformer John Frith.]|
|(E).||Friar Risby talks to More about Elizabeth Barton, c25 December 1532. Rogers #197/40–69 and nn., pp.481–82; Last Letters #3, pp.37–38 and nn. on pp.138–39. [L'Univers 473.]|
|— (L).||From Erasmus to John Faber, Freiburg, end of 1532. Allen 10:#2750, pp.135–139 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2750.pdf); Hillerbrand #2750/1–108, pp.270–273; Thomas Bridgett, Life and Writings of Sir Thomas More (1891): 246–48 and Sullivan I:329–30 (following Bridgett). [L'Univers 473; Sullivan I:329–30. Letter to John Faber (later Bishop of Vienna) on More's resignation as Chancellor–See also Rogers #188 above.]|
|— (E).||John More to the Christian Reader, . Moreana 14 (1967): 45–47. [Prefatory Letter to John More's Legacy of Prester John, a translation of Damião de Góis' [Goes] Legatio Presbyteri Ioannis (August 1532). For the Life of Gois, see CE 2:113–117.]|
|(L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Freiburg, 5 February 1533.
Allen 10:#2761/3–9, p.151.
[L'Univers 477; Sullivan I:330:
Many of my letters fell into the hands of Bebel last spring. One addressed to More has finally reached him. Others and important ones intended for Warham and Longland have disappeared.]
|(L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Freiburg, 7 February 1533.
Allen 10:#2763/7–8, p.153.
Rogo vt hanc epistolam cures bona fide perferendam ad Thomam Morum quam potes celerrime.]
|(E).||Friar Rich talks to More about Elizabeth Barton, c25 February 1533. Rogers #197/70–119 and nn., pp.482–84; Last Letters #3, pp.38–39 and nn. on pp.139–40. [L'Univers 479. Presumably, More met with Elizabeth Barton at Syon Abbey not long afterwards, see below.]|
|— (E).||John More to the Christian Reader, [March–April?, 1533]. Moreana 2 (1964): 18–19. [Prefatory Letter to John More's A Sermon of the Sacrament of the Aulter, a translation of a sermon by Friedrich Nausea (Graue), later Bishop of Vienna. See entry for August 1530.]|
|— (L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Jan Laski, Freiburg, 21 March 1533. Allen 10:#2780/20–49, p.180; —. [L'Univers 479 and n2. On More's resignation. Covers some of the same ground as Erasmus' earlier letter to John Faber (#2750).]|
|— (E).||From More's Apology (c13 April 1533). CW 9: 116/29–120/33 [Chapter xxxvi], and nn. on pp.362–68. [cf. L'Univers 479. More addresses at length the charges that he tortured heretics, see also R.W. Chambers Saga, pp.14f, and More pp.274f (1963:262–70). For modernizations of this passage, see The Essential Thomas More 231–34 and William Joseph Walter, Sir Thomas More: A Selection from his Works (Baltimore: Fielding Lucas Jr.; Philadelphia: Barrington and Haswell, 1841), 234–38, online at http://books.google.com/books?id=0VMeAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA234. For the whipping and stocking of criminal offenders as a common form of punishment in the early modern period, see Shakespeare's King Lear (***) and Henry Fielding's Joseph Andrews (***).]|
|192 (E).||From Thomas More to Elizabeth Barton, Chelsea, Tuesday [Spring-Summer? (Before 11th August) 1533]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 380; BL Arundel 152, fol. 298; Burnet 5.436–437; Rogers #192, pp.464–366; SL #47, pp.183–185; SLTM #57, pp.188–91; cf. Last Letters #3, pp.41–42 and notes on pp.141–142. [More's letter to the "Nun of Kent", included in More's Letter to Cromwell, March? 1534 (cf. Rogers #197, but not reproduced there in Rogers' edition.]|
|191 (L).||Thomas More to Erasmus, Chelsea, [June? 1533]. Allen 10:#2831, pp.258–261 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2831.pdf); SL #46, pp.178–183; SLTM #56, pp.182–88; TMSB pp.305–310; Érasme et More #50, pp.243–249; Bridgett, Life of More, pp.248–52 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/More%20to%20Erasmus.pdf). [L'Univers 481 and n4. See also CW 3/2: #258 (pp.270–272) for edition of More's verse epigraph. More's last surviving letter to Erasmus.]|
|Elizabeth Barton is questioned by Cranmer but released
11 August 1533.
Elizabeth Barton,ONDB; cf. L'Univers 481. Presumeably, More's meeting with Elzabeth Barton at Syon Abbey, his letter to her (Rogers #192), and her response to More's messenger all happened before this point.]
|(L).||From a letter of Sir William FitzWilliam to Thomas Cromwell, Byfleet, 3rd July [1532 or 1533?].*** Stat. Pap. Off. Misc. Corresp. 2 Ser. xi. fol. 71; Ellis III.ii.218, pp.277–278. [Orig. Gives details of an interview with More, asking Fitzwilliam to speak or write to Cromwell on More's behalf. Mentions More's resignation from the Chancellorship.]|
|(L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Bonifacius Amerbach, [Freiburg], 31 August 1533.
Allen 10:#2865/27–28, p.298 (Available online at
[L'Univers 483; Sullivan I:330:
I am sending you the epitaph which Thomas More affixed to his tomb. I would like to publish it.]
|193 (L).||A "ghost", now identified by Allen (#2870) [12 Oct. 1533] as a letter from Erasmus to Desideratus Morellus, see also Herbrüggen Moreana XX:79/80 (1983):41,n.2.|
|(L).||From a letter of Erasmus to Viglius
Zuichemus [Wigle Aytta], Freiburg, 18 November 1533.
Allen 10:#2878/15–27, pp.316–317.
[L'Univers 485; Sullivan I:330:
More, Tunstall and other men of erudition feel an antipathy toward Grynaeus. He extorted recommendations from me which I gave but grudgingly. I admonished him against all talk of sects in England . . . I know More and Tunstall are against them. Recently I warned Grynaeus not to write familiarly to those who abhor his dogmas.]
|(E).||Cromwell's Remembrances, c14 and c26 January [and June] 1534.
(a) BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 419; (b) PRO;
(c) BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 422;
(d) BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 459; (e) PRO (June);
calendared in LP 7:#48, #50, #52, #108,
#923.xxxvi; pp.20, 22, 23, 41, 351.
[Sullivan I:230. (a)
To remember my lord chancellor for his end; (b)
Eftsons to remember master Moore to the King; (c)
To speak with the King for More's end for the breach of the prison of Evylchester, and for the end of them of the attaynt in Surrey.; (d)
Effsoons to remember master Moore to the King.; (e)
Sir Th. More.]
|194 (E).||From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, Chelsea, 1 February [1533/34]. English Works p.1422; calendared in LP 7:#149, p.61; Rogers #194, pp.466–469; SL #49, pp.189–191; Last Letters #1, pp.31–33 and notes on pp.131–34; SLTM #58, pp.191–95.|
|195 (E).||From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, Chelsea, Saturday [February–March] 1533/34. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 385v; English Works p.1423; calendared in LP 7:#265, p.112; Rogers #195, pp.469–470; SL #50, p.192: Last Letters #2, pp.34–35 and notes on pp.134–35; SLTM #59, pp.195–96.|
|196 (L).||From Simon Grynaeus to John More, [Basle], 1 March 1534.
Platonis opera 1534, fols. I2–I5
Rogers #196, pp.470–480;
(Excerpt in Tres Thomae 80?, 235;
Hallett 63 [58–59], 110 [101–102]
= Rogers #196/303–18, 321–27, 328–346).
[USTC 661590. Preface to the 2nd Edition of Plato in the Greek, with Proclus,
edited by Simon Grynaeus (Basle: Valderus, 13 March 1534).
In Ep. 2878 Erasmus tells Viglius that he intervened to prevent Grynaeus dedicating his Plato to MoreAllen n. to 10:#2659/97–100, p.33. See also Rogers #183, for Erasmus' dedication of his Preface to John More for Grynaeus' second edition of Aristotle (Basle, March 1531). For Grynaeus' visit to England, see first excerpt from Stapleton/Hallett above. Second passage from Stapleton:
To you, who by the right of your father's virtues are the heir to all that his good deeds have effected, it was necessary that I dedicate these works of Proclus, which are full of admirable teaching and have been published by our labour indeed, but by the benefits I have received from your family. I hope too that while on the one hand your name will be an ornament to my books, on the other hand they may be of considerable use to you, conversant as I know you to be with all these serious questions, both by your long intercourse with your father and by the company of your highly cultured sisters. Enthusiasm for learning has carried you and your sisters—a prodigy in our age—to such heights of proficiency that no difficult question of science or philsophy is now beyond you. To minds so appreciative of all that is beatiful, what can be more suited than this author whose skill is unrivalled in clearness and exposition, depth of treatment and breadth of view?(Hallett).]
|197 (E).||From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, [March? 1534]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 376; BL Arundel 152. fol. 296; calendared in LP 7:#287, pp.118–21; Burnet 5.431–439; Rogers #197, pp.480–488; SL #51, pp.193–201; Last Letters #3, pp.36–44 and notes on pp.136–144; SLTM #60, pp.197–206.|
|198 (E).||From Thomas More to Henry VIII, Chelsea, 5 March . BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 176r–177v (facsimile of fol. 176v–177r available at http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/henryviii/greatmatter/lastletter/); PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §82, p.254; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv; fol. 383; English Works p.1423; Ellis I.ii.117, pp.47–52 (from PRO copy); calendared in LP 7:#288, pp.221–22; Delcourt XXII, pp.358–60; Rogers #198, pp.488–491; SL #52, pp.202–205; Last Letters #4, pp.45–47 and notes on pp.145–146; SLTM #61, pp.206–210. [The Cleopatra and PRO copies are both autographs, Cleopatra was the one that was sent. Royal is a copy of the earlier draft in PRO which Rastell used as the basis, with alterations, for English Works.]|
|199 (E).||From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, Chelsea, 5 March . BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 144; BL Harleian 283, fol. 120v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol.386; English Works p.1424; calendared in LP 7:#289, pp.222–25; Rogers #199, pp.491–501; SL #53, pp.205–215; Last Letters #5, pp.48–56 and notes on pp.146–155; SLTM #62, pp.210–222. [Cleopatra is a corrected copy that More signed and sent to Cromwell. Harl. differs only in spelling. Royal is a copy of More's draft used by Rastell as the basis, again with alterations, for English Works.]|
|.||Sir Thomas More. Depositions [by Elizabeth Barton]. PRO; calendared in LP 7:#290, pp.225–226. [The depositions are rather garbled and also mutilated.]|
|.||Oath of the Act of Succession, 1534.
Journals of the House of Lords I, 82 (used in Trial);
Documents Illustrative of English Church History, ed.
