International Thomas More Bibliography (K):
Calendars of the Letters and Papers of Thomas More, John Colet, and John Fisher


 

Note: The Calendars in this file are meant to provide the basis for eventual future editions of the Letters and Correspondence of Thomas More, John Fisher, and John Colet; and are based on the earlier work of Rogers, Herbrüggen, Marc'hadour, Miller, the other editors of the Yale Edition, and many others. Any comments, corrections, suggested additions or queries can be sent to the compiler and editor at lakowskir@gmail.com

Version 1.3d (); © Romuald I. Lakowski. ,


This File may be eventually split into two

Table of Contents

International Thomas More Bibliography

Introduction
Opera Omnia, Correspondence and Humanistic Works
Polemical and Devotional Works and Trial
Background Studies
Family and Friends, and Biographies
Thomas More and the Creative Arts
Utopia Part A: Editions and Translations
Utopia Part B: Studies
Calendars of the Letters and Papers of Thomas More, John Fisher, and John Colet (Under Development)

Contemporaries of Thomas More

Part I: Fisher, Colet and the Carthusians
Part II: Early English English Renaissance (A—H)
Part III: Early English English Renaissance (J—W)


Calendars of the Letters and Papers of Thomas More, John Colet, and John Fisher

Letters and Papers of Sir Thomas More (A Calendar and a Chronology)
Letters and Papers of St. John Fisher (A Calendar)
Letters and Papers of John Colet (A Calendar)


The Letters and Papers of Sir Thomas More (A Calendar and a Chronology)


  1. Birth of Thomas More, 7th February 1478. John More, Entries in MS. Trinity Coll. Cambridge, O.2.21, 1474–1482. Transcribed in Harpsfield, n. to 9/6, pp. 298–303; See also R. W. Chambers, The Place of St. Thomas More in English Literature and History (London: Longmans Green & Co., 1937), pp.123–124, Facsimiles between pp.118–119. E.E. Reynolds, St. Thomas More (Garden City, NY: image Books, 1958), 7. [L'Univers 43, 34–41; Sullivan 2:338. Autograph of John More. Birth dates of John More's Children. Thomas More's birth date is listed as 7th February in Milk Street, Cripplegate, London. The year was either 1477 or 1478. For discussion of More's date of birth, see The Young More (1477/78–1501). 1478 is now the generally accepted date. Entry for Thomas More: Md quod die veneris proximo post Festum purificacionis beate Marie virginis videlicet septimo die Februarij inter horam secundam et horam terciam in Mane natus fuit Thomas More filius Johannis More Gent. Anno Regni Regis Edwardi quarti post conquestum Anglie decimo septimo. (Memo. That on the Friday next after the Feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, namely the seventh day of February, between the second and thrid hours of the morning, was born Thomas More, son of John More, Gentleman, in the 17th year of the reign of King Edward IV after the conquest of England.) The phrase in italics was added later. The date of the Marriage of John More and Agnes Graunger is given as 24 April 1474. There are a total of six children listed, of whom four including Thomas survived into adulthood. Thomas More's three surviving siblings were an older sister Joan (b.11 March 1474/75), and a younger brother and sister John (b.6 June 1480) and Elizabeth (b.22 Sept. 1482). For biography of John More (I), see CE 2:453; Allen 4:#999, n. to p.14/61; and ODNB.]
  2. Death of George, Duke of Clarence, Tower of London, 18th February 1478. CW 2:6/25, 7/1–15 and nn. on pp.165–66; 8/22–9/7 and nn. on p.169; 66/19, 67/23; CW 15:322/1–18, and nn. on p.609; 326/1–18 and n. on p.610; 448/24–25, 452/5, and 460/23–25 and n. on p.628. [L'Univers 45 and n1.]
  3. Birth of John More, Thomas More's younger brother, 6 June 1480. [L'Univers 50. John More served as a scribe for his brother Thomas and died about 1512. For his biography, see CE 2: 453–54.]
  4. Birth of Elizabeth More, Thomas More's younger sister, 22 September 1482. [L'Univers 55. She married John Rastell in about 1496–97, and was the mother of William Rastell and grand-mother of John Heywood.]
  5. Death of King Edward IV, 9 April 1483. CW 2:3/1–6/8; CW 15:314/1–320/14. [L'Univers 57. More deals with the death of Edward IV, together with flashbacks dealing with Edward's courtship of Lady Elizabeth Grey/Woodville (CW 2: 60/2–66/8 = CW 15: 436/4–448/16) as well as Edward's favourite Mistresses, including Mistress Shore (d.1526/27) (CW 2: 54/13–57/13 = CW 15: 424/1–430/14). Shakespeare will in turn make use of this material in Richard III, Act II, Scene 1, and Henry VI, Part III, Act III.]
  6. (L/E). Richard III usurps the English throne from his nephew Edward V, April–July, 1483. [L'Univers 57 and n1. This is the main subject matter for both the Latin and English versions of More's Historia Richardi Tertii/History of king Richard the thirde, edited in CW Volumes 2 and 15.]
  7. (L). Anecdote of Conversation between Mistlebrook and Pottyer about Richard planning to seize the throne, after April 9 1483. CW 2:9/7–17 (E) and CW 15:326/15–328/5. [In the Latin version More claims that I remember that this conversation was reported to my father by a man who heard them conversing, well before there was any suspicion of this treachery (CW 15:328/2–5 and CW 2:170). More would have been only five years old at the time. Is this an early example of More's political precocity?]
  8. (E). John Morton, Bishop of Ely, persuades Buckingham to revolt against Richard III, Before 2 Nov. 1483. [L'Univers 58. More's Continuation to the English version of the History of King Richard III, breaks off unfinished with the account of Buckingham's revolt (CW 2:87–93). Buckingham was executed on 2nd November 1483 (All Soul's Day cf. Shakespeare's Richard III, Act V, Scene I). For the death of Buckingham's son, see 17 May 1521.]
  9. Publication of Ficino's Latin translation of Theologica Platonica or Platonis Opera Omnia in 2 Parts, Florence, May 1484–Before Apr. 1585. [ISTC ip00771000; USTC 991952; L'Univers 56 (Marc'hadour gives publication dates as 1482 and 1483). A translation of 36 works of Plato, some of them spurious. All of these translations were complete in draft form by 1468–69 (Hankins 1989, 300–18). A "Reprint" of Ficino's translation was published in Venice in 1491 (qv.). The first edition of Plato's Greek text was not published until 1513 (qv.). A revision of Ficino's Latin translation was published by Simon Grynaeus in 1532 (qv.). For the life of Ficino, see CE 2:27–30.]

1485–1489

  1. Birth of Frans van Cranevelt, Nijmegen, 3 February 1485. [CE 1:354–55; L'Univers 62. Cranevelt met Erasmus through Maarten van Dorp in about July 1517. Erasmus in turn introduced Cranevelt to More in 1520, see Allen #1145, #1173, #1220. Cranevelt in turn corresponded with More. Some 13 letters from More to Cranevelt survive, several of them autographs, and many letters from other correspondents to Cranevelt, especially Vives, include comments about More. None of Cranevelt's letters to More survive.]
  2. Battle of Bosworth Field, 22 August 1485. [L'Univers 62 and n1. Death of Richard III in battle, and coronation of Henry Tudor as Henry VII, who declared himself king "by right of conquest" retroactively from 21 August 1485, the day before Bosworth Field (S. Chrimes, 50). Richard's short but tempestuous reign will become the subject just over a hundred years later of one of Shakespeare's most famous plays The Tragedy of King Richard III, the first three Acts of which draw heavily on More's History of King Richard the Third (c.1513–1518).]
  3. In 1525 Erasmus refers to an outbreak of the Sweating Sickness in England thirty years ago [End of August, 1485] Allen 6:#1593/76–78 and n. l.76, pp.136–137. [L'Univers Prologue, p.30; 63 and n; 250; 409; The exact nature of the English Sweating Sickness is unknown, though it is believed to have been related to the modern hantaviruses, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sweating_sickness. There were several outbreaks of the sweating sickness in 15th and 16th century England. The first broke out in 1485. It was followed by several other outbreaks in 1502, which carried carried off Prince Arthur though Katherine of Aragon recovered, a third less severe outbreak in 1507. Erasmus himself contracted the disease in 1511, which may have also carried off More's first wife Jane. A fourth outbreak occurred in August 1517, which carried off More's and Erasmus's friend Andrea Ammonio. A fifth one occurred in June 1528, in which Margaret Roper contracted the sweating sickness but miraculously recovered (cf. CW 6:468) and which spread to the continent; see also Allen n. to #1593/76) on p.136 in his 1530 De Bello Turcico (ASD V–3: 32 and CWE 64:214 and n.22) and Allen 8:#2278,pp.368–69 from John Fevyn on 6 March 1530); and a final outbreak in 1551. The disease was not recorded in England after 1578.]
  4. Attended St Anthony's School, Threadneedle Street, London. c1485–1490. Roper 5/1–2; Harpsfield 10/18–21 and n. on pp.305–306. [L'Univers 64. For this and the next few chronological entries, there is some disagreement about dates: no dates are given either in Roper or Harpsfield.]
  5. King Henry VII marries Elizabeth of York, Westminster, 18 January 1486. [L'Univers 65. Elizabeth of York died on 11 February 1503.]
  6. Erasmus, aged c20, joins the congregation of the Canons Regular of St Augustine at Steyn, near Gouda, by 1487. [ODNB; Marc'hadour (L'Univers 64, 74) gives the date as 1485. His letters from this period (Allen 1:#3–32) reveal that his life there was by no means unhappy, and that the Augustinian cloister was not at all inhospitable to humanistic studies (ODNB).]

1490–1493

  1. Page in the service of Cardinal Morton. c1490–1492. Roper 5/3–14; Harpsfield 10/21–12/6 and n. on pp.305–306. [L'Univers 74.]
  2. Guillaume Budé, aged c23, undergoes a conversion to Philology, 1491. [L'Univers 76; CE 1:212–217. Like most humanist scholars of the day, Guillaume Budé (Budaeus) (26 January 1468 or 1468–22 August 1540) was largely self-taught in Greek studies. Erasmus and Budé exchanged about 50 letters including Allen #1233, an important description of More's school. More and Budé also exchanged about 9 letters, and Budé also contributed an important Prefatory Letter to the 1517 Paris edition of Utopia, addressed to Thomas Lupset, see *40A below. More and Budé met once in person at the Field of Cloth of Gold in 1520.]
  3. Reprint of Ficino's translation of Plato, Opera. Venezia: Bernardinus de Choris, de Cremona & Simon de Luere for Andreas Torresanus, de Asula, 13 Aug. 1491. [ISTC ip00772000; USTC 991951. Original Ficino translation published in 1484. ISTC lists 15 surviving copies in British Isles and numerous more copies in continental Europe and the USA.]
  4. Sent by Cardinal Morton to Oxford (probably Canterbury College) for not fully two yeres. c1492–1494. Roper 5/15–17; Harpsfield 12/7–20 and nn. on p.306. [L'Univers 79 (and 82).]
  5. Erasmus ordained priest at Utrecht on 25 April 1492. [ODNB; L'Univers 77. Although Erasmus was to leave the congregation of Steyn shortly after, he remained a priest all his life.]
  6. Erasmus enters the service of Hendrik van Bergen, Bishop of Cambrai, 1492–93. [ODNB; L'Univers 82. For Hendrik van Bergen, see CE 1:132–33.]
  7. Birth of Juan Luis Vives, Valencia, Spain, 1492/93? [ODNB; CE 3:409–413; L'Univers 77. The traditional date is 6 March 1492; however, in the ODNB, Charles Fantazzi states that recently published records indicate an alternate date of early 1493 instead.]
  8. (L). Publication of the First Letter of Columbus, many editions, including Antwerp, Thierry Martens, [After May] 1493. [L'Univers 81. The first edition of Utopia was published by Thierry Martens in Louvain in 1516. The 1516 Map of the Island of Utopia (CW 4:17) may be partially modelled on illustrations of the island of Hispaniola in the early editions of the First Letter. This is the only account of Columbus's voyages that More had access to in print apart from the pirated version of the First Decade of Peter Martyr, included in the Itinerarium Portugalensium (1508).]