Henry Gee and William John Hardy (London: MacMillan, 1896),
LVI. The Second Act of Succession, A.D. 1534, 26 Henry VIII cap.2, pp.244–247 (used in SLTM); Trial pp.42–43; SLTM App.II.4, pp.319–20. [There seem to be several different versions of the oath.]
|192* (E).||From Thomas More to John Harris, Willesdon, Sunday,
[First Week of April, Easter Sunday 5th April? 1534].
Oxford, MS Bodley 431, fols. 148–149;
SL #48, pp.185–188.
[L'Univers 491 and n5. Rogers discovered this after she
published her Correspondence. To More's personal secretary,
shows that the Treatise on the Passion was at least partially
written before More's imprisonment. For the Life of John Harris,
see Rogers n. to #196/314, p.479, De Vocht LC
intro. to Ep.115, pp.311–12 and L. Antheunis,
Note sur John Harris, secrétaire privé du chancelier Thomas Morus (1510(?)–1579),Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 33 (1937): 534–50. Rogers (SL pp.185–86) suggests
January–April 1534and in a note on p.188 further suggests that
More may have gone there to visit the pilgrimage church of Our Lady of Willesdon.Marc'hadour suggests
c.mars, which he revises to early April in CW 6/2:486,
in the last week of his freedom we find him writingFor Thomas More and Willesdon, see Frank Mitjans,from Willesdonto his secretary.
Thomas More’s Veneration of Images, Praying to Saints and Going on Pilgrimages,Thomas More Studies 3(2008): 67–68 http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/tmstudies/DCH_Mitjans.pdf. In L'Univers, Marc'hadour also suggests that the Treatise to receive the blessed Body of the Lord dates
des premiers mois de 1534.]
|200 (E).||More is Interrogated at Lambeth Palace, 13 April 1534. Roper 73/16–74/12.|
|200 (E).||Thomas More to Margaret Roper,
[Westminster Abbey, 13–17 April 1534].
Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol.81v;
BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol.398;
English Works p.1428;
[Partial Latin trans. in Tres Thomae p.282];
Rogers #200, pp.501–507;
SL #54, pp.215–223;
Last Letters #6, pp.57–61 and notes on pp.155–61;
SLTM #63, pp.222–228;
[L'Univers 493. Thomas More's account of his first interrogation,
see also commentary by Elizabeth McCutcheon in Trial by Jury,
94–100. McCutcheon points out that
In contrast to his usual letters, there is no salutation or mention of an addressee, no closing, no signature in the copy as we have it, which makes it more like a report or memorandum. There is no date, either(98). Rogers suggests
Tower of London, c17 April 1534; Marc'hadour, however, following E.E. Reynolds (see Moreana 2 (1964): 78 and Trial by Jury p.98 and n24) suggests that it was written before More entered the Tower, while he was in the temporary custody of the Abbot of Westminster. Reynolds writes:
My suggestion is that this letter was probably written during More's detention under the Abbot of Westminster from 13 to 17 April. It is a full account of the proceedings before the Commissioners at Lambeth on 13th April. More would know how anxiously his family would await news of him, so in this interval of comparative freedom, he sat down to give them a cheerful account of what had happened. The letter as we have it, may be incomplete; it leaves off without any greeting; perhaps a sheet was lost.The letter, however, would not have been sent until after More's imprisonment in the Tower of London on the 17th April, see note to Rogers #201.]
|Sir Richard Cromwell, Thomas Cromwell's nephew escorts More to the Tower of London, 17 April 1534. Roper 74/13–75/7; Harpsfield 169/30–170/7 and n. on p.346. [L'Univers 493.]|
|201 (E).||Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London,
[c17 April 1534].
Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 84v;
BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 393v;
English Works p.1430;
[Latin trans. in Tres Thomae p.291];
Rogers #201, pp.507–508;
SL #55, pp.223–224;
Last Letters #7, pp.62–63 and notes on pp.161–62;
SLTM #64, pp.229–230.
[L'Univers 493 and Moreana 2 (1964): 78.
A letter writen with a colei.e. piece of charcoal. E.E Reynolds writes that Rogers #201 was
a note hastily written as soon as possible after More's arrival in the Tower, and before he had permission to use pen and ink. . . . The mood of 201 is completely different [from 200]; it is a brief note of complete resignation to whatever might lie ahead.Rogers suggests:
April–May? 1534; However, if Reynolds and Marc'hadour are correct then the tentative date that Rogers assigned to #200, should be assigned to #201 instead. John Guy (A Daughter's Love 233–34) suggests that Rogers #200, and #201 were among at least two letters smuggled out of the Tower of London, by More's servant John a Wood. For John a Wood, see Roper 75/8–17 and Harpsfield 170/15–23 and n. on p.346.]
|— (E).||From Cranmer to Cromwell, Croydon, 17 April . BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 181; BL MS Harleian 283, fol. 120; calendared in LP 7:#499, p.201; Strype Memorials 693–94; Cranmer 2:#105, pp.285–286; cf. Macklem 179 and 244,n.5 and Moreana 34 (131/132): 46–48. [L'Univers 492; Sullivan 1:225 (summary). Cotton Cleopatra is the original letter. Cranmer suggests that More and Fisher be allowed to swear to the Act of Succession without the preamble. Moreana includes a facsimile of the original letter.]|
|— (E).||From Cromwell to Cranmer, [17 or 18 April 1534]. PRO S.P. 1/83, fols. 88–89; calendared in LP 7:#500, pp.201–202; Merriman 1:#71, p.381; online at https://archive.org/stream/lifeandletterst02merrgoog#page/n376/mode/1up Slavin #18, pp.42–43; cf. Macklem 179–180 and 245,n.6. [L'Univers 492; Sullivan I:230. Henry VIII insists that More and Fisher must swear to the preamble to the Act of Succession as well as the Act itself.]|
|— (L).||From a letter of Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus,
Bruges, 10 May 1534.
Allen 10:#2932/28–32, p.384;
calendared in LP 7:#635, p.
The times are difficult, and one can neither speak nor be silent without danger. Vergara, his brother Tovar, and other learned men have been arrested in Spain, and in England, the bishops of Rochester and London and Thomas More(LP). Erasmus' letter of 5 Jan. that Vives is replying to, is not extant.]
a little more than a monthMargaret Roper is given permission to visit her father. Roper 75/18–76/22. [L'Univers 493.]
|202 (E).||Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, [c20 May 1534].
Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 84v;
BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 394;
English Works p.1431;
[Latin trans. of first half in Tres Thomae p.292];
Rogers #202, pp.508–509;
SL #56, pp.224–226;
Last Letters #8, pp.64–65 and notes on p.163;
SLTM #65, pp.230–32.
[L'Univers 493. Responding to a
lostletter of Margaret Roper. Answered by Ep.203. See also Wegemer Moreana 52:199–200 (2015): 51–52.]
|203 (E).||From Margaret Roper, [End of May? 1534]. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 85v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 454; English Works p.1432; [Latin trans. extract in Tres Thomae p.220]; Rogers #203, pp.510–511; Last Letters #9, pp.66–67 and notes on pp.163–65; SLTM #66, p.232–34. [L'Univers 493. Answering Ep.202.]|
|204 (E).||To All His Friends, Tower of London, [End of May or June? 1534]. SL #57, pp.226–227. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 86; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 1; English Works p.1432; Rogers #204, p.511; Last Letters #10, p.68 and notes on p.165; SLTM #67, p.234. [L'Univers 493.]|
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets,
Freiburg, 11 June 1534.
Allen 11:#2944/11–12, p.4.
[L'Univers 495. |
Tell me news of England. I don't have anyone I trust to send there.]
|(L).||From a Letter of Nicholas Olah to Erasmus,
Augsburg, 25 June 1534.
Allen 11:#2948/5–6, p.10.
[L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:330.
More is still in prison as is Fisher and not without danger, as it appears.]
|(L).||From a Letter of John Choler to Erasmus,
Augsburg, 25 July 1534.
Allen 11:#2953/25–45, p.16.
[L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:198,330. In response to
a lost letter of Erasmus, Choler writes an encomium to More:
Posterity will bear witness to the innocence of More, the foremost genius on earth and to the cruelty of the king.]
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets,
Freiburg, 30 July 1534.
Allen 11:#2955/16–17, p.19.
[L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:330:
An Englishman has reported at Louvain that More has been released. That would be too wonderful. I cannot believe it.]
|205 (E).||Alice Alington to Margaret Roper, 17 August .
BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 402r;
English Works p.1433;
Rogers #205, pp.511–513;
Last Letters #11, pp.69–71 and pp.165–66;
SLTM #68, pp.235–38;
[L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:14. From More's step-daughter
to Margaret Roper reporting some veiled criticisms (in fable form) of
More by the new Lord Chancellor (Sir Thomas Audley) (cf. R.W. Chamber's
comments in Harpsfield clxii). Answered by Ep.206. First
Part of the
Dialogue of Conscience.]
|206 (E).||Margaret Roper to Alice Alington, [August 1534].
Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 86v;
BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 404;
English Works p.1434;
Rogers #206, pp.514–532;
Last Letters #12, pp.72–89 and pp.166–76;
SLTM #69, pp.239–61;
[L'Univers 495. A literary dialogue about the length of Plato's
Crito between Thomas More and Margaret Roper in the form of a
letter, partlyanswering Ep.205. It is now generally believed that the letter
was composed jointly by More and Margaret, cf. R.W. Chamber's comments in
Harpsfield, p.clxii, and John Guy, A Daughter's Love,
pp.238–242. Together with Rogers #205, sometimes called
Dialogue of Conscience.]
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to Justus Decius,
Freiburg, 22 August 1534.
Allen 11:#2961 /87–91, p.33.
[L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:330:
The three best and most learned men in England are in prison, John Stokesley, the bishop of London, John Fisher, the bishop of Rochester, and Thomas More, the ex-chancellor.]
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to Guy Morillon,
Freiburg, 30 August 1534.
Allen 11:#2965/24–27, p.39.