1494–1498

  1. (L). Epigram about his first love, Elizabeth, written 25 years later, 1520 (1519) [Spring–Summer? 1494]. CW 3/2: #263, pp.274–79, and nn. on pp.412–13. [L'Univers Prologue, p.39. This epigram, first published in 1520 and probably written in 1518 or 1519 (See p.413), deals with More's meeting his first love again after 25 years. More claims says he was 16, and Elizabeth 14, at the time of their first meeting (see CW 3/2: #263/8–9, p.276). Their first meeting thus would have taken place in 1494 assuming the now generally accepted date for More's birth as 1478 is correct. We don't know the time of year, but it seems most likely it was in the Spring when a young man's fancies turn to love and summer between finishing his studies at Canterbury College, Oxford, and the start of his studies at New Inn. We know nothing about Elizabeth, except that she was two years younger than More, and obviously still alive in 1519.]
  2. Birth of George Cavendish, the biographer of Thomas Wolsey, c1494. [A.S.G. Edwards (ODNB) suggests 1494; Mike Pincombe (cited in Wikipedia) suggests 1497; Marc'hadour (L'Univers 109) suggests 1500. At some time in the early 1520's (1520–1524), Cavendish married (as second wife?) Margery Kemp, daughter of William Kemp and Mary Colt of Spains Hall, Essex, and the niece of Sir Thomas More by his first marriage (cf. Moreana 1 (1963):72 and Roper 107).]
  3. Studied law at New Inn (basically pre-law), one of the Inns of Chancery affiliated to Middle Temple. c1494–1495. Roper 5/17–20; Harpsfield 12/20–26 and n. on pp.306–307. [L'Univers 85.]
  4. Erasmus studies theology in Paris, c1495–1499. [ODNB; L'Univers 85.]
  5. (E). Composition of the Pageant Verses, c1494–1501? CW 1:1–7, xvii–xxi, cx, nn. on pp.191–91 (and CW 3/2:#272, pp.292–93, nn. on p.417); http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Pageant_Life.pdf, (E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue, trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 21–41. [L'Univers p.125 (which gives a date of 1503). Edwards argues for a dating the poems some time in the 1490's which would place the Pageant Verses before the generally accepted date of 1503, for which there is no supporting evidence, and would make them the earliest of More's poems (p.xviii). The verses were first published in the 1557 Folio, where William Rastell tells us that Mayster Thomas More in his youth deuysed in hys fathers house in London, a goodly hangying of fyne paynted clothe, with nyne pageauntes, and verses ouer euery of these pageauntes . . . (p.3/2–4). They were presumably written when More was in reasonable proximity to his father's house, if not actually residing there (p.xviii), some time before he started boarding at the London Charterhouse (c.1501), and after his residences in Morton's household and at Oxford. Depending on when these "stays" are dated, this gives an approximate dating between 1494 and 1501. (Edwards' dates are slightly different.)]
  6. More Mentions the first outbreak of Syphilis in England thirty years ago in the Supplication of Souls [c1495–1499?] CW 7:120/21–121/15 and n. to 120/34–35 and pp.329–30; Gottschalk 79–80; see also CW 6:227/5–6; Fisher English Works 240/18–23; Colet, A Right Fruitful Monition, Nugent 395; Erasmus, Allen 6:#1593/85–94; CWE 11:#1593/93–101 and n15; and the Colloquy Coniugium impar (March 1529) ASD 3–1:591–600; CWE 40:842–859; Bailey Colloquys 3:61–75. [L'Univers, Prologue, p.30 and nn.22–23. For the controversial question of the "Columbian" origins of Syphilis, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_syphilis.]
  7. Publication of the first Greek Edition of Aristotle by Aldus Minutius, Venice, November 1495–June 1498. [ISTC ia00959000 (includes links to facsimiles; incorrect # in USTC); USTC 760250. L'Univers 89 and n3. The second edition of Aristotle in the Greek, edited by Simon Grynaeus, was published in Basel, 13 March 1531, with a prefatory letter by Erasmus addressed to John More (See Rogers #183).]
  8. (L). Thomas More admitted to Lincoln's Inn, 12 February 1496. Douglas Black Books, Book II, pt. 1, fol. 34; p.105; Harpsfield n. to 13/2–12, p.307. [L'Univers 91. Thomas More admissus est in Societat. xij die Februar. ao. sup. dicto [1496] et pardonat. est quatuor vacaciones ad instanciam Johannis More patris sui (Thomas More was admitted Feb. 12, and pardoned four vacations at the instance of John More, his father). At the same time, Richard Stafferton (who later married Thomas More's sister Johannna) was admitted on the same terms, also at the instance of John More (Douglas, p.105). Richard Stafferton or Staverton and Johanna More seem to have got married some time between 1496 and 1499, see below.]
  9. First edition of Lucian's Complete Works in the Greek, edited by Janus Lascaris, Florence, 1496. [CW 3/1:xxii. Second edition published by Aldus Manutius in 1503.]
  10. Studied law at Lincoln's Inn, became utter barrister [called to the bar], 1496–c.1501. Roper 5/20–23; Harpsfield 13/1–10 and nn. on p.307. [L'Univers 109.]
  11. Birth of William Roper, Thomas More's future son-in-law and biographer, c.1495–1498. [ODNB; [1498] John Guy A Daughter's Love 131 and 298; [c1496] L'Univers 92 and Moreana 1 (1963): 71.]
  12. Raphael Hythloday, the fictional narrator of Utopia Book II, spends several months at the Court of Cardinal Morton in England, after 17 June [c.August–October?] 1497. [L'Univers 95 and n2; and CW 4:58/16 and n. on pp.313–14.]
  13. (L). Death of Henry of Abingdon, the King's Organist, c. September 1497. CW 3/2: #159–#161, pp.290–93, nn. on pp.380–81. [L'Univers p.95. More writes three epitaphs in various styles on the death of Abingdon, see also Henry Abingdon.]
  14. Marriage of John Rastell and Elizabeth More, c.1496–1497. [ODNB; Albert J. Geritz, The Marriage Date of John Rastell and Elizabeth More. Moreana 52 (1976): 23–24. Geritz suggests that Rastell was born about 1475. From MS. Trinity Coll. Cambridge, O.2.21, we know Elizabeth More's birthday was 22 September 1482.]

1499–1500

  1. More's contributes Two Epigrams to John Holt's Lac Puerorum, Published before 10 Oct. 1500. [1497?] CW 3/2: #273–#274, pp.294–98, and nn. on pp.417–20, [L'Univers 96; Gibson #360; Boswell #334. For the 1497 dating, see Harpsfield 305. More's first publication. The Lac Puerorum was dedicated to Cardinal Morton, who died in 1500, but the earliest surviving edition is from about 1506–1508. (Holt himself died in 1504.) For More's 1501 Letter to Holt, see Rogers #2.]
  2. Death of Thomas More's Mother, Alice Graunger, First wife of Sir John More, 1499? See Germain Marc'hadour, The Death-Year of Thomas More's Mother, Moreana 63/2 (1979): 13–16. [Marc'hadour's article includes the Latin text and English translation of an Epigram/Epitaph about the death of Agnes More, possibly by her son, but not included in CW 3/2, cf.p.68.]
  3. John More, John Rastell, Thomas More and a Fourth Person provide sureties for the repayment of a loan or debt of 100 Marks, 1499. [PRO, King's Book of Payments E. 415/31 (fol.20r.); cited in Reed Early Tudor Drama 2.]
  4. John More, Johanna his wife, Richard Staverton and his wife Johanna, and Thomas More release their rights in a messuage (maison et domaine attenant) formerly belonging to William More, citizen and baker of London, 1499. [Reed, Early Tudor Drama 2; Margaret Hastings, The Ancestry of Sir Thomas More, Essential Articles pp.93–94; L'Univers 103–104.]
  5. Erasmus' First Visit to England, June 1499–27 January 1500. [ODNB; L'Univers 103, 107. Meets More, Colet and Prince Henry (8 years old), the future Henry VIII. He already knew Robert Fisher (d.1511), a kinsman of John Fisher's, who had been a pupil of his in Paris from 1497–98. The literature on Erasmus is vast. For Erasmus' relationship with England, see the ODNB entry, and also the entry for the Erasmus circle in England (act. 1499–1521) under themes. Erasmus (b. c1467) was about ten years older than More, and would have been already in his early 30's when he first visited England.]
  6. (L). From the Letter of Erasmus to Johann Botzheim, Basle, 30 January 1523 [c.August 1499]. Allen I:6/4–28, CWE 9:#1341A/172–196, pp.299–300; Nichols I: 200–202; CW 1:xxii and n4. [L'Univers 103 (Marc'hadour suggests c.August?). Recalls an embarrassing incident during Erasmus' first visit to England in Autumn 1499, involving More, Arnold (cf. Allen #104 and #124) and the children of Henry VII at Eltham Palace; see introductions to Allen 1:#104, p.239, and CWE 1: 195. Erasmus' poem can be found in CWE 85: #4, pp.30–41 and CWE 86: 440–454; More's verses have apparently not survived. For the life of Johann Botzheim, see CE 1: 177–178; and Allen 1:1 and intro. to 4:#1103, p.261.]
  7. (L) (= Rogers #1). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Oxford, 28 October 1499. Allen 1:#114, pp.265–266 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE114.pdf); CWE 1:#114, p.227; Nichols 1:#103, pp.212–13; Érasme et More #1, pp.4–7. [L'Univers 104 and n4. Erasmus' first surviving letter to More. This letter confirms the existence an already strong friendship between Erasmus and More and refers to previous letters sent by both that have not came down to us.]
  8. (L). From Erasmus' Colloquy  Convivium profanum [The Profane Feast] [1499–1518] LB I: 666D*; ASD I–3: 208*; CWE 39: 147/15–27 and n.105 on pp.161–62; and N. Bailey, The colloquies of Erasmus, 2 vols. (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1878), 1:140. Online at https://archive.org/details/colloquieserasm03johngoog. [L'Univers 271; Boswell #199. Erasmus makes an explicit reference to More in The Colloquies. They were first published in November 1518, but Erasmus started composing them twenty years beforehand. For text, see (Bailey 1:140) below. In the introduction to Allen 1:#114, Allen states: In the Colloquiorum Formulae (p. 304) More is represented as coming to Paris on his way to Germany. The incident may be fictitious or may indicate an actual fact; but in any case it is probably an addition made when the Formulae were revised, perhaps in 1500, since there is no ground for supposing that Erasmus had met More before going to England (p.266). In Allen 1#130, note to l.92, p.304, Allen states that he thinks the reference to More's visit probably indicates an actual occurence. However, there is no other evidence for More visiting the continent prior to 1508. Craig Thompson thinks that the Colloquys Marriage and Exorcism include anecdotes about More, even though he is not named in them (CWE 39: 161–162, n105). See CWE 39:314/24–315/35 and nn.35 to 38 on pp.324–325 (Bailey The Uneasy Wife I:249–51).]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Robert Fisher, London, 5 December [1499]. Allen 1:#118/15–27, pp.273–274; CWE 1:235/18–236/32; Nichols I:#110, p.226; DeMolen 26; Huizinga III:200. [L'Univers 104. Praise of Colet, Grocyn, Linacre and More. See also Beatus Rhenanus' Life of Erasmus (Allen I: 59/88–93; Olin p.50; and Allen 1: 55/112–113). For the life of Robert Fisher, see CE 2:39–40; and intro. to Allen 1:#62, p.188.]
  10. (L). From the Letter of Erasmus to Johann Botzheim, Basle, 30 January 1523 [27 January 1500]. Allen I:16/18–27, CWE 9:#1341A/583–592, p.315; Nichols 1:227. [L'Univers 107. Erasmus recalls an incident on 27 January 1500 when he lost all his money to English Customs officers on leaving England. He blames More and Mountjoy for not informing him properly about the English Customs. See also Beatus Rhenanus' Life of Erasmus (Allen I: 58/80–59/88; Olin p.50). For other references to Erasmus' English disaster, see Allen 1:#119/7 and n., p.275; CWE 1: #119/9 and n., p.237; Allen #145/52–54, p.343; CWE 2: #159/58–61, p.14; Allen #159/53–57, p.368; CWE 2: 45/59–63); #279/11–16 (p.538; CWE 2: 260/16–261/21) and the Compendium vitae (Allen 1:50/114–51/119; CWE 4: 408/127–133; Olin p.44).]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Jacob Batt to William Blount, Lord Mountjoy, Tournehem, [February] 1500. Allen 1:#120/26–30, p.283; CWE 1: 247/30–35; Nichols I:#111, p.230. [L'Univers 107. Recalls Erasmus' praise of Charnock, Colet and More. For the life of William Blount, fourth Baron Mountjoy, see ODNB, CE 1: 154–156; and intro. to Allen 1: #79, p.207. For the life of Jacob Batt, see CE 1:100–101; and intro. to Allen 1:#35, p.131. For Richard Charnock (d.1504),see CE 1:300–301 and intro. to Allen 1:#106, n. to l.9, p.243.]
  12. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Jacob Batt, Paris, 12 April [1500]. Allen 1:#124/21–28 and n., pp.273–274; CWE 1: 22–30; Nichols I:#113, p.235. [L'Univers 107. Refers to "Arnold Edward", possibly to be identified with the Arnold mentioned above in the Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1:6) and Thomas More who resides at Lincoln's Inn, which he had entered on 12 Feb. 1496. In the same letter he refers to plans to publish his first work and pursue Greek studies further: I am getting ready my work on adages, which . . . consists of about eight hundred proverbs, partly Greek and partly Latin . . . I have turned my entire attention to Greek (Ad Graecas litteras totum animum impuli). The first thing I shall do . . . is to buy some Greek authors (cf. Allen #124/43–46, 62–64; CWE #124/49–53, 72–73). The Adagia was published in June 1500, and clearly shows that Erasmus had achieved some knowledge of Greek by this point. For Erasmus' early Greek studies, see Erica Rummel, First Steps: Erasmus' Greek Studies, Erasmus as a Translator of the Classics (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1985), 3–19. For the later competition between Erasmus and More to translate Lucian, see A Friendly Competition: More's and Erasmus' Translations from Lucian, 49–69.]
  13. Erasmus' Chronology [Erasmus Reader 367.]
            (a). Second Stay in Paris, sojourns in Orléans and Holland, 1500–1502.
            (b). First stay at Louvain; refuses offer to to teach at university, 1502–1504.
            (c). Third stay in Paris, 1504–1505.

1501–1504

  1. Raphael Hythloday sails on Amerigo Vespucci's Portuguese Voyage, 13 May 1501. [L'Univers 112–113; CW 4:50/4–7 and n. on pp.302–303. Vespucci returns to Lisbon on June 1502 without Hythloday, who had been left behind with 23 companions in a Fort on the coast of South America(January 1502?). Hythloday then travelled to the island of Utopia, located somewhere in the Southern Hemisphere. At some point in the course of his travels he also visited the Polylerites in Persia (CW 4:74/17–24). After spending more than five years in Utopia (plus annis quinque ibi vixi CW 4:106/15), Hythloday then travelled to Taprobane (usually identified with Ceylon) and Calicut (CW 4:50/15–19).]
  2. (L) (Rogers #2). From Thomas More to John Holt, [London, After 12 November 1501]. BL MS Arundel 249, fol. 85v. Rogers #2, pp.3–5; SL #1, pp.1–3; SLTM #1, pp.3–4. [L'Univers 115, 117; intro. to SLTM #1, pp.1–3. For the life of John Holt (d.1504), see ODNB, CE 2:198; and Rogers' introduction. More also wrote two prefatory Latin epigrams for John Holt's Latin Grammar Lac puerorum (Before Oct. 1500). More describes the joy of the Londoners at the recent arrival of Princess Katherine of Aragon on 12 November, who shortly afterwards espoused Prince Arthur (d.2 April 1502), the eldest son of Henry VII. She was later betrothed to Prince Henry in 3 June 1503 and married him on 11 June 1509 (L'Univers 122, 162).]
  3. More writes a Latin Comedy about Solomon, c.1501. Rogers #2/1–3; SL #1, pp.1–2; Allen 4:#999/115–116, p.16 and n. to l.115; CWE 7:#999/120, p.19 and n.16 on p.354; cf. Roper 5/5–104; Harpsfield 11/2–12 and n.on p.306
  4. More studies Greek with William Grocyn, c.1501–c.1504. [L'Univers 117. More studies Pseudo-Dionysus and Chrysostom in Greek. More mentions in Rogers #2 above that he has started studying Greek with William Grocin. Stapleton claims that More learned Greek with Grocin and Linacre at Oxford (Tres Thomae 11–12; Hallett 2–3), but this clearly too early. He had obviously mastered Greek well enough to translate Lucian into Latin in competition with Erasmus in 1505 and 1506, and also to translate some of the epigrams in the Greek Anthology into Latin about the same time in competition with William Lily. For Erasmus's early Greek studies see Allen #124 above. ]
  5. More lectures on Saint Augustine's City of God at Saint Lawrence Jewry at the request of William Grocyn, c.1501. Allen 4:#999/157–60, p.17; CWE 7:#999/168–72, p.21; Roper 6/1–6; Harpsfield 13/21–14/1 and nn. on p.307; Tres Thomae p.17; Hallett pp.8–9; [L'Univers 117. The lectures do not survive.]
  6. Reader in Law at Furnival's Inn, one of the Inns of Chancery affiliated to Lincoln's Inn, for three years and more. c.1501–1504. Roper 6/7–8; Harpsfield 14/11–19 and n. on p.308. [L'Univers 115 gives More's starting date as 1501; TMSB p.361 as 1503.]
  7. More frequents the London Charterhouse (Carthusians) religiously living there, without vow, about four years. c1501–1504. Allen #999/160–167, pp.17–18; CWE 7:#999:172–79, p.21. Roper 6/9–11; Harpsfield 17/5–18 and n. on pp.310–11; [L'Univers 115, 121. More was not an oblate, but probably more than a boarder; Harpsfield, probably following Erasmus, suggests that More was discerning between a call to priesthood and marriage.]
  8. Named to the Commission for the Peace for Hampshire, 1502. [L'Univers 121.]
  9. (L) (Colet #15). Thomas More witnesses Colet's Resignation from the Prebend of Goodeaster in the Church of St. Martin le Grand, London, 26 January 1502/1503. See Colet's Correspondence. [L'Univers 123.]
  10. Death of Elizabeth of York in Childbirth, 11 February 1503. [L'Univers 123.]
  11. A Rufull Lamentation on the death of Elizabeth of York, wife of Henry VII, after 11 February 1503. CW 1:8–13, xxi–xxvi, cx–cxiii, nn. on pp.192–97; http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Rueful_Lamentation.pdf; (E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue, trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 42–62. [L'Univers 123. Probably written immediately after Queen Elizabeth's death. For the biography of Elizabeth of York, see ODNB and CE 1:427–28. This is the only one of More's early English poems that can be more or less precisely dated: the Pageant Verses were probably written in the 1490's (1496–1501), the Mery Jest in 1503 or 1509, and the Fortune Verses by the beginning of 1505 (cf. CW 1:xvii–xviii, xvi–xxvii, xxviii).]
  12. Second edition of Lucian's Complete Works in the Greek, edited by Aldus Manutius, Venice, 1503. [CW 3/1:xxii, xxxix–xl. First edition published in 1496. CW 3/1 reproduces the pages of the Aldine edition for the works of Lucian translated by More on pp.10–92 (even numbered pages).]
  13. A Mery Gest How a Sergeaunt wolde lerne to be a frere [c13 November 1503? or c21 March 1509?] CW 1:14–29, xxvi–xxvii, cxiii–cxv, nn. on pp.197–201; http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Merry_Jest.pdf; (E/Fr.) Marc'hadour, ed. Poèmes anglais (2004), pp.63–103. [L'Univers p.125. Arthur W. Reed first suggested in EW 1931 I:15, that the poem may be associated with the Sergeant's Feast held on 13th November, 1503, in the Archbishop's palace at Lambeth, John More being on of the newly elected Sergeant's-at-law: A view endorsed by R.W. Chambers, Richard Sylvester, and Germain Marc'hadour. An alternate date of 1509, when More was made an honorary mercer of London has been suggested by Alison Hanham (cf. CW 1:xxvi–xxvii), which Edwards thinks has some merit. However, this view has recently been rejected by Marc'hadour, Poèmes anglais, p.66. The poem is a farce written in a variant of the ballad stanza, which has certain affinities to the comic interludes being performed in this period. For other farces associated with the More Circle, see Walter Smyth, The Twelve Merry Jests of the Widow Edyth (25 March 1525) below. Compare More's use of a variant of the ballad stanza (a quick-paced six-line stanza of two dimeter couplets each followed by a trimeter tail rhyme), with the extremely short lines of More's Latin Epigram #143 Qualis Uxor Deligenda, see 1519 below. This is the only one of More's English Poems not written in Rhyme Royal stanzas.]
  14. A Fortune Verses [Preface to the Book of Fortune 1557], [1503?] [Before Beginning of 1505] CW 1:30–43, xxviii–xxxi, cxv–cxvii, nn. on pp.201–208; http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Book_Fortune.pdf; (E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue, trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 104–145. [L'Univers p.125. According to Edwards, More's Fortune Verses are clearly an early work. [Edith] Willow's efforts to date them as late as 1509 ignore the evidence of MS Balliol 354 (O), in which they appear before More's Rufull Lamentation, which as has been shown, must have been copied into the manuscript by the beginning of 1505. Since the body of the manuscript was copied consecutively, the poem must date from before this terminus ad quem. And since the poem occurs some seventy leaves before the Rufull Lamentation, it is quite possibly a much earlier work. The 1557 Folio adds the Explicit: Thus endeth the preface to the booke of fortune. According to Edwards, whe don't know what work these verses were meant to accompany: the actual work has resisted identification (p.xxix). As with More's Rufull Lamentation, we have a female figure (Lady Fortune) speaking in the poem, addressing the audience.]
  15. Appointed as one of the two auditors for the accounts of Thomas Cardiff, the Steward of Lincoln's Inn, 1503–1504. Douglas Black Books, Book II, fol.71; p.132. [L'Univers 127.]
  16. More elected burgess of Parliament [representative of a parliamentary borough], town unknown. [21 January] 1504. (Roper 7/9–11; Harpsfield 14/20–21.) [L'Univers 129. The youthful More opposed a subsidy subsequent to the Marriage of Henry VII's eldest daughter Margaret to James IV of Scotland, and earned the enmity of the King (Roper 7/11–8/25; Harpsfield 14/20–17/4 and nn. on pp.308–10).]
  17. (L) (Rogers #3). From Thomas More To John Colet, London, 23 October [1504]. Stapleton Tres Thomae 20; (Hallett 11–13); Jortin II.623–624; Rogers #3, pp.5–9; J. H. Lupton Life of Colet (London: George Bell and Sons, 1887), 145–46; SL #2, pp.3–6; SLTM #2, pp.5–8; TMSB pp.175–77; Henri Meulon, Lettre de More à John Colet, Moreana 22 (1969): 13–16. [L'Univers 131 and n1. The youthful More contrasts the town and country lives. For the life of Colet, see ODNB; CE 1:324–328; intro. to Allen 1:#106, p.242; and Rogers' introduction, pp.5–6. The standard biography is John B. Gleason, John Colet (Berkeley: U of California P, 1989). For More's Greek studies, see Rogers #2.]
  18. More studies Greek test of Aristotle with William Linacre, c.1504. [cf. L'Univers 117. In his 1515 Letter to Dorp (Rogers #15), More mentions that he had studied the original Greek text of Aristotle's Meteorologia with Linacre some time ago (CW 15: 102/10–18). While it is impossible to date this exactly, More refers to Grocin, Linacre and Lily in his 1504 letter to Colet above: Meanwhile, I shall pass my time with Grocin, Linacre, and our dear friend Lily, the first as you know the sole guide of my life (in your absence), the second my master in learning, the third the dearest partner of my endeavors (Rogers #3/65–68 and n. to l.66, pp.8–9; SL #2, p.6, and intro. on pp.3–4). See also Harpsfield 12/15–16 and 14/1–2, and n. on p.306.]
  19. Progymnasmata Thomae Mori et Guilielmi Lilii Sodalium. In competition with William Lilly, translates 18 epigrams from the Greek Anthology into Latin, [c.1504–c. 1510]. CW 3/2: #1–#18, pp.78–94, nn. on pp.321–26. [CW 3/2: 10–17 and CW 3/1: xxvi–xxvii. First published in the 1518 Epigrams which includes the Greek text together with More's and Lily's translations. Marc'hadour suggests 1501 (L'Univers 117). Craig Thompson suggests 1503–1504. Bradner and Lynch, following R. P. Oliver state: it is just as probable that the Progymnasmata were written towards the end of the decade 1500–1510 as towards the beginning (p.12). For the genre of Progymnasmata as preparatory exercises, see CW 3/2: n. to p.321 and pp.13–14.]
  20. Thomas More marries Jane Colt, [late 1504 or January 1505]. Roper 6/11–7/8 and nn. on pp.106–110, 112–13; Harpsfield 18/18–19/21; P.S. Allen, More and Netherhall, TLS 26 Dec. 1918: 654 + 3 Jan. 1919: 10. [Roper, p.108: More's marriage to Jane Colt was not later than January 1505. L'Univers 133: nov. [1504] — (au plus tard janv. 1505).]
  21. (L). From Erasmus' Colloquy Coniugium [Marriage], August 1523. LB I: 704; ASD I-3: 306/175–307/229; CWE 39: 314/24–315/36 and nn.31–39 on pp.324–25; and N. Bailey, The Colloquies of Erasmus, 2 vols. (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1878), 1:249–51.See also Moreana 43/44 (1975): 59–64 + 45 (1975): 79–81 (includes Latin text from ASD) [Boswell #199 (as Uxor). For the identification of Thomas More as the husband, see P.S. Allen, TLS 26 December 1918:654. Erasmus tells an amusing but politically incorrect tale about More's marriage to his first wife Jane Colt. For passage, see Bailey, 1:249–51.]
  22. According to a late tradition found only in Stapleton and Cresacre More, The Life of Pico was composed about 1504–1505. Tres Thomae 19–20 (Sig. b2r–v) (quoted in CW 1:xxxviii); Hallett 10 [9] (1966 edition quoted in CW 1:xxxviii.n1); Cresacre More, Life of More (1631?), sig.D4r–v) (quoted in CW 1:xxxviii). [L'Univers 135. Cresacre More echoing Stapleton's account, writes: he determined to marrie; and therefore he propounded to himselfe, as a pattern of life, a singular lay-man Iohn Picus Earle of Mirandula, who was a man famous for vertue, and moste eminent of learning; for his life he translated, and sett out, as also manie of his most worthie letters, and his twelve precepts of good life. These accounts do not appear in Roper, Harpsfield, or Ro. Ba. (who normally translates from Stapleton). A.S.G. Edwards rejects this early dating and argues that there is no solid evidence or logical necessity for a date of composition earlier than about 1510 (CW 1:xxxix). For the alternate date of 1510, see Rogers #4 below.]
  23. (E). Three Letters of Pico translated by Thomas More, containing both additions and omissions,together with the Latin text and a literal English translation. [1505–1510?]
            (a). Giovanni Pico della Mirandola to his nephew Gianfrancesco. [Ferrara, May 15, 1492]. (L) CW 1: 340–349; (E) CW 1: 76/1–84/21; EW 1931 1:363–68.
            (b). Giovanni Pico della Mirandola to Andrea Corneo of Urbino. Paris [Perugia], October 15, 1492 [1486]. (L) CW 1: 348–355; (E) CW 1: 84/22–88/10; EW 1931 1:368–71; Nugent 53–55; SLTM #3b, pp.11–15. [On the tension between action and contemplation. More does not translate the second half of the letter.]
            (c). Giovanni Pico della Mirandola to his nephew Gianfrancesco. Ferrara, July 2, 1492. (L) CW 1: 372–378; (E) CW 1: 88/11–93/29; EW 1931 1:371–74. [L'Univers 78. In comparing Pico and Poliziano as letter writers, Juan Luis Vives states that illius non possis non probare; ille sententiarum pondere et sanctitate dictionis excellans (you cannot but help commend the words of the former. Pico excells in solemnity of thought and purity of diction) (De Conscribendis Epistolis, edited by Charles Fantazzi (Leiden: Brill, 1989), §109, p.136/1–2).]
  24. (E). Pico Verses, included at end of Life of Pico, [1505–1510?].
            (a). The Twelve Rules of Spiritual Battle, The Twelve Weapons of Spiritual Battle, and The Twelve Properties of a Lover. (L) CW 1: 340–349; (E) CW 1: 103/19–120/11; EW 1931 1:381–94; online on pp.50–71 of http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Life%20of%20John%20Picus.pdf [More translated three short prose Latin texts into a series of rhyme royal stanzas of English Verse.]
            (b). A Prayer of Picus Mirandula unto God. (L) CW 1:378–81, nn. on pp. 249–50; EW 1931 1:394–96; (E) CW 1: 120–23; Marc'hadour, Pico's Prayer to God, Lord and Father, Praying with Saint Thomas More (Angers: Moreanum, 1998), 71–80; (E./Fr.) Marc'hadour, Prions avec Saint Thomas More(Angers: Moreanum, 1997), 63–69 (partial); online on pp.71–74 of http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Life%20of%20John%20Picus.pdf [Pico's original Latin prayer was written in 62 lines of Latin hexameter verse, which More translated into 84 lines of English verse (12 rhyme royal stanzas.)]