[L'Univers 497; Sullivan I:330:
You know, I suppose, that the three most learned men in England are in prison, the bishop of Rochester, the bishop of London and the friend I most love, Thomas More.]
|207 (E).||Thomas More to Dr. Nicholas Wilson, Tower of London, 1534. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.1; English Works p.1443; Rogers #207, pp.532–533; SL #58, pp.227–28; Last Letters #13, p.90 and note on pp.176–77; SLTM #70, p.261–62. [For the Life of Wilson, see ODNB and Rogers notes to #200/43, pp.503–504. Wilson's letters to More (cf. also Ep.208) are not extant.]|
|208 (E).||Thomas More to Dr. Nicholas Wilson, Tower of London, 1534. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.1v; English Works p.1443; Rogers #208, pp.533–538; SL #59, pp.228–234; Last Letters #14, pp.91–96 and notes on pp.177–181; SLTM #71, pp.262–68.|
|209 (E).||From Margaret Roper to Thomas More, 1534. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 98; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 454v; English Works p.1446; Rogers #209, pp.538–539; Last Letters #15, pp.97–98 and notes on p.181; SLTM #72, pp.269–70. [Answered by Ep.210.]|
|210 (E).||From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, [September/October, Before 3 November] 1534. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 98v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.453v; English Works p.1446; Rogers #210, pp.540–544; SL #60, pp.234–239; Last Letters #16, pp.99–103 and notes on pp.182–84; SLTM #73, pp.270–76. [Answering Ep.209. For the dating of this letter, see Wegemer Moreana 52:199–200 (2015): 46n2.]|
|211 (E).||From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, 1534. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 101v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.422v; English Works p.1449; Rogers #211, pp.544–547; SL #61, pp.239–242; Last Letters #17, pp.104–107 and notes on pp.184–85; SLTM #74, pp.276–79.|
|.||Act of Supremacy (Act of Recognising Henry VIII as the Supreme Head of the Church in England) (Nov.–Dec. 1534). The Statutes of the Realm 12 vols. (London 1810–28) 3:492; Trial by Jury App. I.1, pp.137–38; SLTM App.II.5, pp.321.|
|.||Act of Treasons: 26 Henry VIII (Nov.–Dec. 1534). The Statutes of the Realm 3:508–509; Trial by Jury App. I.2, pp.138–40; SLTM App.II.7, pp.323–24 (partial).|
|(L).||From a Letter of John Choler to Erasmus,
Augsburg, 10 December 1534.
Allen 11:#2983/55–60,63,109–10 pp.55–57.
[L'Univers 499; Sullivan I:198:
The King of England is insane with the desire to remarry and because of this More and Fisher have been imprisoned. . . . Report to me about the doings in England. . . .I yearn to know how these tragic affairs will be concluded.]
|212 (E).||From Lady More to Henry VIII, [c. Christmas 1534]. BL MS Arundel 152, fol. 300v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.440; Bruce Archaeologia 27 (1838): 369–70; calendared in LP7:#1591, p.192; Rogers #212, pp.547–549; Last Letters #18, pp.108–109 and notes on p.186; SLTM #75, pp.280–81 (from Bruce); Sullivan 2:336–37 (partial). [L'Univers 499 and n10; Sullivan 2:336–37. Arundel MS is the original. See also Lady More's Letter to Cromwell (#215) below.]|
Dialogus, de imitatione Ciceroniana adversus Desiderium
Erasmum Roterodamum, pro Christophero Longolio.
Lyon: S. Gryphius, Spring 1535. [11 Nov. 1534]
For digital copies, see USTC.
[USTC 146891; Gibson 255; L'Univers 497 and n8, 503;
Sullivan 1:285. Dolet sent the MS to Gryphius on 11 Nov. 1534
(see Marc'hadour). In this Dialogue,
Morusis a straw man for the Erasmian position. For Dolet's Life, see CE 1:395–96. For Erasmus' responses see Allen #352, #3130. See also Dolet's 1536 Commentarium Linguae Latinae below.]
|213 (E).||From Thomas More to Master <Stephen> Leder, Tower of London, Saturday, 16 January 1534/35 . BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 435; English Works p.1450; Rogers #213, pp.549–550; SL #62, pp.243–244; Last Letters #19, pp.110–111 and notes on pp.186–87; SLTM #76, pp.282–83. [L'Univers 503. Master Leder has been identified by Seymour B. House as Stephen Leder, Vicar of Ware, cf. Last Letters, note on pp.186–87. According to House, Leder died on February 6, 1535, three weeks after More sent his letter. Stephen Leder was the eldest brother of Oliver Leder, son of Thomas Leder, see http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1509-1558/member/leder-oliver-1497-1557.]|
|(L).||From a Letter of Bonifacius Amerbach to Erasmus,
Basel, 5 February .
Allen 11:#2991/9–13, p.66.
[L'Univers 503; Sullivan I:15:
I hear of the calamity of More with heavy heart.]
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to Bonifacius Amerbach,
[Freiburg], 18 February .
Allen 11:#2996/3–7, p.71.
[L'Univers 503; Sullivan I:331:
More, still in the Tower, is treated with somewhat less rigor. His wife and children have access to him. Fisher is in like case but has no family.]
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets,
Freiburg, 21 February .
Allen 11:#2997/61–67, p.73.
I have not written anything to More or Fisher since I heard they were in prison. Although I am not in the habit of writing to my English friends anything which cannot be read by all. So dismiss this anxiety from your mind (quare pone istam solicitudinem).Margaret Mann Phillips comments:
This remark can only mean that for [Erasmus] to write to either More or Fisher might worsen their position, and this is what Schets is advising him against(Moreana 39 (1973):100). Schets' letter of December 1534 is not extant.]
|(L).||From a Letter of Erasmus to Piotr Tomiczki,
[Freiburg], 28 February .
Allen 11:#3000/40–43, p.79.
[L'Univers 503; Sullivan I:331:
Still in prison are that good and learned man John, bishop of Rochester, and that unique star of England, Thomas More, but a short while ago the chancellor of the king.]
|(L).||More's Note on Perjury composed in the Tower, 1534–35. CW 6:Appendix B, pp.761–769, edited by Richard S. Sylvester. [Facsimile of BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol.437v (reduced) facing p.768. In the Royal MS, it follows Rogers #213 and precedes #217; in the first MS Arundel 152 version (fols. 293rv), it follows a copy of More's Indictment and precedes Rogers #214; and in the 2nd Arundel version (fol.300) it follows Rogers #197 and precedes #212.]|
|214 (E).||From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, 2 or 3 May 1535. BL MS Arundel 152, fol. 294r–295v? (facsimile of 294r online at http://blogs.bl.uk/digitisedmanuscripts/2016/07/the-execution-of-sir-thomas-more.html, click on facsimile image to enlarge); BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 427v; English Works p.1451; Rogers #214, pp.550–554; SL #63, pp.244–248; Last Letters #20, pp.112–115 and notes on pp.187–89; SLTM #77, pp.284–89; TMSB pp.343–46; Trial by Jury App.I.4, pp.142–44, 100–102. [Account of More's Second Interrogation, 2–3 May, 1535.]|
A godly instruccion, written in latyne . . . .1534 [1535?].(EW 1557)
Quod pro fide mors fugienda non est.(Opera Omnia 1565). EW 1557 pp.1421–1408; CW 13: 209–213; CW 14/1: 629–645. [Some of the material from the H gathering of the Valencia MS (see next item) was published in a rearranged form possibly made by More himself but more likely an
editorial assemblagein EW 1557 together with an anonymous English translation. (The Latin text was reprinted in the Louvain 1565 Opera omnia). See CW 14/2: 743–745 and CW 13: cxlv–cxlvii. Rastell dates this work to 1534. According to Martz and Sylvester in Thomas More's Prayer Book,
In Professor Miller's opinion, the final gathering of the Valencia MS. was almost certainly written before the earlier gatherings(1969: xxxi,n2). In CW 14/2, Miller states that:
the last gathering was only adventitiously added to the seven gatherings containing the De Tristitia, and the internal evidence shows no organic relationship between the last gathering and the De Tristitia(pp.743–744).]
|—— (L).||De tristitia tedio pavore et oratione christi ante captionem eius
Matthaei 26 Marci 14 Lucae 22° Ioannis 18°. [late Spring 1535 (Before June 12th?)].
(Autograph MS) Patriarca (Royal College of Corpus Christi), Valencia, MS in the Chapel of Relics;
CW 14/1: 1–625; (Mary Basset's translation);
EW 1557 1350–1404;
CW 14/2: 1075–1165.
[The Yale edition includes a facsimile of the autograph MS in Barcelona, together with a modern English
translation by Clarence H. Miller. For the date and circumstances of composition of the MS,
see CW 14/2: 737–45. Seymour House dates the De tristitia to
the late spring of 1535 after [More] was certain he faced the challenge of martyrdom rather than life in prison(Moreana 45:174 (2008): 35). The text of the De tristitia is followed by a series of folios (gathering
H(pp.627–691) containing a
pastiche made up of sentences and short paragraphs by More interspersed throughout the scriptural catena which comprises the last gathering (H) of the Valencia Holograph(CW 14/2: 743). See also previous item.]
|—— (E/L).||Prison Poetry, 1534–1535. [After May 4, 1535?]
EW 1557, p.1432 (1433);
Harpsfield 180/10–181/10 (and n. on p.348);
Ro. Ba. 224/16–226/9;
(Stapleton Tres Thomae ch.16, end of chapter (p.***);
(cf. CW 3/2: #278, pp.302–303, p.67, and nn. on p.424)
CW 1:44–46, xxxi–xxxii, cxvii–cxx, nn. on p.208;
(E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue,
trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 147–155.
[Roper and Harpsfield only include the text of
Lewis the Lost Lover; Ro. Ba. adds
Davy the Dicer; Harpsfield includes the first four lines of CW 3/2: #278, dated by Fowler to 1532; and Stapleton translates More's two rhyme royal stanzas into Latin verse (quoted by Marc'hadour (2004): 148–49). According to Edwards:
though there is little to warrant Ro. Ba.'s addition of the(p.xxxii).]Davy the Dicerto it, . . . it is reasonable to suppose that one [stanza] was written not long after the other
|215 (E).||Lady More to Thomas Cromwell, May 1535. Howard, A Collection of Letters, 1753, p.271; calendared in LP 8:800, p.301; Cresacre More (ed. Hunter) 1828, p.373; Rogers #215, pp.554–555; Last Letters #21, pp.116–117 and notes on p.189; SLTM #78, pp.289–290. [L'Univers 505; Sullivan 2:336 (partial quotation).]|
|.||Sir Thomas More, 3 June 1535.
PRO SP 2/R, fols. 24–25;
calendared in LP 8:#814, p.309;
Trial by Jury App.I.5, p.145 (from LP); cf.
and Rogers intro. to #216, p.555.
[This document gives More's
answers to questions put by Thomas Audley, Lord Chancellor, and others, 3 June 27, Henry VIII.]
|216 (E).||Thomas More to Margaret Roper, [Tower of London, 3 June 1535]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 431; English Works p.1452; Rogers #216, pp.555–559; SL #64, pp.249–253; Last Letters #22, pp.118–22 and notes on pp.190; SLTM #79, pp.290–96; TMSB pp.347–51; Trial by Jury App.I.6, p.145–48, 102–106. [L'Univers 507. Account of More's Final Interrogation, 3 June, 1535.]|
|— (E).||Interrogations of the Tower Servants, 7–11 June 1535. PRO SP 1/93, fols. 52–62; calendared in LP #856, pp. 326–331; Trial by Jury App. I.8, pp.150–57 (adapted from LP). [L'Univers 507. Deals mainly with Fisher, but also with the letters exchanged by Fisher and More, with brief mentions of the aid offered to them both by Antonio Bonvisi.]|
|— (E).||Report of Conversation between Sir Thomas More
and Sir Richard Rich, Tower of London, 12 June 1535.
PRO S.P. 2/R, fols. 24–25 [New foliation 21–22];
(mentioned in LP 8:#814, 2, ii, p.309);
E. E. Reynolds, Trial 166–67 and The Field is
Won (London: Burns & Oates, 1968), App.II:385–86, etc.;
Trial by Jury App.I.9, pp.157–59.
[L'Univers 507. This text is badly damaged; Trial
by Jury includes a modernized version with the lacunae
conjecturally filled, based in part on the Indictment.The document confirms most of the details of Rich's perjury as reported by Roper. The document seems to be incomplete and does not include More's reply.]
|— .||Tower Interrogation of Fisher, 12 June 1535. BL Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fols. 165–167v [Bruce gives fol. 169]; Summary in LP 8:#858, pp.331–32; Bruce #6, pp.95–99; Lewis 2: pp.407–13; Reynolds Fisher 267–270 (276–80 rev. ed.); Trial by Jury App. I.10, pp.159–63 (modernization of Lewis). [L'Univers 506. Deals mainly with the letters exchanged by Fisher and More. The record of the interrogation is in the hand of John ap Rice the notary with Fisher's signature at the bottom of each page.]|
|—.||Tower Interrogations of Fisher and More, 14 June 1535. PRO SP 6/7, fols. 5–9; St.P. I/2:#31–#32, pp.431–436 (full text); Summary in LP 8:#867 (i–iv), pp.340–42; Reynolds Trial 101–104; Fisher 284 (rev. ed.); Trial by Jury App. I.11, pp.163–65 (adapted from LP). [L'Univers 506, 507. Full text given in St.P. I/2:#31–32; detailed summary in LP 8:#867 and Trial by Jury App. I.11.]|
|— (E).||Cromwell's Remembrances, c18 June 1535.
BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 475rv;
calendared in LP 8:#892, pp.353–54;
The King's Good Servant, facsimile on most of
the front page on Inside Front Cover, and also #245, p.126;
and also David Starkey, Henry VIII p.159, #157;
Trial by Jury App. I.13, pp.167–68 (mostly from LP).
[Sullivan I:230. The day before More's trial. In the hand of a clerk
with occasional interlinear additions in Cromwell's own hand. Cromwell's
Remembrances to be remembered at my next going into courtwere a series of notes extending over many years. *** ]
Moreana 71/72 (1981): 37–56 (Online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/moreana/Moreana71-72pages37-56.pdf). For a life of Antonio Bonvisi [Buonvisi], see ODNB; Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani vol.15 (1972), pp.295–99, online at http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/antonio-buonvisi_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/; McCutcheon's article cited above; Rogers intro. to #34, pp.87–88; and C. D. Ford,The Apple of my Eye: Thomas More to Antonio Bonvisi—A Reading and a Translation,
Good Master Bonvisi,Clergy Review ns 27 (1947): 228–35. For the dating see L'Univers 507 and McCutcheon, p.50n1.]
Rafaele Maruffo visited me on his return journey to his native land [Genoa] from England where he had lived for many years. He told me much of England but nothing of death. Fisher has lost his sight in prison. Concerning More he fears he cannot escape execution. The king has conceived such ire against him that he has confiscated all his goods.]
An Apology for an Execution,Essential Articles, pp.199–201.]
One of Thomas More's Judges,Moreana 54 (1977): 27–29.]
A devout prayer, made by Sir Thomas More Knight, after he was condemned to die . . ., 1–5 July 1535. EW 1557 1417–19; CW 13: 228–31, nn. on pp. 314–15; Marc'hadour,
Thomas More's Last Prayer,Praying with Saint Thomas More (Angers: Moreanum, 1998), 57–70; Marc'hadour, (E./Fr.) Prions avec Saint Thomas More (Angers: Moreanum, 1997), 112–144; Available online in PDF Format at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/A%20DEVOUT%20PRAYER.pdf
Une gazette envoyée d'Anvers à Charles Quint, en italien[?], contient la rumeur que] [***Get Documentation***]le Roi d'Angleterre a fait coupe la tête à Th. More(De Prada , p358).
I would have liked the King to show less severity, and the victims not to defy the storm openly(Trial 5). Marc'hadour comments
23 juil.: date (peut-être fictive) de l'Expositio Fidelis. Erasmus did not know about More's death until c25th August, see #3036 below, so he can't be the author if the date is correct. There is no indication of when the Expositio was published though presumably it was some time no later than the publication of Erasmus' Ecclesiastae at the end of August 1535. It would be strange though if it had been printed by Froben without Erasmus' knowledge, which makes me suspect that it was probably published about the same time as the Ecclesiastae. For Philippus Montanus, see CE 2:448–49. Nothing is known about the recipient of the letter. The Basel 1563 edition of More's Lucubrationes changes the name to Gilbertus Cognatus (Gilbert Cousin), who was Erasmus's amanuensis in Basel, but who left Erasmus's service shortly afterwards, and who may have seen the Expositio through the press. The roles of recipient and sender are also reversed which is clearly impossible. For Gilbert Cousin, see CE 1:350–52.]
I did likewise write to Your Majesty [in an earlier letter which doesn't survive] that in addition to three more Carthusians, executed in the same barbarous and cruel way as the former, two holy and virtuous martyrs, such as the cardinal bishop of Rochester, and Messire Morus, once High Chancellor of this kingdom, had been beheaded, to the great sorrow and regret of all classes of society here.]
Amicorum autem iacturam, quam deploras, partim furibundae quorundam tyrannidi . . . partim temporum horum perfidiae ac infelicitati imputare conuenit.]
Francis [I] spoke to him about More's death, and of the King's [Henry VIII's] iniquity, as clearly as possible. It would seem, as the cardinal [Jean] of Lorraine affirms, that he wishes for an occasion to declare against him. Saw tears in his eyes while he was telling what More said; of which the Grand Master [of Francis I's Household: Anne, Duc de Montmorency] has given him a copy, and he [de Carpi] has had it translated into Italian.The Italian translation commissioned by the Papal Nuncio, de Carpi, does not survive unless it same as the one included in Cardinal Schömberg's Letter of August 12th below. For the Life of Rodolfo Pio de Carpi, the nephew of one of Erasmus's Catholic critics Alberto Pio de Carpi (d.1531), see Wikipedia.]
On July , Thomas More was beheaded in Britain, showing no less steadfastness in his trial and execution than Socrates of old, condemned by a most iniquitous decree of the Athenian senate. A few days before him the Bishop of Rochester was killed, against whom the wrath of the king blazed more violently for no other reason than that he had been appointed by the Pontiff to the College of Cardinals. But listen to what surpasses all savagery. His head, placed on a pole, was exposed for many days to the eyes of all but, it was attested, it not only did not decompose but even became an object of veneration. When this caused excitement it was soon removed from its place. And in order that there might not be anything in the case of More's head by which the populace might be religiously aroused, hear now a most monstrous deed. The story of Thyestes was renewed and his head only after being macerated by a long boiling so that it would disintegrate more quickly was placed on a pole. Three reasons are given. He refused to swear that he believed in the formula of Luther, that the Pontiff had no right in ecclesiastical affairs but that the king of England was head of the Anglican church, and that his last marriage was valid, the former wife repudiated. A letter was brought, written to Rochester that he would either be the leader or the companion in dying bravely for the truth. He asserted that he himself had done this and had done it rightly. Thus be the sentence of the judge the best man was allotted the end of life which I have described. When I have more information, I shall inform you of everything.The date in the letter reads
Sexto Nonas lulii= 2 July; this is clearly incorrect.]
A Monsignor Marino, Card. Caracciolo di Milano [Letter of Cardinal Schomberg to Cardinal Caracciolo of Milan, 12 August 1535.]Lettere di Principi, le quali o si scrivono da Principi ò à Principi, ò ragionan di Principi, libro primo, . . . 3? vols. Venice: Appresso Giordano Ziletti, 1562, rev. ed. 1564. 3rd ed. Venezia, Domenico Farri presso Francesco Toldi, 1573. Vol. 1: fols. 134–136 [misnumbered 139]. 1573 Online at http://books.google.ca/books?id=QkU8AAAAcAAJ&pg=PT335; Thomas Wheeler,
An Italian Account of Thomas More's Trial and Execution,Moreana 26 (1970): 33–39; Clarence H. Miller,
A Formerly Unknown Italian Translation of the Paris Newsletter Concerning the Trial and Execution of St. Thomas More.ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes, and Reviews 17/3 (Summer 2004): 20–26; briefly calendared (concluding remarks) in LP 9:#82, p.23. [USTC 804218, etc., (1573) 805102; L'Univers 509, 511. Cardinal Schömberg sends an Italian
translationof the Paris Newsletter to Cardinal Caracciolo of Milan. The text is essentially the same as that found in MS MS Vaticanus Latinus 3922, apart from differences in spelling and punctuation, except that Schöberg's letter includes some introductory and concluding remarks. Wheeler transcribed the second edition of the Lettere. Miller transcribed the MS Vaticanus Latinus text, but ascribed it tentatively to Pole because he was unaware of Schömberg's letter. Wheeler thinks that Schömberg may simply be reproducing an earlier Italian translation made by the Papal Nuncio, Rudolfo Pio de Carpi before the 29th July, see above, which has not survived (33). In his introductory remarks, Cardinal Schömberg describes More as
un huomo tanto da bene, innocente, valoroso e antico amico mio. (cet homme de bien, valeureux, innocent, mon ami de toujours).Schömberg may have met More in May 1524 when he visited England. For Schömberg's life, see entry for May 1524; for his support for Erasmus, see the Letter of Ambrosius von Gumppenberg, dated 21st August 1525 (Allen 11:#3047/40–44 and n., p.213). For the life of Marino Caracciolo, see CE 1:264–65.]
Iuditium et mors Thome Mori, fols. 107–112v [Images 110–113]. The text begins:
Thomas Morus nuper regni Bretanici cancellarius . . .(fol.110v) and ends
palam protestans, ac denuntians se mori eius fidelem ministrum, imprimis tamen Dei omnipotens(fol.110v), which seems to be a transcription of the Latin account of More's death in Novitates quaedam (rather than the Guildhall MS), see Trial by Jury p.193n33 and fol.109. For another Spanish translation of the Paris Newsletter, see 6th October 1535 below. The Chronicle seems to be the same one as that edited by Mariano Roca de Togores Molíns, available online at https://archive.org/details/crnicadelreyenr00molgoog/ (1874).]