1505–1506

  1. Birth of Margaret More (Roper), Thomas More's eldest daughter, before October [c.September?] 1505. [L'Univers 137 and n2.]
  2. Birth of Margaret Giggs, 6 February 1505–21 April 1506. Roper pp.109 and 127–28. [L'Univers 137n2. Margaret Giggs was the daughter of Margaret More's wet nurse "Mother Giggs". After the death of her mother shortly after More raised her as one of the family, as an unofficial ward and adopted daughter, see John Guy A Daughter's Love 15–16, 281–82. She was about the same age as Margaret More. Margaret Giggs was a co-recipient of Rogers #43, #101 and #107 and is mentioned in More's final letter Rogers #218/28–30, p.564. She married John Clement c1526, and one of their daughters Winifred married More's nephew William Rastell. For her biography, see CE 2:97; Allen #999/174 and #1233/57 and ODNB (under Margaret Clement).]
  3. Erasmus's Second Visit to England, Summer 1505–Beginning of June 1506. [L'Univers 135,143. Engages in a friendly competition with More to translate some of Lucian's works from Greek into Latin.]
  4. More's Latin translations of Lucian's Cynicus, Menippus and Philopseudes. [London, January?–May? 1506.] CW 3/1:10–77, 140–47, 159–195. [Craig Thompson's Yale edition includes a facsimile reprint of the 1503 Aldine edition of the original Greek text together with a critical edition of More's Latin translation on facing pages and an English translation from the original Greek text in the Loeb edition. Presumably translated before the composition of the Prefatory Letter to Thomas Ruthall (Rogers #5), cf. CW 3/1: xlvii, xlvii.]
  5. (L) (Rogers #5). From Thomas More to Thomas Ruthall, [London, April or May 1506]. CW 3/1:2–9, 138–40; Rogers #5, pp.10–14; SLTM #4, 15–21 (from Yale); Nichols I:#190, pp. 403–406. [L'Univers 142. Preface to More's Latin Translations of Lucian. For the life of Ruthall, see ODNB; CE 3:179–180; introduction to Allen 1:#192, p.423 (Preface to Erasmus's 1506 translation of Lucian's Timon also dedicated to Ruthall); introduction to Rogers #5, p.10; and CW 3/1, p.138. Craig Thompson suggests April or May 1506 for the date of the composition of the Prefatory Letter, see CW 3/1:xlii.]
  6. (L) (Allen #191). From Erasmus to Richard Whitford, From the Country, 1 May 1506. Allen 1:#191, pp.422–423; CWE 2:112–13; Nichols 1:#191, pp.406–407; DeMolen 28–29; Hillerbrand #191/1–26, pp.55–56. . [L'Univers 143; Sullivan I:318. Preface to Erasmus' Reply to Lucian's Tyrannicida. Half the preface is devoted to praise of More. See also Erasmus' Letter to Johann Botzheim (1523) (Allen I:18/26–29; CWE 9:#1341A/671–674, p.319). For the life of Whitford, see ODNB; CE 3:441–442; and intro. to Allen 1:#89, pp.225–226. Whytford was the author and translator of many devotional works, most famously of a translation of The Imitation of Christ.]
  7. (a) (L) Luciani declamatio pro tyrannicida, Thoma Moro interprete. [London, May–June? 1506]. CW 3/1:78–93, 147–49, and 197–204. [Craig Thompson's Yale edition includes a facsimile reprint of the 1503 Aldine edition of the original Greek text together with a critical edition of More's Latin translation on facing pages and an English translation from the original Greek text in the Loeb edition. Neither More's translation, nor his reply to the Tyrannicida are mentioned in Rogers #5, so they were probably made after More composed his Prefatory Letter to Ruthall (cf. CW 3/1: xlii).]
            (b) (L). Declamatio Thomae Mori Lucianicae Respondens [Thomas More's Declamation in Reply to the Lucianic One]. [London, May–June? 1506]. CW 3/1:94–127, 149–56. [A critical edition of More's Latin Response to Lucian together with a modern English translation by Craig Thompson. Though not a letter More's Latin Oration or Declamation has certain affinities to his epistolary treatises. More's Response to Lucian is a type of declamatio known as a controversia, see CW 3/1: xxxii–xxxiv and pp.149–155. See also Qualis Uxor Diligenda (1519).]
  8. (L). (a) Publication of First Edition of the Translations of Lucian by Badius Ascansius. Paris, (After 17th) November 1506. [L'Univers 145. More's translations had been printed by 13th November (CW 3/1:lvi.]
    (b) Ascansius' six line Epigram in praise of More on sig.CCc5 verso. CW 3/1: lvii (Latin/English).
  9. (L) (Allen #191). From Erasmus to Jerome de Busleyden, Bologna, 17 November 1506. Allen 1:#205, pp.434–35; CWE 2:#205, pp.126–28; De Vocht, Busleyden, Letter #29, pp. 334–36 and §55, p.76. [L'Univers 145. Letter of Erasmus accompanying 18 short translations by Erasmus from Lucian dedicated to Busleyden, which were printed and added to some copies of Erasmus' and More's Luciani opuscula; cf. CW 3/1:lvi. They were also published separately in Louvain by Thierry Martens in 1512 as Lucianus Samosatensis, Complures dialogi, see USTC 436841.]
  10. Erasmus travels in Italy (staying at the house of Aldo Manuzio in Venice in 1507–1508), 1506–1509. [Erasmus Reader 367.]
  11. (L). From Thomas More's Letter to a Monk, Mar.–Sept. 1519 [Rogers #83] [1504–1508, c1506?]. CW 15: 284/12–288/25 and nn. on pp.594–597; Rogers #83, pp.197/1221–199/1284; etc. [More describes an incident that took place when he visited his sister Elizabeth and brother-in-law John Rastell in Coventry, where they lived for 5 years from their marriage in 1504. (Both L'Univers p.145 and TMSB p.361 suggest c.1506 as the date of More's visit.) For John Day's 1620 english translation of this extract, see More's Correspondence: Excerpt from a Letter to a Monk.]
  12. Birth of Elizabeth More (Daunce), Thomas More's second daughter, 1506. [L'Univers 145. Married her husband on 29 September 1525. For the biography of Elizabeth and her sister Cecily, see CE 2:452–53; NCE 9:1142; Rogers intro. to #43, p.97.]

1507–1508

  1. Raphael Hythloday visits Ceylon and Calicut and then returns to Lisbon, 1507–1508. [CW 4:50/15–19 and 106/15. After spending more than five years in Utopia, Hythloday visits Taprobane (usually identified with Ceylon but sometimes with Sumatra) and Calicut on the Kerala coast of South India. (Calicut was the major spice emporium in India until about 1510.) He then returned to Lisbon on Portuguese ships.]
  2. More presents his accounts as Pensioner, or financial administrator of Lincoln's Inn, from Easter to Michaelmas, 1507. Douglas Black Books, Book III, fol.8; p.145.
  3. More elected Butler, an office associated with the Inn's Christmas Revels, Michaelmas Term, 1507. Douglas Black Books, Book III, fol.12; p.146.
  4. Birth of Cecily More (Heron), Thomas More's third daughter, 1507. [L'Univers 145. Married her husband on 29 September 1525. For the biography of Elizabeth and her sister Cecily, see CE 2:452–53; NCE 9:1142; Rogers intro. to #43, p.97.]
  5. (a). Bencher of the Inn (senior member of an Inn of Court), c.1508. Douglas Black Books, Book III, fol.15; p.148. [cf. May 16, 1508. Agreed by the Governors and Benchers in the Chapel, for the completing of the new building, that every Fellow of the Inn being at and called to the Bench shall lend [prestaret] 20s., and that the Treasurer shall levy the same, and next item.]
            (b). More lent money towards the New Building and was repaid, 1508. Douglas Black Books, Book III, fols.18,25; Douglas, pp.151,155.
  6. (L). From Thomas More's Letter to Maarten van Dorp, 1515 [Rogers #15] [cAutumn 1508]. CW 15 22/6–13, and n. to 22/6, p.505; Rogers #15/280–288, p.36; Nichols II:#350, pp.223–24; etc. [L'Univers p.157 and n.2 More mentions visiting the Universities of Louvain and Paris seven years ago (1508): Ego in utraque Achademia fui abhinc septennium, non diu quidem, sed interim tamen dedi operam, quae in utraque traduntur, quisque sit utrobique tradendi modus, ut scirem. [I was in both universities [Louvain/Leuven and Paris] seven years ago; not long, to be sure, but while there I tried hard to learn what things are taught in each university and what method of teaching is used there.] (CW 15:22/6–8 and n. to 22/6 on p.505). According to both Roper (8/22–25) and Harpsfield (16/27–17/4), after arousing the indignation of Henry VII in the parliament of 1504 had not the king soon died, [More] was determined to go over [the] sea; see R.W.Chambers, Thomas More (1963), pp.91–92.]