Gravius vehemently bewails the fate of the Bishop of Rochester and Thomas More, the news of which he presumes has already reached Erasmus to his great sorrow. The Bishop was first led to the place of execution. The heads of both were placed on stakes on London bridge that they might be viewed by the populace. There is naught but fear in that kingdom where for such a cause these good men were done to death. A like savagery was practised against the Carthusians a little while ago. This was told me by Arnold Brinkmann, who while these events took place was in England and witnessed some of them.For the life of Tielmannus Gravius, see CE 2:125–26.]
The king of England rages against certain monks, he has for a long time had More and Fisher in prison, but Erasmus has heard a rumor that they are dead(
Rex Angliae saeuit in quosdam monachos, Episcopum Roffensem et Thomam Morum iampridem habet in carcere. Haec nimium vera. Qui e Brabantia veniunt, narrant de vtroque sumptum capitis supplicium: eum rumorem optarem esse vanum).]
Many French nobles have fled here for fear of the winter storm, after having been recalled.[By the Edict of Courcy](Huizinga p.252)]The lion shall roar, who shall not fear?says the Prophet [Amos 3:8]. A like terror has seized the English, from an unlike cause. Certain monks have been beheaded and among them a monk of the Order of St. Bridget [Richard Reynolds] was dragged along the ground, then hanged, and finally drawn and quartered. There is a firm and probable rumour here that the news of the Bishop of Rochester having been co-opted by Paul III as a cardinal caused the King to hasten his being dragged out of prison and beheaded — his method of conferring the scarlet hat. It is all too true that Thomas More has been long in prison and his fortune confiscated. It was being said that he too had been executed, but I have no certain news as yet. Would that he had never embroiled himself in this perilous business and had left the theological cause to the theologians. The other friends who from time to time honoured me with letters and gifts now send nothing and write nothing from fear, and accept nothing from anyone, as if under every stone there slept a scorpion
What cruel adversity is this which has robbed me of my worthiest friends: First William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, next William Mountjoy, then the Bishop of Rochester and Thomas More who had been the highest judge in the kingdom, whose heart was more pure than any snow, whose genius was such as England never had, yea and ever shall have, mother of good wits though England be(Sullivan). The sections on the deaths of More and Fisher were added after the 6th August:
Interest in the book was quickened by the Preface, or rather by those paragraphs of it in which Erasmus spoke of the deaths of More and Fisher. These paragraphs—and, indeed, the idea of dedicating the book to Christopher of Stadion—(see 11. 93–7) were, it seems likely, an afterthought. The preface is dated 6 Aug. But as late as 24 Aug. Erasmus was still ignorant that More and Fisher were dead (Ep. 3048). By 26 Aug. he had received the news (Ep. 3049), no doubt from Goclenius' letter of 10 Aug., Ep. 3037 (where see 92n).For Christopher of Stadion's reply of 27th November, see Allen #3073 below. The Ecclesiastes was published by Froben by 1st September. There were also pirated editions published in Antwerp in 1535, and Froben published another edition in 1536 (see USTC).]
What happened in England to the Bishop of Rochester and to Thomas More, the holiest and best pair of men England ever had, you will find out from a section of the letter which I am forwarding to you [see Ep.3037]. In More I feel as if I had died myself; there was but one soul between us, as Pythagoras says. But such is the ebb and flow of human affairs.Tomiczki refers briefly to Fisher's death in Ep.3066/24–25, written on 25 October 1535, the day before his own death.]
Aleander recently sent me a furious book under the name of Dolet; in it More whom he knew to be in prison is unkindly treated . . . the powerful More is represented as speaking with timidity(Sullivan).]
I send you two letters out of England by the ambassador of the Emperor [Chapuys] which describe the martyrdoms of Fisher, More, and the learned and noble man, ReynoldsThe MS rather bizarrely reads Reginaldus Polus, but Allen argues this must be a mistake for Reynolds.]
Thomas Theobald related to me the circumstances by which More was condemned to death which I have recently related to you. Meanwhile the affair has been written out at length more exactly. Lest you think I added rashly what I wrote about the more than British savagery on the heads of the dead men, Cornelis de Schepper has narrated it as absolutely certain information.Theobald (or Tybbold) was actually an English government agent, see Allen #3037/114–15 and n., p.197. For Cornelis de Schepper, see CE 3:218–20. See also De Schepper's letter to John Dantiscus on 27 October 1535.]
Erasmus is said to have written a book]wherein he do sore inveie against the Kynges Highness for the deth of Mr. More;it is not out yet, but it is expected to be sold at next Frankford mart.
enclosed a copy of passion and martyrdom of the said More.]
La copia de la pasión y martirio de Thomas Mauro enío aquí a V. Maj.[Before 6th October 1535] Archives of Simancas, MS Estado; Leg. 863; Doc. 44. [Hitchcock 254. Imperfect. Attached to a letter from Dr. Ortiz to the Empress Isabel, 6th October 1535, see Moreana 52/199–200 (2015): 220n35. There is another Spanish translation ]
My secretary, Gilbert Cousin, will send a copy of Ecclesiastae . . . and information about the new martyrs
Committam opus Ecclesiastae Gilberto Cognato, amanuensi meo, si possit ferre onus. Ex eo multa cognoscas licebit, quae non vacat scribere, de Lodouico Bero, de nouis martyribus, et caetera.]
quorum capita perticis affixa moestum populo in ponte Londoniense spectaculum praebuere. Causa mortis: quod nollent eum fateri caput esse ecclesiae Anglicanae et pontificem maximum regni illius: simul quod incestas ipsius nuptias detestarentur. Agit ibidem adhuc Eustathius noster [Chapuys], quem Vulpeculam nosti dictum esse, Oratorem nomine Caesaris, magna cum gratia ordinum omnium, et summa cum prudentia. Ex cuius ad me literis de morte Roffensis et Mori et aliorum factus sum certior.Answered by Dantiscus on 23rd December 1535. For John Dantiscus, besides De Vocht's study, see CE 1:327.]
Expositiones quatuor Morianae necis, Batto nostro Rhenano inscriptas, quam ocyssime misi.Marc'hadour comments:
Est-ce 4 récits différents ou 4 exemplaires du même?]
Italice non intelligo, sed curabo vertendum quod vertit Polus. Mitto vicissim historiam bonae fidei; in qua qui ex Anglia redeunt, et actis interfuerunt, negant quicquam esse falsi; nisi quod pauciores Carthusiani fuerunt affecti supplicio.
I do not understand Italian but I will see to it that Pole’s translation is translated. In return I am sending him a trustworthy account, in which those who have returned from England and were present at the events claim there is nothing false. . . .Erasmus thanks Damião de Gois for having sent him an account in Italian supposedly translated by Reginald Pole about the death of More. Erasmus in return is sending
a faithful history (historiam bonae fidei)) in Latin, perhaps the Expositio Fidelis (see Allen's notes). The Italian account is probably that of Cardinal Schömberg (See 12th August 1535). Pole did write an account of More's Trial in Latin, see ***., published in Pro ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione (Rome: 1539?), but there is no evidence that he translated it into Italian. For Gois' reply of 22 December giving details of Fisher's death (#3078 and #3079), see Fisher's Correspondence.]
Miserandum interitum Thomae Mori & Fisher quis non perhorrescat ac doleat! Contingit illis hoc quod multis prius Sanctis et bonis viris pro veritate varijs supplicjs et necibus affectis! Atqui tyrannus iste Dei judicium et justiciam non, imprime cum pellice et adultera, suisque complicibus, euadet! Quae in bis Pontifex Regi meo scripsit, mitto tibi exemplum. Dominus Deus dabit Carolo Caesari nostro flagellum contra hunc publicum adulterium, et optimorum virorum truculentissimum occisorem!]
An Apology for an Execution,Essential Articles, p.204. According to Zeeveld, Sampson's Oratio
represented the official position on the divorceand Sampson
had not written against Fisher and More at all(204). For the life of Sampson who had served with More on the 1515
Utopianembassy, see Allen #780. Cochlaeus' 1536 Defensio (see below) attacks Sampson's Oratio extensively. As does Reginald Pole, see Pole's Defense of the Unity of the Church (see Index to Dwyer's translation).]
I am grateful to you for your report of the death of Thomas More. It was a gift most grateful to us. Your friends, however, of which you have many learned ones marvel that you have not written much more concerning the deaths of such dear and intimate friends. Some say the mention you made of in the Preface to Ecclesiastes concerning him and the fate of Fisher was not worthy of such men.]
A long letter in which he tells of the death of Queen Catherine,]sanctissimae feminae, and says that he knows Erasmus still mourns the deaths of Warham, Rochester, More, Mountjoy and others.
Defensio Clarissimorum virorum Ioannis Fischeri Episcopi Roffensis et Thomae Mori Baronis et Cancellarii Angliae / Adversus Richardum Sampsonem Anglium. per Ioannem Cochlaeum.Antiqua et insignis epistola Nicolai Pape .i. ad Michaelem Imperatorem Augustum ante annos DC data . . . Lipsiae: Ex officina Melchioris Lottheri, [27 February] 1536. X4–cc1. Excerpt in Stapleton [from Sig.Bbiiii–Cci:
Quid vero aut laudis aut favoris . . . . & praecingit fune renes eorum, just before Cochlaeus's letters to/from More:
Fragmenta quarumdam Thomae Mori Epistolarum], Tres Thomae 354–55; Hallett 221–22 [198–99]. Available online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. (Digital Copies available through USTC.) [USTC 611907; Gibson #139; Shaaber M216; L'Univers 517; Sullivan I:205–206 (25 lines translated from Stapleton); Boswell #570. Contains numerous passages in defense of More and Fisher. Also attacks Sampson's 1535 Oratio (see above). See W. Gordon Zeeveld,
An Apology for an Execution,Essential Articles, pp.204–205.]
was as happily gifted with literary talent, as he was unhappy in his unjust and unfortunate fate and deplores his execution.However, Dolet continued to attack Erasmus. For the passages dealing with More in the Commentarium and Book IV of Dolet's 1538 Carmina, see Emile V. Telle,
Étienne Dolet et Thomas More.Moreana 36 (): 33–38.]
Neglected Versions of the Contemporary Account of the Trial of Sir Thomas More.Bulletin of the Institute for Historical Research 33 (1960): 202–23.]
Un poemetto inedito del Secolo XVI in onere di San Tommaso Moro.Aevum (April-Sept; 1938): 225–52. [L'Univers 519; Sullivan I:179; Gibson 229. The poem consists of 94 octaves (8 line stanzas) or 752 lines.]
The original manuscript of the De unitate [is] preserved in the Rolls House, London(342, cf. xvi–xvii). The publication date of first edition is given variously as 1536–1539.]
Death will reunite you with your patron, Archbishop of Canterbury [Warham], Thomas More, John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, William Mountjoy, and the rest of your friends so your sorrow should not last for ever.]