1509–1510

  1. Birth of John More, youngest child and only son of Thomas More, c.Dec.1508–Jan.1509. [L'Univers 161. For biography of John More (III), see CE 2:454–55; NCE 9:1142; DNB 13:894 (but not ODNB); Rogers #107, n. to p.256/10; and Allen 4:#999, n. to p.19/175.]
  2. Thomas More admitted into the Mercers' Company, London, 21 March 1509. [L'Univers 161. ANNO XVcVIIJo — Also Shewde that Maister Thomas More, gentilman, desired to be fre of this felishipp, which was graunted hym by the holle company to haue it franke and fre. (Acts of Court, p.320).]
  3. Possible alternate date for composition of More's A Merry Jest, c21 March 1509. [See A Merry Jest, November 1503.]
  4. Death of Henry VII, 21 April 1509. [L'Univers 160.]
  5. Henry VIII marries Catherine of Aragon, Greenwich, 11 June 1509. [L'Univers 162.]
  6. (L). Thomas More's Coronation Ode to King Henry VIII. [London, c.20? June 1509]. CW 3/2:#19, pp.100–113; Essential Thomas More, 120–126 (verse translation); SLTM #5b, pp.24–29. [L'Univers 163 and n2. More wrote a total of five epigrams in honour of Henry VIII's coronation (CW 3/2:#19–23), of which the first (#19) is by far the longest. Stephen Smith argues that the Coronation Ode itself is a letter of sorts in verse to Henry VIII SLTM p.21. More later wrote one Latin verse epistle to his children (Rogers #107).]
  7. Coronation of Henry VIII, Westminster Abbey, 24 June 1509. [L'Univers 162.]
  8. (a). The Text of King Henry VIII's Coronation Oath, June 1509. SLTM, Appendix II.3, pp.318–19.
              (b). The Text of the Opening of the Magna Carta Libertatem [1215]. SLTM, Appendix II.1, pp.315–17.
  9. (L) (Rogers #6). From Thomas More To Henry VIII, [London, c.June 1509]. BL MS Cotton Titus D.iv. 91969. fol. 2; Epigrammata ***; Jortin II.704; CW 3/2:96–99; Rogers #6, pp.14–15; SLTM #5a, pp.21–23. [Prefatory Letter to presentation MS of More's Coronation Poems (1509) for Henry VIII's coronation.]
  10. Erasmus' Third Visit to England, c.August 1509–early July 1514. [L'Univers 163, 165, 175, 177, 205. During this period Erasmus makes a trip to Paris (10 April–c.15 June 1511) to arrange for the printing of the Moriae Encomium.]
  11. From Erasmus's Letter to Dorp, June 1515 [Allen #337] [c.August 1509]. Allen 2:#337/130–142,p.94; CWE 3:#337/134–49, p.116; Nichols II: #212, pp.5–6. [L'Univers 163, 165; Sullivan I: 318–19. Erasmus writes the Moriae Encomium (Praise of Folly) in More's house shortly after arriving in England in the Summer 1509. See also Erasmus's Prefatory Letter to More (Allen #222; Rogers #7)]
  12. The Lords of Antwerp send Jacob de Wocht, one of the town's two Pensionaries [legal advisors], to negotiate with the Mercer's Company in London, 29 August 1509. [In a letter dated 29th August 1509 addressed to the Mercer's Company, the Lords of Antwerp explain that they are sending Jacob de Wocht to speak to them, and praying them to receive him with hospitality. (cf. Acts of Court p.328). For the life of Jacob de Voecht, see CE 3:416. Erasmus boarded with him in Orléons during the last three months of 1500 (cf. Allen #137, #147). He was a friend of Pieter Gillis and met More in 1509 and probably again in 1515 in Antwerp.]
  13. The Pensionary of Antwerp, Jacob de Wocht [Voecht], is welcomed by Thomas More on behalf of the Mercer's Company, 3 September 1509. [L'Univers 165 and n3. at the . . . Court of Assistens . . . the holle Compeny [of Mercers] with thavise of Thomas More, gentilman, agreed that it was best that Maister Wardens shulde go unto my lorde Mayre . . . that it might pleas hym to commaunde his Officers to warne certen Aldermen of diuers felishipys and the Wardens, with viij of the most Auncient and discrete parsones whiche haue ben coming by viij of the Clok in the morning . . . And for as muche as the same Pensonary can not speke Englisshe, the Compeny haue desired the forsaid Thomas More to be here & aunsware hym in Laten. (Acts of Court pp.329–330.]
  14. (?) Thomas More in the London City Records, 3 October 1509. Repertories 2.98,b.; Harpsfield p.312. [Thomas More, with others, to see and viewe the comen grounde wheruppon the Master of seint bartholemus hath bilded.]
  15. Thomas More in the London City Records, 13 December 1509. Journal of the Court of Common Council 11.93; Harpsfield p.312. [Thomas More, mercerus, electus est in isto Communi concilio in unum Burgensem pro Civibus huius Civitatis pro proximo parliamento apud Westm.]
  16. More elected one of the four burgesses of Parliament for London end of 1509 [c.13 December], parliament begins 21 January 1510. Richard Hill, Commonplace Book, Balliol MS 354, Appendix, A Cronicle: 1413–1536. ed. Roman Dyboski, pp. 155–156. [L'Univers pp.165, 169. More's death also recorded on Hill p.165. See also previous item.]
  17. (E) (Rogers #4). From Thomas More to Joyeuce Leigh [Joyce Lee], [London, c.1 January, 1510?]. CW 1:51–52; EW 1931 347–48; Rogers #4, pp.9–10; SLTM #3, pp.9–11. [L'Univers 135 and n1 (dated to 1505), 173. Prefatory Letter to Thomas More's English translation of The Life of Pico. For the dating of More's translation, see CW 1:xxxvii–xxxix. For the Life of Pico as a New Year's gift, see CW 1:51/4–8 and n. to 51/5 on p.209. For Joyce Lee, see EW 1931, Introduction, pp. 18,20; Rogers intro. on p.9; CW 15:xxxii n.; CW 1:xxxix–xl. She was probably the sister of Edward Lee.]
  18. Publication of First Edition of The Life of Pico, London: John Rastell, [c1510]. [L'Univers 173. Edwards dates the first Edition to c1510 (CW 1: xxxvii–xxxix, cxx–cxxi); following EW 1557, Table of Contents, ¶ iii: The lyfe of Jhon Picus, Erle of Mirandula, translated oute of latin, into Englishe by master Thomas More, about ye yeare of our Lorde. 1510. There was a later edition by Wynkyn de Worde (c1525), also undated (CW 1: cxxi–cxxii). According to Clarence Miller in his edition of Pico's Latin text: The evidence does not allow us to say with full certitude which edition [of Pico] More used, but . . . the most probable source is the Strassburg Opera omnia of 1504 (CW 1:291).]
  19. (L) (= Rogers #7). From Erasmus to Thomas More, From the Country, 9 June [1510]. Allen 1:#222, pp.459–462 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE222.pdf); ASD 4–3: ***; CWE 2:#222, pp.161–64; CWE 27:83–85 and 28:466–467; Desiderius Erasmus: The Praise of Folly, translated by Clarence H. Miller (New Haven: Yale UP, 1979), 1–5; Érasme et More #2, pp.7–13; Nichols II:#212, pp.1–10; DeMolen 29–35; Hillerbrand #222/1–77, pp.57–59; Huizinga VIII: 209–11. [L'Univers 177n2. Preface to Praise of Folly, first published in 1511, dedicated to More. There is no year given: Allen preferred 1511 but more recent scholars favour 1510 as the date, see Miller (1979), p.5n7. The letter was clearly written in England but there is no further indication of where From the Country was. The Preface was slightly revised in the 1514 edition. See also Erasmus' Letter to Dorp (1515) (Allen #337/126–128, p.94; CWE 3: #337/134–136, p.116); and Letter to Johann Botzheim (Allen I:19/6; CWE 9:#1341A/690–691, p.320).]
  20. More becomes one of the two Undersherrifs [Legal assistants to the Sherrif] of London, 3 September 1510. Roper 8/26–9/2; Harpsfield 19/23–20/16 and n. on pp.312–314. [L'Univers p.171. More held the position until 23 July 1518: Sept. 3, 1510. Eodem die Thomas More, gent., electus est in unum subvicecomitem Civitatis london loco Ricardi Broke, gent., qui nuper electus fuit in Recordatorem london (Harpsfield p.312). For More's extensive relationships with the city of London, both as Undersherrif and later as a member of the King's council from 1509 to 1530, see R. W. Chambers' extended note to Harpsfield 19/22–20/2, pp. 312–14, listing almost 40 entries (provided by Miss Winnifred Jay) in the Journal of the Court of Common Council and the Repertory or Record of the Court of Aldermen City Records; More was a judge at the Poultry Compter, one of the Sheriff's goals (CW 4:46/7 and n. on p.295). See also p.xxviii.]
  21. Thomas More in the London City Records, 19 September 1510. Repertories 2.97,b.; Harpsfield p.312. [Thomas More, With others as arbitrator.]
  22. More elected Marshall and Autumn Reader [for Lincoln's Inn] in Michaelmas Term, 2 Henry VIII, [October] 1510 [for the following year 1511]. Douglas Black Books, Book III, fol.36; pp.162,163. [L'Univers p.171. The Marshall was responsible for the Christmas celebrations at Lincoln's Inn.]

1511

  1. (E). Declined the office of Keeper of the Black Book of Lincoln's Inn, the Inn's principal record, 4 February 1511. Douglas Black Books Book III, fol.35; p.163. [L'Univers p.175. Feb. 4, 1511. Md that it is agreed by the Rewlers and other of the Benche that for that Thos More was ij tymes appoynted to be Marshall and lettid by divers casualtees, and for other causes them movyng, the seid Thos shall paie to the seid Companie vli., and therfor to be discharged of the kepyng of the Blak Boke and also of the Marschalshippe for euer.]
  2. Erasmus comes to stay with More, Beginning of April, 1511. [L'Univers p.175.]
  3. Erasmus makes a trip to Paris to arrange for the printing of the Moriae Encomium, 10 April–c.15 June 1511. [L'Univers 175, 177.]
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Dover, 10 April [1511]. Allen 1:#218/17–20, p.456; CWE 2: 157/17–20; Nichols II:#214, p.11. [L'Univers p.175; Sullivan I:318. Salute More for me; and congratulate Linacre in my name . . . Remind More to see that the books I left in my chamber be returned to Colet (p.11). For Erasmus' return to England in 1511 and his desire to see Colet and More again, see Allen's preface and Beatus Rhenanus' Life of Erasmus (Allen I: 62/220–227; Olin p.54). For the life of Ammonio, see CE 1: 48–50; and intro. to Allen 1:#218, p.455.]
  5. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, London, 19 May [1511]. Allen 1:#221/27–33 and n., p.458; CWE 2: 160/30–37; Nichols II:#217, p.14; calendared in LP 2:477 (uuder 1515). [L'Univers 177n3; Sullivan I:18. Everyone in England misses Erasmus. Our honeyed More and his kind wife who never thinks of you without a blessing, with his children and whole household are in excellent health (p.14). More's (first) wife died shortly afterwards, some time in the summer. More remarried within a month, see Letter from Dan John Bouge to Dame Katheryn Manne (1535) below.]
  6. For Rogers #7, see 9 June 1510.
  7. First unauthorized edition of Erasmus' Moriae Encomium (The Praise of Folly), Paris, Gilles Gourmont, Before August 1511. [L'Univers 177. For Erasmus' prefatory Letter to More probably composed in 1510, see Rogers #7. A second unauthorized edition was published In Strasburg by Matthias Schurer in August, see Allen 1:#224.]
  8. Death of More's first wife, Jane Colt, July–August 1511. Allen 4:#999/168–76, pp.18–19; CWE 7:999/180–88, pp.20–22; Harpsfield 92/18–93/12; Roper p.109; Letter of Dan John Bouge to Dame Katheryn Manne, 1535 (see below); CW 3/2:#258, pp.270–72 (and next item). [L'Univers 177. Bouge: Item, as ffor Sir Tomas More, he was my paryschener at London. I crystynyd him ii goodly childern. I berryd his ffirst wyf, and within a monythe after he came to me on a Sonday at nyte late and ther he browt me a dyspensacyon to be marryd the next Monday withowt any banys axyng; and as I understond sche is yett a lyff (Roper p.125. ***Include cross-reference to More's Epitaph in CW 3/2: #258.]
  9. Erasmus falls ill with the sweating sickness, before 25th August 1511. Allen 1:#226/1–3, p.466 and intro. to #225, p.465; CWE 2:#226/2–5, p.169; Nichols 2:#220, p.20. [L'Univers 179. I have no news to write of my condition, except that the journey [from London to Cambridge] was most uncomfortable, and my health still somewhat doubtful from that sweating sickness I told you of. Allen thinks that Erasmus fell ill in London, possibly while staying at Grocyn's house, on his way back from Paris to Cambridge. Erasmus was sick enough that rumours of his death had reached Jérôme de Busleiden in Mechlin and Paolo Bombace in Bologna, see Allen #244/A and #251); see also Porter, Erasmus and Cambridge, 78–80. It may very well have been the sweating sickness, that carried off More's first wife Jane about this time. For the origins of the sweating sickness, see 1485.]
  10. More's marries his second wife, the widow Alice Middleton, August–September 1511. Allen 4:#999/176–86, p.19; CWE 7:999/188–201, pp.20–22; Roper n. to 82/8–9, pp.124–25; Harpsfield 93/13–94/6; CW 3/2:#258, pp.270–72; Letter of Dan John Bouge to Dame Katheryn Manne, 1535 (see previous item). [L'Univers p.177 and n2. For a life of Dame Alice, see ODNB, CE 2:451–52 and Ruth Norrington, In the Shadow of a Saint: Lady Alice More (Waddesdon, Buckinghamshire: Kylin P, 1983). Dame Alice had a daughter by her first marriage Alice Middleton (married names Elrington and Alington), More's step-daughter. See CE 2:443, Norrington, and Roper #205 below.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Queen's College, Cambridge, [16 September] 1511. Allen 1:#228/10–11 and n., p.468; CWE 2: 172/12–14; Nichols II:#222, p.23. [L'Univers 179 and p.177n2; Sullivan I:318. I should be very unfair if I did not excuse More occupied as he is with such important affairs (Tam seriis occupato negotiis) (p.23). This is probably an indirect allusion to the death of More's first wife and More's subsequent remarriage.]
  12. More elected as one of Lincoln's Inn's four governors and as Treasurer but refused to serve as Treasurer in Michaelmas Term, 3 Henry VIII, [October] 1511. Douglas Black Books Book III, fol.39; p.165. [L'Univers 179. Treasurer: More. He refused to serve and was fined 20s. Roudon was elected in his place.]
  13. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 5 October 1511. Allen 1:#232/1–5 and nn., p.472; CWE 2: 176/2–6 and nn. [L'Univers 179. Erasmus had been expecting to find Ammonio at More's house where he had been staying, and was surprised to find he had moved. Marc'hadour dates this c29 sept.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, [about 20 October] 1511. Allen 1:#234/1, p.473; CWE 2: 177/2; Nichols II:#228, p.29. [L'Univers 179. I am sending back your wine cask. See Allen #238 where Erasmus returns the empty wine cask of Ammonio's via More.]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, London, 27 October 1511. Allen 1:#236/45–49, p.476; CWE 2: 182/52–56 and n.; Nichols II:#229, p.31. [L'Univers 179; Sullivan I:18. I have moved at last into St. Thomas College where I am no more housed according to my ideas than I was with More. I do not see the hooked beak of the harpy but there are other things that are offensive so that I do know how I can still go on living in England (p.31). The greek phrase translated as the harpy's crooked beak is an unkind allusion to More's second wife, cf. Allen #451/19–20 below.]
  16. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 2 November 1511. Allen 1:#238/1–2, p.479; CWE 2: 187/1–3; Nichols II:#232, p.38. [L'Univers 179. Erasmus returns an empty wine cask of Ammonio's via More (cf. #234).]
  17. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 11 November [1511]. Allen 1:#240/57–59, p.484; CWE 2: 193/65–67; Nichols II:#234, p.43. [L'Univers 179. Asks Ammonio to see if More has delivered a letter of Erasmus' to Archbishop Warham (cf. Allen 3: #240A).]
  18. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, London, 18 November 1511. Allen 1:#243/1–2 and 63–65, pp.486,488; CWE 2: 197/2–3, 200/73–76; Nichols II:#235, pp.44,46. [L'Univers 179–81; Sullivan I:18. More's younger brother John More has delivered Erasmus's letter to Ammonio. I have not seen More and thought I need not go on purpose to ask him whether he has delivered your letter which he would scarcely fail to deliver since he either speaks to the Archbishop [Warham] or sees him every day (p.46; cf. Allen #240 above). For the biography of John More (II), see CE 2:453–54; also in DNB but not ODNB. John More seems to have died in 1512.]
  19. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 26 November 1511. Allen 1:#245/42–43, pp.492–493; CWE 2: 205/46–47; Nichols II:#236, p.49. [L'Univers 181. Refers to a lost letter to Fisher, that he asked More to deliver.]
  20. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 27 November [1511]. Allen 1:#246/1–3, p.493; CWE 2: 206/2–4 and n.; Nichols II:#237, pp.49–50. [L'Univers 181; Sullivan I:318. I send you the Icaromenippus for you either to copy if you can do so without trouble or else arrange with More to give it to his brother to transcribe (pp.50–51, cf. Allen #243).]

1512‐1514

  1. Birth of Anne Cresacre, More's foster-daughter, 2 Dec. Between 1511–21 April 1512. Roper 108–109; Harpsfield n. to 66/2–3 on p.329. [L'Univers Prologue, p.38, 185. (Marc'hadour suggests c. début 1512.) Her father died in 1512 or 1513. She became the ward of Thomas More in c1525, and married John More, Thomas More's son, in c1529.]
  2. (L). From a letter of  Girolamo Aleandro to Erasmus, Paris, [end of February,] 1512. Allen 1:#256/160–161, p.507; CWE 2: #256/173–174, p.223; Nichols II:#250, p.70. [L'Univers 185. Aleandro sends greetings to Grocyn, Linacre, More and Latimer. For the life of Aleandro, see CE 1:28–32 and Allen #256.]
  3. Thomas More in the London City Records, 2 March 1512. Repertories 2.131.; Harpsfield p.312. [L'Univers 187. With aldermen and bakers to go to the kynges Counsell to knowe their pleasure for Bysket etc. for the kyng etc.]
  4. (L) (Rogers #8). From Thomas More to Colet, [London?, c.March 1512?]. Tres Thomae 23; Rogers #8, p.15; Hallett 14; SL #3, p.6; SLTM #6, pp.34–35. [L'Univers 187. A brief excerpt in Stapleton.]
  5. Thomas More is chosen as one of eight representatives of Merchants of the Staple to negotiate with the Merchant-Adventurers in the Mercer's Hall, 1st April 1512. [L'Univers 187 (who reverses the two). Compeny of the Stapull haue electe & chosen to haue Comunicacion with the merchantes adventurers for for diffrens aboue written [eight names including More's] At a courte of assistens holden the xxvjth daye of Aprell, Anno ut supra. (Acts of Court 401).]
  6. (L). Erasmus, De copia verborum ac rerum, London, July 1512. ASD I-6: ***–***; [LB I: 26B–29F]; CWE 24: 348/13–364/26. [Copious development of the theme of friendship: 24 out of about 200 examples mention More explicitly. See Whittinton 1520 below.]
  7. Thomas More in the London City Records, 23 Sept. 1512. Repertories 2.141.; Harpsfield p.312. [Business of the Fishmongers.]
  8. Thomas More in the London City Records, 16 Nov. 1512. Repertories 2.146.; Harpsfield p.312. [Authority of the Mayor over the crafts. The wardens of ten companies came before the Recorder and others, and all this wardeyns before rehersed, except the Wardeyns of taillors, have aggreed and consented to the peticion late moved in parleament house that all Craftes shalbe hereafter be [sic] under the Rule of the Maire and aldermen for the tyme beyng; and that all the Wardeyns that have consented shall go to the parleament to morwe by barge at their cost and appere before the lordes, and to have the comen sergeant and yong Mor to speke and make aunswere for them.]
  9. Thomas More in the London City Records, 7 Dec. 1512. Repertories 2.148.; Harpsfield pp.312–13. [Mr. Mor, seriaunt, [i.e. More's father], and Mr. Mor, jun. are each appointed to a small Committee, to speak respectively with the Duke of Buckingham and the Bishop of Norwich for the Act concerning Corporations.]
  10. More contributes an Epigram to Thomas Linacre's Linacre progymnasmata grammatices vulgaria (London: John Rastell, [1512]). CW 3/2:#275, pp.66, 298, 421 [STC 15635; ESTC ***; L'Univers 191; Boswell #397; Gibson #389. ]
  11. Germain de Brie [Germanus Brixius], Chordigerare Navis Conflagratio (Paris: Josse Bade van Assche, 15 January 1513). CW 3/2: App.A, pp.427–65 (ed. Stephen M. Foley); Donald Stone, ed., Humanistica Lovaniensia 29(1980):177–93. [USTC 183293, 144077, and 621036; L'Univers 189, 194; Gibson 209. More wrote a number of epigrams ridiculing Brixius CW 3/2: #188–#195, pp.218–226; #209, p.238; #266–269, pp.284–288. In 1516 when More was making arrangements with Erasmus to have his Epigrams published he had some reservations about including the ones on Brixius (see Allen #461, but in the end Erasmus left them in the collecion. This led later to a major literary quarrel between More and Brixius in which Erasmus tried to be the peacemaker.]
  12. Thomas More in the London City Records, 20 Jan. 1513. Repertories 2.151.; Harpsfield p.313. [With others to interview the King's Council for divers causes.]
  13. (L) (= Rogers #9). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Cambridge, [c.11 July 1513]. Allen 1:#271, pp.528–529; CWE 2:#271, pp.249–50; Érasme et More #3, pp.13–17; Nichols II:#257, pp.76–77. [L'Univers 197 and n4. Marc'hadour suggests c.11, the date of letter #270 to Colet.]
  14. The Battle of Flodden Field, 9 September 1513. [L'Univers 198. James IV of Scotland invaded England on 22 August 1513, while Henry VIII was fighting in France. He captured Norham Castle, right on the Scottish border on 28th August. On 9th September James IV and most of his army were slain at the Battle of Flodden Field in Northumberland. More wrote three epigrams mocking the death of James IV: CW #183—184, p.216; #271, p.290 (which was omitted from the 1520 edition of the Epigrams). See also More's 1509 Coronation Ode to Henry VIII: CW #19/134–135, p.108.]
  15. Thomas More in the London City Records, 13 Sept. 1513. Repertories 2.162.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers p.199. With others, care of London bridge.]
  16. Tournai captured by the English, 23 September 1513. CW 3/2:#244, pp.256–58, n. on p.404. [cf. L'Univers 198. More wrote an epigram about the capture shortly afterwards. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_the_Spurs.]
  17. Publication of the first Aldine Greek Edition of the Complete Works of Plato, September 1513. Hapanta ta tou Platōnos. Omnia Platonis opera. in 2 Parts. Venezia, in aedibus Aldo Manuzio & Andrea Torresano, 1513. Online at https://books.google.com/books?id=RfJCAAAAcAAJ&pg=PT4 Also available through Hathitrust (see USTC). [USTC 849832. L'Univers 198. A second edition would not be published until March 1534 by Simon Grynaeus (see Rogers #196). The edition took a long time to prepare. It was first announced in 1497. Erasmus wrote to Aldus Manutius in 1507 (Allen #207) to ask him when his edition of Plato would be published. For Ficino's Latin translation see 1484.]
  18. More writes the History of Richard III/Historia Richardi Tertii, [c. 1513–c. 1520?]. [L'Univers 201. More begins about the year 1513 (EW 1557); circiter M.D.XIII (Opera omnia 1565). For dating of the composition of the Latin version, Sylvester suggests (cf. CW 2:lxiii–lxv) a date of 1514–1518 as the most satisfactory possibility. Kinney writes: Even though topical references establish that the Historia . . . cannot have been finished before 1514 . . ., it also seems certain that P [Paris Manuscript MS fr. 4996] was completed not many years after that date CW 15:cxxxiv.n2). Neither version was published during More's own lifetime.]
  19. Second Edition of Erasmus's and More's Translations of Lucian, Paris: Badius Ascensius, [1st Colophon: 30 May] 1 June 1514. [CW 3/1:lvii–lviii and plate of Title Page facing p.lviii; L'Univers 205.]
  20. (L). From Maarten van Dorp to Erasmus, Louvain, [c.mid. September] 1514. Allen 2:#304, pp.10–16; CWE 3:17–23, [L'Univers 207,217. IJsewijn suggests About the middle of September 1514 (CE 1:401). Answered by Allen #337 below. Erasmus did not actually receive Dorp's letter from a friend (possibly Pieter Gillis) until he visited Antwerp in the summer of 1515 on his way to Basel.]
  21. Lincoln's Inn, 1 November 1514. On the Feast of All Saints, 6 Henry VIII, 1414, More elected Lent Reader [i.e. for Lent Term, 1515]. (Douglas Black Books Book III, fol.55; p.175). [L'Univers 207: c'est le sommet de l'echelle académique à Londres. Il est pour la 2nde fois Governor de Lincoln's Inn, et en outre, jusqu'en 1517, Reader à Furnival's Inn. [This is the top of the academic ladder in London. He is for the 2nd time Governor of Lincoln's Inn, and further, until 1517, Reader at Furnival's Inn].]
  22. . More, the first layman to join Doctors Commons, London, 3 December 1514. [L'Univers p.209. Doctors Commons was association of mostly civil or canon lawyers founded in the late 15th century. See Pearl Hogrefe, Sir Thomas More and Doctors Commons, Moreana 14 (May 1967): 15–22; and K.R. Massingham, Thomas More, laicus, gent, Moreana 22:87/88 (1985): 29–35. John Colet was also a member but his date of admission is unknown. For a reproduction of More's signature, see The King's Good Servant #107, p.60.]
  23. (E). The Death of Richard Hunne, Lollards' Tower, St. Pauls, London, 4 December 1514. Dialogue Concerning Heresies Book III:15 (CW 6:316–30 and nn. on pp.692–95); Supplication Book I (CW 7:116–17, 132–36 and nn. on pp.327–28 and 341–42); Apology Ch.38 (CW 9:126, and n. to 126/26 on pp.374–75). [L'Univers 208 (entries for 2, 4, 5, 20 Dec), 209 and n5 (16 Dec).]