If only these things [the Boleyn adulteries and Incests] were brought to light before they murdered such wonderful men.]
Dolet is not content to attack me but sets upon my friends. In his furious Dialogue More is assailed.]
I therefor besieche your goode lordship now to lay a part the remembraunce of the amity betwene me and sir Thomas More which was but Vsque ad aras, as is the proverb, consydering that I was never so moche addict unto hym as I was unto truthe and fidelity toward my soveraigne lorde, as godd is my Juge(p.31 and p.32n5). See Croft, I:cxxxii for an explanation of Elyot's use of the proverb usque ad aras. ]
Patronos ac Moecenates habuit Henricum a Bergis episcopum Cameracensem, Guilielmum Montioium, atque omnium liberalissimum Guilielmum Vuaramum, archiepiscopum Cantuariensem, Angliae primatem, cuius in libris suis saepe mentionem facit; amicos, in Britannia loannem Coletum, Grocinum, Latumerum, Linacrum, Thomam Morum; Antuerpiae Petrum Aegidium, Conradum Gochlenium Louanii.
His patrons were Henry of Bergen, Bishop of Cambrai, William Mountjoy, and William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of England, the most liberal of all, who is often mentioned in his books. His friends were John Colet, Grocin, Latimer, Linacre, and Thomas More in England; Peter Gillis at Antwerp; and Conrad Goclen at Louvain.See also Beatus Rhenanus' Letter to Charles V, I June 1540.]
a precious gem.]
this edn. has a woodcut on t.p., & one at end representing More's execution.]
An Apology for an Execution,Essential Articles, pp.205–211. The Dedication to Cromwell is dated
.1538. 12. calendas Julii(20th June?), but the year must be a mistake.]
Include selected references to More from 1540 to at least until 1559.
Qualis Uxor Deligenda.[1515?, 1518? ] (a)De generibus ebriosorum et ebrietate vitanda, jocus quodlibeti erphurdien. lepidissimus. [by Jacob Hartlieb] . . . item de meretricum in suos amatores, et concubinarum in sacerdotes fide [auctore Paulo Oleario] (Worms: Gregorius Comiander [Hofmann], n.d. [1550??]), sigs. M2–M3. One of the Worms, Gregor Hofmann [Comiander], 1550 editions is available online at Google Books. [CW 3/2: #143, pp.180–192, and n. on pp.371–72; L'Univers p.223 and Gibson #360, p.217; Sullivan 2:89. De generibus was first published in 1515, but the editions of 1515 and 1516 do not include More's poem. This edition has no date, but both Marc'hadour and Gibson date this edition to 1515 (but see Moreana 1 (1963):72). Charles Clay Doyle suggests 1518?, see CW 3/2, Appendix D: #2, p.710. However, more recent research give's Hofmann's floruit as 1542–1552, see http://thesaurus.cerl.org/record/cni00029275. The text in De generibus is identical to that in the 1518 edition. USTC lists three editions by Gregor Hofmann, published in 1550 (USTC 629888–629890). See CW 3/2: 371–72, which states that
it may well have been reprinted from 1518.See also Urceus, 1519.]
sourcefor Harpsfield, see next item. Not printed until 1626.]
Testimonio martyrum Angliae, B. Mori auctoritas vicarij Christi confirmatur, et probatur fundamentum Ecclesiae); edited and translated by Clarence M. Miller in CW 14/2: Appendix B, 1067–1073. [USTC 404280. Miller suggests that the source of De Soto's acount of More's opinion on Papal primacy might well have been Reginald Pole or Antinio Bonvisi (see Pole's sermon above). For De Soto's role in bringing the autograph manuscript of De Tristitia, which he received as a gift from Queen Mary, to Barcelona, Spain, and thus preserving it for posterity, see CW 14/2: pp.696–97, 707–708, 716–722. For More's views on Papal primacy, see also CW 5:760–74 and CW 8:1294–1315, and More's Letter to Cromwell, March 1534 above.]
Papal Primacy, see Pole and De Soto, 1557 above.]
For a chronology, see C.N. L. Brooke, et al.
Appendix 2: Fisher's Career and Itinerary,
Humanism, Reform and the Reformation:
The Career of Bishop John Fisher
Ed. B. Bradshaw and E. Duffy,
(Cambridge: Cambridge UP, ), 235–49.
17 Dec. 1491. Presbiteri. Mr. Joh. Fysher artium M. Socius domus sive hospicii Sancti Michaelis Cantibrig. ad titulum societas sue.(cited by Reynolds).]
at the urging of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, a man of great learning, grace, and integrity.]
lostletter to Fisher, see introduction to Allen #242, p.485.]
two yearsis an error), but Fisher had been suddenly recalled — See Allen #253–54 above.]
Ioannes Roffensis Episcopus, Clarissimo Ioanni Reuchlin, London, [c1515]: Saluus sis Reuchline charissime. Doleo plurimum literas eas quas ad me dederas periisse. Ne grauerris itaque precor, ad nos scribere iterato. Sum enim ex tuis fautoribus unus, & fortassis non minus quamquam(?) quotidie assidet lateri tuo, neque minus mihi molestum est hoc iniuriatum negocium, quod Fratres isti facessunt tibi, quam qui tui amaatissimus est. Quamobrem te precor, optime & eruditissime Ioannes, digneris nos aliquarum tuarum literarum participes facere, ne frustra uideamur nobis hunc nostrum amorem in te colocasse, & foelix Valeas. Ex Londino Angliae.See Allen ***.]
As to what you write to me so often of the Bishop of Rochester, often of the Bishop of Rochester, you prove your own great love for him, and eager desire to promote Greek studies, when you seek to make that literature familiar to the illustrious bishop, who excels in every kind of learning, and under whose protection not only it will be secure against gainsayers and detractors, but become acceptable and admirable to all Britain. For who would dare to oppose what that bishop defends? Or who will be unwilling to embrace what is known to be pleasing to so great a prelate? I see that for these reasons you and More desire me to contribute my help, and you consider that I am even bound to do this by love of my country. Now I hope and beg, Erasmus, that you will not think me so obstinate or uncivil, or devoid of all humanity, that after the request of such dear friends I should grudge to undertake the explanation of a little book, or refuse a month's labour, for I owe you more than I could repay in many months. And do not think me so imprudent as to be unwilling by so slight a labour to render service to such a man, or to win the favour of a bishop, who, in addition to his singular learning and sanctity has so much authority and influence, and who is, as you write and many declare, and I readily believe, so grateful. Again, do not esteem me so negligent as to let slip such an occasion of forwarding good letters by his means, and through a little labour conferred on him bringing great honour to my country. I am deterred from accepting your honourable proposal by the consideration that I could not in so short a time satisfy the bishop's and your desire; for it is a many-sided and intricate matter, and though laborious rather than difficult, it requires time even for what has to be committed to memory. Don't think I am measuring the talents of others by my own slowness. I have heard from many of the bishop's singular intelligence, and I believe that it is equal to greater efforts than this. You tell me of his wish and ardent desire for these studies, whence I clearly foresee what would be his application. I therefore allow that he would profit as much as can be hoped from a man endowed with excellent talents, very diligent and very eager. Still I cannot think that the profit would be much in so short a time. You seem to hope for great progress; I also think that the progress would be great for the time, but in itself only small.He then reminds Erasmus what masters Grocyn and Linacre had, and yet spent under them ten whole years or more; how he himself (Latimer) after six or seven years' study, was still in many points ignorant ; that Tunstall and Pace had studied still longer;
You know how acute More is, how eager is his intellect, and with what energy he follows out whatever he begins — in a word, how like he is to yourself. I will not pursue this subject, for to speak of yourself might seem flattery; yet neither of you, I think, will say that he got through these rough places so quickly as to be able after a month or two to advance without a guide at his own will, since there are so many windings and bye-roads capable of leading astray even the experienced traveller. Therefore, if you wish that the bishop should really advance and profit in these studies, let him summon some learned teacher from Italy, who may be willing to remain with him for some time, until he feels his footing firm and solid, so that he may not merely crawl, but stand erect and walk.(Bridgett 473–474) See also More's Letters to Erasmus: Allen 2:#468/10–11, p.346; CWE 4:#468/12–14 and n., p.80; and #481/16–19, p.371; CWE 4:#481/17–/20, pp.114–115 above.]
and the bishop of Rochester too, about whom I wrote to you lately.Letter not extant.]
I had a letter from you today, together with letters for Colet and the bishop of Rochester, and a pamphlet with them. I will see to it that they are delivered as soon as possible, so that the pamphlet may not lose the charm of novelty.All three letters are lost. For the pamphlet, see Allen #697, #713, etc. below.]
My lord of Rochester and Colet are both in splendid health. All scholars and all upright men are your friends . . . . I had the piece (i.e. Pfeffercorn's Streydtpuechlyn, cf. Allen #697/12 and n.) turned into Latin and sent it to the bishop of Rochester.]
My letter to the bishop of Rochester will tell you part of the story, and I enclose a copy.Apparently an appeal for Fisher's help in his controversy with Edward Lee. The letter to Fisher is not extant. See also Eps. #936 and #937 below.]
I have read the copy of that tragi-comic story which you sent to our friend More, and what you say about the case is quite right: men of that sort are being swept away by a kind of fatal insanity.Probably the letter to Fisher (an appeal for help against Lee) mentioned at the end of Ep. #908 above.]
England possesses two universities by no means obscure, Cambridge and Oxford. Greek is taught in both, and in Cambridge without disturbance, because the head of the institution is Father John Fisher, the bishop of Rochester, whose life and learning are alike worthy of a divine.]
As for Cambridge University, it has for some time now been adorned with every excellence under the rule of the bishop of Rochester, a man fit from every point of view to play the part of a distinguished prelate.]
In fact — and this is the most foolish thing of all — the book lately written by the bishop of Rochester against Lefèvre was suspected of being mine, although the style is so entirely unlike mine and though I fall so far short of that gifted prelate as a scholar.]
Appendix II: Extract from Vergil's dedication of the "Adagia Sacra" to Richard Pace, 1519, pp.150–51 in
The Life of Polydore Vergil of Urbino,Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 12 (1949): 132–151. [The Preface is dated 1519 even though the book was not published until 1521. Prefatory letter praising English Humanists including More and Fisher:
Hunc sequitur fere passibus aequis Ioannes Fiscerius Roffensis episcopus, qui ubi mutit, ecce subito quidam sanctimoniae odor spirat, ubi hiat, ecce sacrae scripturae nectar fluit ubertim, adeo purus est, adeo divinae literaturae est sciens. Hi sunt inquam duo Anglicae iuventutis bonarum disciplinarum candidatae inclyti duces, quorum alterius Oxoniensis, alterius Cantabrigiensis academia in tutela est.(
Following him [Warham] with nearly equal steps comes John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. When he is silent, see what an odor of sanctity he breathes forth! But when he opens his mouth, see how the nectar of Holy Writ comes pouring from it in abundance, he is so pure, so knowledgeable in Holy Scripture. These are the noble presidents of English youth devoted to the study of the goodly arts, since the one of them has the University of Oxford in his safekeeping, and the other the University of Cambridge.) (Dana Sutton)]
Two Fruitful Sermons,English Works, ed. Cecilia Hatt (Oxford: OUP, 2001), intro. 211–215, 217; 227–231; notes on pp.255–56, 259–61, 265, 271. [See Clare M. Murphy,
John Fisher and the Field of Cloth of Gold, Moreana 89 (): 5–13. See also More, Field of Cloth of Gold.]
has it in mindto visit Reuchlin next summer.]
Many letters from me to my friends are in circulation over here, but one especially which I wrote from Bruges to the Bishop of Rochester, the publication of which I regret. I wrote to him in a hurry and somewhat unguardedly, knowing him for a wise man and a good friend, and most discreet. This makes it clear I do not favour Luther's business.No such letter to Fisher is extant. Both Allen and CWE (see notes) think that Erasmus is confusing Fisher with Warham, and that what Erasmus is really referring to is Ep. 1228 to Warham, which had indeed been recently published. See also Ep. 1265.]
There is in circulation at the moment a letter in your name to the bishop of Rochester, which touches openly on Luther and his followers; and this, I fear, will rouse them against you like a trumpet.For the mistaken attribution, see #1263 and note. It is even possible that Erasmus saw Pirckheimer's letter before he wrote his own.]
letter of introductionfor Vives who was supposed to be its bearer (40–43, 35–37, see also Rouschausse), though in the event he did not go to England for the first time until May 1523.]
I now have in hand a paraphrase of John which I have been encouraged by many people to attempt, but particularly by the cardinal of Mainz, and by that excellent prelate John, bishop of Rochester in England, a man of incomparable holiness and learning . . .]
if Christ grants me the strength, I shall finish a book on the principles of preaching, which I promised long ago and am frequently asked for in letters from that best of prelates, John, Bishop of Rochester, who appeals to our ancient friendship and his unfailing and continual support of me.In the event the Ecclesiastes was not published until after Fisher's death and Erasmus's Preface included a eulogy of Fisher.]
the authority of great men(i.e. Fisher and the Archbishop of Mainz, cf. Allen #1323/18–23) who encouraged him to make the Paraphrase.]
expressed his gratitude more than once and assured me that he had derived much profit from my work.]
Well then, do you not think that John, bishop of Rochester, is a theologian? . . . John, bishop of Rochester, has been pressing me repeatedly for a work on preaching, threatening me, begging and almost compelling me to comply. In this one man you have, if I may say so, three persons — a man of great integrity, a devout bishop, and, unless I am mistaken, a theologian of more than common learning.]
If my little notes seem somewhat insignificant to you . . . send them to the bishop of Rochester, whom I consider an outstanding theologian.]
adeo vt dum aestate praeterita (tumultibus ac seditionibus per Germania feruescentibus) in Angliam visendi Regis & Episcopi Roffensis gratia traiecissem, nec quidem memoriam Lutheri habitam audivi, nisi in maledicto . . . (When last summer I passed over to England to visit the king and the Bishop of Rochester, though tumults and seditions were raging in Germany, I never once heard the name of Luther mentioned except in malediction)(Bridgett).]
Why, then, did you not use this wonderful deinosis [vehemence, hatred] long ago when you attacked Cochlaeus and the bishop of Rochester? They mention you by name and resort to provocative and abusive language, while in my Diatribe [De libero arbitrio] I made my arguments in a civil manner.]
There is a whole flood of new books attacking Luther and Oecolampadius; they come from the bishop of Rochester, Jacobus Latomus, Jacob of Hoogstraten, and others.]
Complete Worksto English recipients:
Let them leave twenty carefully carefully bound sets made up of individual volumes (orSee also CWE, Epp.1571:16(and n8), and 1581:332–33 for other Erasmus references to Fisher during this period.]parts), and when the work is complete send: one set to the archbishop of Canterbury [William Warham]; the second to Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London; the third to Thomas More, English baron; the fourth to John [Longland], bishop of Lincoln, the fifth to Cambridge to be deposited in Queen's College, in the library of that college; the sixth to John [Fisher], bishop of Rochester. . . .
You mentioned books by Latomus, the bishop of Rochester, and others; I hope they enjoy great success.See Ep. 1780.]
Joannes Eckius, quem in Anglia vidisse pergratum fuit.(Prooem. of lib. i.), Sig.D1v.]
And what is the opinion of my Lord of Rochestre therin, Your Highnes shal perceyve by his original letters, which I send unto Your Grace herwith ; though verayly it may be thought, that having som conjecture or smelling of the matier, his said opinion procedith rather of affection, thenne of sincerite of his lerning, or scripture; like as Your Grace, reding the said letter, shal, by your lerning and high wisedom, facyly [facilely] judge and perceyve; drawing and extorting(p.189).]illud, quodcunque solveris, erit solutum,otherwise then, by al lerning and interpretacion of scripture, shuld be ment therby by our Savour Christe. For by that universal soo extended, Papa posset tollere omnia like as at my repaire unto Your Grace, the same shalbe more amply advertised of al the hol ordre and processe, that hath been made in that behaulf, whiche I truste shalbe to your contentacion and pleasour
whose letters regularly reach me here . . . Third is John, bishop of Rochester, who I think is known to you from his writings.Erasmus clearly did not feel the need to publish the letters he received from most of his episcopal correspondents.]
heard that the Bishop of Rochester and the Parisians had girded themselves for this task.]
devotionalepistolary treatise, published in Opera omnia for the first time. No date given on original letter. For Fisher and earlier unpublished letters to Lethmaet, see Rex 2003: 81,83, 273. For Hermann Lethmaet see CE 2:327–328, and De Vocht, LC intro. to Ep.56, pp.137–39, and MHL 385–90. According to CE 2:327, Herman Lethmaet was made Dean of St. Mary's in Utrecht (Traiectum inferius) on 11/12 October 1530. Other variants on Letmatius' name include: Hermannus Goudanus, Hermannus Gaudanus, and Hermannus van der Goude.]
from the Bishop of Rochester, the original(cf. Reynolds Fisher 208,n.1). Original Letter. Fisher defends himself, with respect to the visions of the Maid of Kent.]
Judgement as usual in high treason, i.e. to be hung, drawn and quartered. Fisher's sentence was commuted to beheading. He was executed on 18th June 1535.]
After More's Death)
My Singular Good Lord, — This shall be to advertise the same, that whereas of late, the Bishop of Rochester, at what time he was sick, required me to look to him, and to give attendance upon him both night and day, promising to recompense my labour and pain, and where(as), after he was departed, all his goods were taken up by Mr. Gostwick, and converted to the King's coffers, so that for 12 days labour and 4 nights' watching, as yet, I have recovered nothing — in so much that, except your Lordship be good to me, I shall both lose my labour, my friend, and also my physic. And, truly, if physicians should take no money for them that they kill, as well as for them that they save, their living should be very thin and bare; therefore, I beseech your good Lordship, as to send to Mr. Gostwick, that I may have some recompense and reward for my pain. And, I beseech your Lordship, it may be so much the more liberal, because it because it shall be the last payment. For, of them that scape, we may take the less, because we hope they shall once come again in to our hands. . . . From London, the 16th August. John Friar, Physician(Bridgett).]
These materials for a work, for so I would rather call them than a work, I had not indeed promised, but in my own mind I had almost destined them for John Fisher, the Bishop of Rochester, a man of singular piety and erudition, with whom I had a very long and close friendship. For it was he, principally, who by his letters urged me to undertake this labour, saying that in the celebrated University of Cambridge, of which he was Chancellor for life, he was founding three colleges, whence might issue theologians not armed for battles of words, but well furnished for preaching the word of God soberly. He himself had a singular gift of preaching, and on this account was very dear to the paternal grandmother of the present king. God had put into her mind a thought above her sex. While other princely ladies bestow rich revenues on the foundation of monasteries, rather (I fear) from vainglory than piety, she on the contrary, while in life and health, gave all her care to that which is most holy, seeking no popular applause, but proceeding almost by stealth. In many places she endowed, with very liberal salaries, preachers fit to announce to the people the philosophy of the Gospel, and to the same end gave over to the Bishop of Rochester a very large sum of money, which he, with the greatest integrity, spent either in the education of preachers or the relief of the poor, not only deducting nothing for himself, but adding more from his own(Bridgett 467–68). For the reference to More and the question of dating, see More's Correspondence.]
As for the warkes of John fisshar, never hadd any of theim to my knowlege except one litle sermone, which aboute eight or nyne yeres passid was translatid into latine by Master Pace; and for that cause I bowght it more than for the author or mater, but where it is I am not sure, for in goode faith I never radd it but ones sens I bowght it(p.27).]
Vintoniensem non esse ea animi firmitate vt, secutus exempla fortissimorum illorum simul et summorum heroum Roffensis et Mori, multorumque aliorum insignium virorum, sceleratis conatibus sui Regis ex professo se obiiciat: miserandum sane, vtique cum non minore panoplia quam illi instructus videatur, certe quam Morus, quem in pistrino Theologico minus caeteris molam versasse existimo. Nam Roffensem, si ex scriptis censeas, facile omnium principem, omniaque legendi stipendia emeritum, omnis denique Ecclesiasticae antiquitatis promum et condum haud falso dixerim: id quod cum alia eius, tum vero opus illud eximium contra Oecolampadium, mea sententia, plane fatetur.Besides authoring a life of Maarten van Dorp (MHL 257–348) and of Pope Hadrian VI; according to De Vocht, Morinck was responsible for the Ordo condemnationis Thomae Mori . . . (MHL 489–490), which De Vocht edited in 1947 as Acta Thomae Mori.]
The Colet Letter numbers are tentative and can be renumbered. This section may be transferred to another file later on.
there is no contemporary evidence for the traditional view that he passed his early university years at Oxford or was incorporated MA there by 1490(p.325).]
Le nom de Colet inscrit au Liber Fraternitatis de l'hospice anglais de S. Spirito in Sassia, c'est-à-dire au registre de confraternité del la nation anglaise à Rome.]
An Unpublished Letter of John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's.American Historical Review 39 (1934): 696–699.
no record survives of Colet having taken a degreeat Oxford (p.326).]
missingsection. An epistolary treatise?]
Four Letters to Radulphus on the Mosaic account of creation.[1496–1505]. First edited and translated by J. H. Lupton in Opuscula Quaedam Theologica. London: George Bell and Sons, . [An epistolary treatise.]
lists other surviving letters, 152–8(p.325).]