1515

  1. More est designé pour une mission en Flandre. 7th February 1515 (L'Univers p.213). [I can't find any evidence for this. Is it a doublet for 7th May (three months before?).]
  2. More is named to a Commission of the Peace for Hampshire, 16th February, 1515. Pat. 6 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 3d; calendared LP 2:#170, p.58. [L'Univers p.213.]
  3. Thomas More in the London City Records, 11 Dec. 1514; 22 Mar. 1515. Repertories 2.206,b., 3.15; Harpsfield p.313. [Forfeiture of some alum as foreyn bought and sold: xxs. is given to More for his grete labour and payn by hym susteyned in that behalff. A cargo of alum had been illegally confiscated from a papal ship in Spring 1514 by Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. In the late middle Ages the Papacy tried to impose a monopoly on the sale of alum (mined in the Papal States). For recent scholarship, see Richard J. Walsh, The papal alum monopoly in the Burgundian Low Countries, Charles the Bold and Italy (1467–1477): Politics and Personnel (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2005), 92–97***. See also next item.]
  4. The Case of the Pope's Ship seized at Southampton, early 1515. Roper 9/25–10/22; Harpsfield 23/7–26. [For the background to this account see John Guy, Thomas More (2000), pp.54–56.]
  5. Erasmus' Fourth Visit to England, c.1 May 1515. [L'Univers 215.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis [Petrus Aegidius, Peter Giles], London, 7 May [1515]. Allen 2:#332/15–19, p.68; CWE 3:85/16–21; Nichols II:#326, p.206. [L'Univers 215n3. Two of Erasmus' friends, Cuthbert Tunstall and More, are in Bruges. (In point of fact they did not arrive until 18th.) Asks Gillis to do anything he can to help them. Gillis was an old friend of Erasmus that he had first met in 1504. For the life of Gillis, see CE 2: 99–101; intro. to Allen 1:#184, p.413; intro. to Rogers #25, pp.76–77; and intro. to LC #159, pp.438–40. For More's praise of Pieter Gillis, see Allen #388/148–53, p.197;(=Rogers #16); CWE 3:#388/157–64, p.235. Peter Giles appears as a character in More's Utopia. He was also its first editor and saw the first edition of 1516 through the press of Thierry Maartens in Louvain/Leuven in 1516. More addressed a number of letters to Peter Giles, including the Prefatory Letter to Utopia (1516) (Rogers #25), the second letter to Giles which served as an Epilogue to the second edition of Utopia (1517) (Rogers #41A), and Rogers #47.]
  7. (L) (Rogers #10). Commission from Henry VIII to Tunstall, Sampson, More, etc. Westminster, 7 May 1515. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, C.82.420; Rymer XIII.497; briefly calendared in LP 2:#422, p.122; Rogers #10, pp.16–20; cf. Harpsfield p.315. [L'Univers 215. The beginning of the Utopian Embassy to Bruges and Antwerp. For brief biographies of More's fellow commissioners, see intro. to Rogers #10, pp.16–17. For the life of Tunstall, see ODNB, CE 3:349–354; note to Allen #207/22, p.438; and intro. to Rogers #10, p.16. The standard biography of Tunstall is C. Sturge, Cuthbert Tunstall: Churchman, Scholar, Stateman, Administrator (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1938). Tunstall was the leader of the Utopian Embassy, See Rogers/Herbrüggen #10, #11, #11A, #12, and #14. He is mentioned at the beginning of Utopia (CW 4: 46/8–20, and n. on pp.295–98. For later letters to and from Tunstall, see Rogers #17 and #28, #37, #111, #160 and for later embassies that More served on with Tunstall, see Rogers/Herbrüggen #89, #103D, #147, #169, #169B–#169F, #170, #171, #172, #172A, #173. Tunstall submitted to the Royal Supremacy but changed his mind under Edward VI and was deprived of his bishopric. He was restored by Mary, but again deprived and imprisoned by Elizabeth. He died in 1559. When his servant was asked by More in prison if Tunstall were likely to join them, More said: If he do not, no force for if he live he may do more good than die with us (Trial p.92. For a Biography of Sampson, see Allen #780 below.]
  8. Thomas More in the London City Records, 8 May 1515. Repertories 3.22.; Harpsfield p.313. [Yt ys agreed that Thomas More, Gent., oon of [the] undersheryfes of london which shall go on the kinges ambasset in to Flaunders shall occupie his Rowme & office by his sufficient depute un tyll his cumming home agayn.]
  9. More's First, Utopian Embassy to the Continent, c12th May–c25 October 1515. CW 4:46 and nn. on pp.294–299. Roper 9/9–12 and n. on p.110; Harpsfield 20/23–21/3 and n. on pp.315–317. [L'Univers 215. The leader of the Embassy was Cuthbert Tunstall. More's main role seems to have been to represent the commercial interests of the City of London in the trade negotiations: before he [came] to the seruice of king Henrye the eight, at the suite and instance of the Englishe merchauntes, he was by the kings consent made twice Embassador in certaine greate causes betweene them and [the] merchauntes of the Stilliarde. There is some confusion here. This clearly refers to the two embassies of 1515 and 1517, which were made at least partly to protect the commercial interests of the English Wool Merchants in the Mercer's Company. The two later embassies to the Hanseatic League took place in Bruges in 1520 and 1521. (The Steelyard was the colony of the Hanseatic League in London.) The fundamental study of the Utopian embassy is still Edward Surtz's St. Thomas More and his Utopian Embassy of 1515, Catholic Historical Review 39 (1953/4): 272–97. The work of the commission was two-fold: to negotiate an amity, or non-agression pact, and an intercourse or trade agreement regarding the wool trade.]
  10. English Delegation leaves London, 12 May 1515. [L'Univers 215. In a letter dated 9 July 1515 (see below), begging for more money, the English Commissioners refer to the xiith daye of May last at whiche day wee toke our journey (Rogers 11/13, p.21).]
  11. Spinelly to Henry VIII and Wolsey, Bruges, 18 May 1515. LP II:#473, #474, p.135. [L'Univers 215n4, 217 and n1. Dr. Dunstable [Tunstall] and Mr. More have arrived in this town. (#473 to Henry VIII). Dr. Dunstable and Mr. More have told him he is comprised in thier commission. (#474 to Wolsey). Erasmus met with More a few days later in Bruges after leaving England on his way to Basel. See Allen #362, dated 16th October, below. More brought John Clement as his secretary, as we learn from Utopia 40/14–18 and n. on p.291, see Erasmus' letter Allen #820 below, dated 18th April 1518, to William Gonell.]
  12. Richard Sampson to Wolsey, 20th May 1515. BLCal. D.VI.288; BLCalig. E.iii.99.B; LP II:#480, #534, pp.137, 147. [L'Univers 215n4. Sampson writes to Wolsey that he is happy to be part of the King's commission with Mr. Tunstall and young Moore. In a note to Sampson (#534) (much mutilated) Wolsey refers to the a]dventages ye shall have assocyat with ... [y]ong More and the governor of the said [merchants]. The governor refers to John Clifford, head or governor of the English Merchants in the Low Countries, another member of the Commission. (Surtz 1953: 278).]
  13. Poynings and Knight to the Council, Bruges, 24th May 1515. BL Galba, B.III. 232; LP 2:#498, p.141 (cf. LP 2:#499, p.141 from Sampson to Wolsey) [Poynings' name is also spelt Ponynges and Poyninges: They arrived in Bruges on 23rd and Are not joined with the commissioners for the intercourse . . . they have no other powers except to express the King's pleasure to have the amity renewed. Think that the intercourse and amity should be communicated jointly, otherwise the merchants will suffer much.]
  14. Erasmus meets with More in Bruges on his way from London to Basel, end of May and early June? 1515. Allen 2:#388/29–46, pp.193–194; CWE 3:#388/31–49, pp.230–32; cf. De Vocht, Busleyden 456–58. [L'Univers 217. See also Allen #360, #362 below. More and Erasmus discuss the Canonry at Tournai. Erasmus was still in London on May 21st (see Allen #335 and #336). For evidence that Erasmus' stay in Bruges was of some duration, see De Vocht's introduction to Busleyden's Letter to Jean-Louis de Moscheron (#77), whom Erasmus visited and was perhaps a guest in his house. For Jean-Louis de Moschenon, see CE 2:465–66.]
  15. (L). From Erasmus to Maarten van Dorp, Antwerp, [end of May or early June?] 1515. Allen 2:#337, pp.90–114 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE337.pdf); Olin pp.67–96; CWE 3:111–39 and 71:1–30, 142–147; Miller Praise of Folly (1979), pp.139–74; Hillerbrand #337/86–120, 395–429; 569–72; 587–627, 660–750; 768–789, pp.84–92. [L'Univers 217. Replying to Allen #304 from Dorp. Erasmus' Defence of the Praise of Folly; See also More's Letter to Dorp (Rogers #15). For the life of Dorp, see CE 1: 398–404; intro. to Allen 2:#304, pp.10–11; intro. to Rogers #15, pp.27–28; and De Vocht MHL 61–408. Reprinted with editions of the Praise of Folly from 1516 onwards. Dated by Allen and CWE to end of May, but to June by Marc'hadour (see previous entry). Erasmus presumably passed through Bruges first where he met More (see above) before visiting Antwerp on his way to Basel.]
  16. Sampson to [Wolsey], Bruges, 14 June 1515. BL Galba, B. III. 326; calendared LP 2:#581, p.190. [Sampson reports a conversation he had with the Provost of Cassel [Georges de Themsecke]: Thinks, from a private conversation he had with the Provost of Cassel [Georges de Themsecke] and from other things, that they mean to make Englishmen resort only to Bruges. When the Prince [Charles] was here that town was very urgent for certain advantages and obtained leave to make certain great fosses, whereby they may cause a river and a great water to come to Escluse [Sluys], to the great furtherance of merchants for conveyance of their merchandise.On the Provost of Cassel complaining that the heaviness of the tolls drove away the merchants, Sampson said that though Bruges might suffer, other parts flourished, as Antwerp, which is now one of the flowers of the world. The Provost answered that was not by English merchants. Sampson said they were the greatest cause, and drew many other merchants thither, as they would probably find out if Englishmen resorted elsewhere. The Provost replied Bruges is now in great poverty for want of merchants resorting, and great pity it is to see the decaying of such an excellent town. Your merchants be vexed with tolls passing into Brabant. Cause them only to resort to this town [Bruges]; they shall be out of trouble, and none other tolls demanded of them but one small thing coming to this town. And that they may come the more commodiously, the town of Bruges with their Importown expenses be making of a straight river and a water for to come to Escluse and to Bruges. And rather than the Englishmen should have remission of these tolls i.e. those levied at Bruges], which is the cause of passing their country and leaving them, they would rage and be ready to an insurrection. (LP quoted in part by Surtz 1953:287–88). For the life of Joris van Themsecke, Provost of Cassel, whom More mentions in Utopia (CW 4:46/24 and n. on pp.298–99), see CE 3:315–16.]