The Friendship of Thomas More and John Colet: An Early Document,Modern Language Quarterly 1 (1940): 459–460:
The ceremony of resignation was performed at Colet's Church of All Saints, Stepney,]praesentibus adtunc ibidem discretis viris Thoma more de london generoso [gentleman] et Edmundo paynter literis.
The Birth Date of John Colet and Erasmus of Rotterdam: Fresh Documentary Evidence,Renaissance Quarterly 32 (1979): 73–76.]
To be spoken by a boy in the School Recently Founded by Colet in London.First published by Robert de Keysere in 1511, probably in Paris. See also Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1: 21/23–24; CWE 9:1341A/786–787, p.325).]
lostletter to Colet.]
lostletter. Possibly a reference to Lupset's possession of certain MSS of Erasmus', including Julius Exclusus, see Letter of More to Erasmus, Allen #502/9–14, p.421; CWE 4:#502/10–16, pp.169–71.]
statesman More and saintly Colet.]
You must forgive Colet his eagerness; I know your kind heart. I had given More leave to show the book to Colet, not to deposit it with him.]
I had a letter from you today, together with letters for Colet and the bishop of Rochester, and a pamphlet with them. I will see to it that they are delivered as soon as possible, so that the pamphlet may not lose the charm of novelty.All three letters are lost. For the pamphlet, see Allen #713 below.]
My lord of Rochester and Colet are both in splendid health. All scholars and all upright men are your friends. . . . I had the piece (i.e. Pfeffercorn's Streydtpuechlyn, cf. Allen #697/12 and n.) turned into Latin and sent it to the bishop of Rochester.]
Bring in, if you need them, Mountjoy and Tunstall. Colet has been busy on this for some time. What I need is ready money.See Allen #816, #825 and #834.]
whether the first spark of this good will was kindled in you by something I had written or whether you derived it from conversation with Dr. John Colet and my other friends.]
Thomas More is of the Privy Council, and so is Colet.]
John Colet, best of men and most reliable of my friends has died in London of the plague.]
It must be thirty years since I felt any man's death as I feel Colet's.]
I shall set down Colet's life in writing.See Allen #1211 below.]
Dame Christian Colet and Thomas More,Moreana 15 (1967):103–114.
I alone am left in this stormy sea, and Colet has gone before.]
Pace has lately succeeded John Colet in the distinguished office of Dean of Saint Pauls.]
John Colet of blessed memoryto reading the manuscript of Book II.]
I expect you to see to it that I don't miss Colet overmuch.]
this episode can be dated no earlier than Erasmus's second visit to England, 1505–1506.(CWE 9, p.413n5).]
Dame Christian Colet and Thomas More, p. 104.]
Boy. Erasmus, your humble Servant, there is one wants to speak with you at the Door.
Erasmus. Who is it?
Boy. He says he is one Mr. More's Man, his Master is come out of Britain, and he desires you would make him a Visit, because he sets out for Germany to-Morrow by Break of Day.
Erasmus. Christian, gather the Reckoning, for I must be going.
Christian. The Reckoning, most learned Erasmus, of this Supper, I will discharge that. You have no Need to put your Hand in your Pocket I thank you that you honoured me with your Company ; but I am sorry you are called away before the Comedy is ended.
Erasmus. Have I any Thing more to do but to bid you Farewell and be merry?
Christian. Farewell, we can't take it amiss, because you don't leave a Shoulder of Mutton for a Sheep's-Head, but go from Friends to a better Friend.
(Bailey 1:140) [Back]
Eulalia. I have the Honour to be acquainted with a Gentleman of a noble Family; Learned, and of singular Address and Dexterity; he married a young Lady, a Virgin of seventeen Years of Age, that had been educated all along in the Country in her Father's House, as Men of Quality love to reside in the Country, for the Sake of Hunting and Fowling : He had a Mind to have a raw unexperienced Maid, that he might the more easily form her Manners to his own Humour. He began to instruct her in Literature and Musick, ajid to use her by Degrees to repeat the Heads of Sermons, which she heard, and to accomplish her with other Things, which would afterwards be of Use to her. Now these Things being wholly new to the Girl, which had been brought up at Home, to do nothing but gossip and play, she soon grew weary of this Life, she absolutely refused to submit to what her Husband required of her; and when her Husband pressed her about it, she would cry continually, sometimes she would throw herself flat on the Ground, and beat her Head against the Ground, as though she wished for Death. Her Husband finding there was no End of this, concealed his Resentment, gave his Wife an Invitation to go along with him into the Country to his Father-in-Law's House, for the Sake of a little Diversion. His Wife very readily obeyed him in this Matter. When they came there, the Husband left his Wife with her Mother and Sisters, and went a Hunting with his Father-in-Law; there having taken him aside privately, he tells his Father-in-law, that whereas he was in good Hopes to have had an agreeable Companion of his Daughter, he now had one that was always a crying, and fretting herself; nor could she be cured by any Admonitions, and intreats him to lend a helping Hand to cure his Daughter's Disorder. His Father-in-Law made him answer, that he had once put his Daughter into his Hand, and if she did not obey him, he might use his Authority, and cudgel her into a due Submission. The Son-in-Law replies, I know my own Power, but I had much rather she should be reformed by your Art or Authority, than to come to these Extremities. The Father-in-Law promised him to take some Care about the Matter: So a Day or two after, he takes a proper Time and Place, when he was alone with his Daughter, and looking austerely upon her, begins in telling her how homely she was, and how disagreeable as to her Disposition, and how often he had been in Fear that he should never be able to get her a Husband: But after much Pains, says he, I found you such a one, that the best Lady of the Land would have been glad of; and yet, you not being sensible what I have done for you, nor considering that you have such a Husband, who if he were not the best natur'd Man in the World, would scarce do you the Honour to take you for one of his Maid Servants, you are disobedient to him: To make short of my Story, the Father grew so hot in his Discourse, that he seemed to be scarce able to keep his Hands off her; for he was so wonderful cunning a Man, that he would act any Part, as well as any Comedian. The young Lady, partly for Fear, and partly convinced by the Truth of what was told her, fell down at her Father's Feet, beseeching him to forget past Faults, and for the Time to come, she would be mindful of her Duty. Her Father freely forgave her, and also promised, that he would be to her a very indulgent Father, provided she performed what she promised.
Xanthippe. Well, what happened after that?
Eulalia. The young Lady going away, after her Father's Discourse was ended, went directly into her Chamber, and finding her Husband alone, she fell down on her Knees, and said, Husband, till this very Moment, I neither knew you nor myself; but from this Time forward, you shall find me another Sort of Person; only, I intreat you to forget what is past The Husband received this Speech with a Kiss, and promised to do every Thing she could desire, if she did but continue in that Resolution.
Xanthippe. What! I Did she continue in it?
Eulalia. Even to her dying Day; nor was any Thing so mean, but she readily and chearfully went about it, if her Husband would have it so. So great a Love grew, and was confirmed between them. Some Years after, the young Lady would often congratulate herself, that she had happened to marry such a Husband, which had it not happened, said she, I had been the most wretched Woman alive.
Xanthippe. Such Husbands are as scarce now a Days as white Crows.
(Bailey I:249–51) [Back]
I knew a man once who fooled a dangerously talkative fellow by a shrewd piece of trickery. While this other man had been saying much that it was not really safe even to overhear, our friend all the time was concentrating with a thoughtful air on the volume that he usually carried with him, perhaps for just this purpose; so when he was asked his opinion of what the fellow had said, he answered as if he had been roused from a very deep sleep,(CWE 29:273) [Back]You will forgive me, I'm sure, but I didn't hear a single word of all that was said; for all this time I was completely preoccupied with Bruges— for he was on a mission to this place as his prince's representative.
Bulephorus. I will leave England when I have mentioned Thomas More.
Nosoponus. A most fortunate genius. I confess there is nothing he could not have accomplished if he had devoted himself wholly to letters. But in his boyhood scarcely a trace of the better litera ture had crossed into England. Then the authority of his parents compelled him to learn English Law, the farthest possible from literature ; next he was exercised in pleading cases, then called to the duties of the state. With difficulty he could at odd hours turn his attention to the study of oratory. Finally he was dragged into Court and immersed in the business of the King and the Kingdom where he could love study but not cultivate it. Though the style he gained tended rather to Isocratic rhythm and logical subtlety than to the outpouring river of Ciceronian eloquence, yet he is not inferior at all in culture to Cicero. Furthermore, you recognize a poet even in his prose for in his youth he spent much time in writing poetry. (Ciceronianus 1908: 103–104) [Back]
1.Among the English men, it grieved not the right worshipful Thomas More, although being much occupied in the king's matters, to be a teacher to his wife, daughters, and son, first in virtue, and after to knowledge of Greek and Latin.
2. Marginal gloss: The practice of a certain English man to teach his child his letters by shooting
The english men delight principally in shooting, and teach it their children first of all: wherefore a certain father that had a good quick wit perceiving his son to haue a great pleasure in shooting, bought him a pretty bow and very fair arrows, and in all parts both of his bow and arrows were letters painted. Afterwards instead of marks, he set up the fashion of letters, first of Greek, and after of Latin: when he hit, and told the name of the letter, beside a great rejoicing, he had for a reward a cherry, or some other thing that children delight in. Of that play cometh more fruit, if two or three matchs play together. For then the hope of victory and fear of rebuke maketh them to take more heed, and to be more cheerful. By this device it was brought about that the child within a few days playing, had perfectly learned to know and sound all his letters which the common sort of teachers be scarce able to bring to pass in three whole years with their beatings, threat[en]ings, and brawlings.(Sherry, 1550, sigs. L4v–L5r, O2v–O3r; spelling modernised) [Back]
John. That I may not be altogether Shot-free in this Entertainment, I'll tell you what I saw with my own Eyes, in the House of that famous Englishman Sir Thomas More: He kept in his House a large Monkey, who, that he might the sooner get well of a Wound he had received, was suffered to go loose. At the End of the Garden there were Rabbits kept in Hutches, and a Weasel used to watch them very narrowly. The Monkey sitting aloof off, quietly, as though unconcern'd, observ'd all his Motions, till he saw the Rabbits were in no Danger from him. But perceiving the Weasel had loosened a Board in the back Part of the Hutch, and that now they were in Danger to be attacked in the Rear, and so be made a Prey to their Enemy, the Ape runs, jumps up on the Plank, and put it into its former Place, with as much Dexterity as any Man could have done. From whence 'tis plain, that Apes are great Lovers of this Animal. So the rabbits, not knowing their own Danger, that used to kiss their Enemy through the Grate, were preserved by the Monkey.
Ephorinus. Monkeys are mightily delighted with all young animals, and love to hug them, and carry them about in their Arms. But that good-natured Monkey did really deserve to be made Amends for his Kindness.
John. And he was too.
John. He found there a Piece of Bread that had, I suppose, been thrown there by the Children, which he took up and ate. (Bailey II:310–311) [Back]