  17. More visits Tournai on Erasmus' behalf, c.June? or July, 1515. Allen 2:#388/47–61, p.195; CWE 3:#388/50–65, p.232. [L'Univers 219 (who dates it to July). Paulo posteaquam tu a me discesseras, ego Tornacum concessi. (A little after you left me I went to Tournai). More talks to Mountjoy, the governor, and Sampson, Wolsey's representative there, about Erasmus' candidacy for the Canonry. See also CW 6:328/27 and n. 0n pp.694–95; and CW 3/2:#244, pp.256–58, n. on p.404.]
  18. Erasmus passes through Mainz on his way to Basel, 1 July 1515. De Vocht, Busleyden 457. [L'Univers 217. See De Vocht for evidence that the date of Erasmus' visit to Mainz was July 1st not June 1st. Erasmus was in Basel by 30 July (see Allen #341).]
  19. More's appointment to the Commission of the Peace for Hampshire is renewed, 6th July, 1515. Pat. 7 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 1d; calendared LP 2:#670, p.178. [L'Univers 217.]
  20. From a letter of  Sampson to Wolsey, 7th July, 1515. BL Galba, B.III.329; calendared LP 2:#672, p.178. [L'Univers 217. Tunstal and More have written to Wolsey and the council.]
  21. (E) (Rogers #11). Tunstall, Sampson, More to the Council, Bruges 9 July 1515. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §11, p.14; calendared LP 2:#678, p.180; Rogers #11, pp.20–21. [L'Univers 217. The commissioners beg for more money having already spent what they had received.]
  22. (E). From a letter of  Tunstall to [Wolsey], Bruges 9 July 1515. BL MS Galba, B. III.259 (now 293v); Harpsfield pp.315–16 (partial transcription); calendared in LP 2:#679, p.180; see also Rogers, p.16. [L'Univers 217. Master More at thys tyme, as beynge at a low ebbe, desyrys by your grace to be set on flote ayen. Chambers transcribes part of the autograph letter in Harpsfield.]
  23. (E) (Herbrüggen #11A). Commission from Henry VIII to Tunstall, <Sampson, More, Clifford> Poynings <and Knight>, 18 July 1515. BL MS Cotton Galba B.iii.248. fols. 281–289; calendared LP 2:#724, p.192. Herbrüggen #11A, pp.3–13. [Tunstall is instructed to leave the rest of the English commissioners in Bruges and seek an audience with Prince Charles.]
  24. (E) (Rogers #12). Tunstall, More, Clyfford to <Henry VIII>, Bruges, 21 July 1515. BL MS Cotton Galba B.iii.294; calendared LP 2:#732, p.194; Rogers #12, pp.21–23; Online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/EnglishCorrespondence-etext.pdf#page=5. [L'Univers 219. The English commissioners indicate that the negotiations by this point have reached a standstill, see Surtz p.289n25. There are no indications in LP of More's movements in the period from 21 July to 2nd October.]
  25. Tunstal to Wolsey, Bruges, 21 July 1515. PRO; calendared LP 2:#733, p.194. [the Prince's commissioners are gone to Mechlin to learn the Prince's mind in our business. They do not give the English commissioners any hope of a change for the better. Their money is all spent.]
  26. The Representatives of the Low Countries ask for a break for a few days to consult with Prince Charles and his Council, 21–29? July 1515. [[T]hey shewed vs a letter directed vnto theym fro the prynce, by which[e] he gave theym in commaundement to resorte vnto hym and his Counsayle to Meclyne [Mechlin], where he intendyd to bee hymself, within few dayes, at whiche theyr resortyng to his presence they shold haue on his behalf a full and a perfite knowleg[e] of his plesure concernyng oure busynesse (Rogers #12/19–25, p.22). When after one or two meetings there were certain points on which we could not agree sufficiently, they bade farewell to us for some days and left for Brussels to seek an official pronouncement from the Prince (CW 4:47/30–33) and n. to 46/28–29, p.299. The difference in place-names does not constitute a serious problem, since [the two places are not far distant and] the commissioners might have met the prince at Mechlin and then proceeded with him to Brussels. In 1515 Charles held court at Mechlin on July 21–22, and at Brussels on July 23–29 (Surtz 1953:289 and CW 4:299). In Utopia the reference to More's visit to Antwerp follows immediately on the passage quoted above.]
  27. Erasmus writes three lost letters to More, [Basel?, July 1515–January 1516?] Allen 2: #388/1–2, p.193; CWE #388/2–3, p.230. [L'Univers 217. The letters were presumably written after his visit to More in Bruges at the end of May or beginning of June 1515 on his way to Basel.]
  28. Erasmus stays in Basel from end of July 1515 to early May 1516. [L'Univers 219, 231.]
  29. Tunstal to Henry VIII, 2 August 1515. BL Galba, B. III. 261; calendared in LP 2:#782, p.207. [Henry had instructed Tunstall to seek an audience with Prince Charles. Has received an answer from the King's ambassador at the Prince's court, that it is no use Tunstal's tarrying there any longer, for the Chancellor of Burgundy [Jean Le Sauvage] has expressly told Dr. Knight that the commissioners will not return; at which he marvels, considering their promises to the contrary. Takes his journey tomorrow to the Prince's court to carry out the King's instructions. Presumeably, More had stayed with Tunstall up to this point, but now with negotiations at an impasse, this would have been a good time for More to visit Busleyden.]
  30. More visits Jérôme de Busleyden [Busleiden] [Hieronymus van Busleyden], in Mechlin, c.August 1515. [L'Univers 219. For the life of Busleyden, see CE 1:235–237; intro. to Allen 1:#205, p.434; intro. to Rogers #27, pp.81–82;and CW 4:pp.279–80, n. to 22/11. See especially Henri de Vocht, ed., Jerome de Busleyden, founder of the Louvain Collegium Trilingue: His life and writings edited for the first time in their entirety from the original manuscript (Turnhout: 1950). For More's visit to Busleyden in the Summer of 1515, see Allen #388/140–47, p.197; (=Rogers #16); and CWE 3:#388/150–57, p.235. For More's four Epigrams on Busleyden, see CW 3/2:#250–252, pp.262–65, nn. on pp.406–407, and #279, pp.302–303; and De Vocht, Busleyden §44–45, pp.63–65; p. 155 (facsimile) and p.257 See *26A, *26B, and Rogers #27, below. For More and Busleyden, see Surtz 1953:291–92.]
  31. Spinelly to Wolsey, Bruges, 20 August 1515. PRO; calendared in LP 2:#830, p.225. [Thinks the amity [non-aggression pact] will not be broken.]
  32. Poyninges and Knight to [Henry VIII], Bruges, 27 August 1515. BL Galba, B. III. 243; calendared in LP 2:#858, p.235. [I have not pressed for an answer about the amity, as they are in doubt what to do in the intercourse [trade agreement].]
  33. — (L). From Maarten van Dorp to Erasmus, Louvain, 27 August 1515. Allen 2:#347, pp.126–136; CWE 3:#347, pp.155–67. [L'Univers 219. Dorp's reply to Allen 2:#337; More responded in defence of Erasmus in his Letter to Dorp (Rogers #15). Erasmus suppressed his own response, see More's Letter to Lee (CW 15:176/1–16).]
  34. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Basel, 4 September [1515]. Allen 2:#350/3–5, p.139; CWE 3:170/5–7. [L'Univers 219. Asks Pace to leave Erasmus's notes (manuscript of Antibarbari?) with More. For the life of Pace, see ODNB, CE 3:37–39; Pace pp.ix–xiii; note. to Allen #211/43, p.445; and intro. to Rogers #89, p.240. The standard biography is J. Wegg, Richard Pace: A Tudor Diplomatist (London: Methuen, 1932). Erasmus evidently directed the letter to London where he expected to find Pace.]
  35. Tunstal to [Wolsey], Brussels, 13 September 1515. BL Galba, B. III. 263; calendared in LP 2:#904, p. [Tunstal writes that he Wants money; has been there more than four months and lacks a month's pay. Ponynges leaves to morrow for England. Commends his wisdom and diligence. The work of the commission was winding down, and Poyninges was obviously no longer needed. This would also have been a good time for More to go off and visit Pieter Gilles in Antwerp.]
  36. More goes to visit Pieter Gillis in Antwerp, after 12 September? 1515. CW 4:46/29–48, and nn. on pp.299–301. [L'Univers 221. More mentions that iam tum enim plus quatuor mensibus abfueram domo (I had been then more than four months away from home) (CW 4:48/13 and n. on p.300. Hexter's attempts to argue for an earlier date are not persuasive (cf. CW 4:Appendix A, More's visit to Antwerp 1515, pp.573–76.) Surtz comments: It seems that shortly afterwards [After 13th September] that More paid the visit to Antwerp described in his Utopia . . . It is true that More spoke earlier as if he had made this trip in July [but] [h]is statement on being more than four months from home . . . is so definite that September must be accepted as the month of his sojourn in Antwerp with Peter Gilles (Surtz 1953: 290). More must have returned to Bruges at some point before his departure to England on 25th October, since the Letter to Dorp (Rogers #15) was dated from Bruges, 21 October 1515.]
  37. (E) (Rogers #13). Redated from 1st Oct. 1515 to 1st Oct. 1521, see Herbrüggen 103D below.
  38. (L) (Rogers #14). Commission to Tunstall, Knight, Sampson, More and Clifford, Westminster, 2 October 1515. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, C.82.425; Rymer XIII.542–43 (online at https://books.google.com/books?id=A6FSAAAAcAAJ&pq=PA542); calendared LP 2: #986, p.265; Rogers #14, pp.24–27. [L'Univers 221. The English Commissioners are reappointed as ambassadors to negotiate with Prince Charles.]
  39. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Willibald Pirckheimer, Basel, 16 October [1515]. Allen 2: #362/10–13, pp.151–152; CWE 3:183/11–15; Nichols II:#348, p.221. [L'Univers 221; Sullivan I:319. When More was in Bruges in May he showed Erasmus a translation of Pirckheimers' — either Lucian's De ratione conscribendae historiae or Plutarch's De vitanda usura. See also *58A below.]
  40. (L) (Rogers #15). From Thomas More to Maartin van Dorp, Bruges, 21 October 1515. CW 15:1–122 (for texts see pp.cxxxi–cxxxii); Rogers #15, pp.27–64; SL #4, pp.6–64; SLTM #27a, pp.91–100 (partial translation from CW 15); cf. De Vocht, MHL 154–159, 370–71; Nichols II:#350, pp.223–24 (excerpt). [L'Univers 221. The Letter to Dorp: an epistolary tract. Contains an important critique of scholastic logic and a defence of Erasmus. For a later more friendly later letter to Dorp, see Rogers #82.]
  41. (E?). From a letter of  Richard Pace to [Wolsey], Antwerp, 25th October 1515. BL Oct.Galba, B.VI.82 (now 100); calendared in LP 2: #1067, p.282; Harpsfield p.316. [L'Univers 221. I met wyth Mr. More [returning home] in the highwaye [from Calais to Antwerp at Gravelines], and because there was at that tyme no commoditie to wryte vnto your grace, I desirydde hym to make schewe off thys vnto your sayde grace. (Harpsfield; cf. LP 2: #1067). See also Allen 2:#388/102–111, p.196; CWE 3:#388/109–119, p.234. In the Letter to Dorp above, dated 21st October, More indicated that he had had to finish writing the letter at short notice because of a summons by Henry VIII to return home (CW 15:122/14–15 and n. on p.542.]
  42. Qualis Uxor Deligenda (in De generibus ebriosorum) [1515?, 1518?] redated to Comiander, 1550. (See also Urceus, 1519.)

1516

  1. Tunstall to Henry VIII, Mechelin, 5 January 1516. PRO; imperfectly calendared in LP #1383, p.377. [Tunstal wrote to Henry VIII of the acquaintance and long familiarity [with Busleyden] which existed between them when we were both scholars at Padua (LP II-1 1383; Sturge 13-14). (CE 3:350). LP doesn't actually include this quote.]
  2. (L) (= Rogers #16). From Thomas More To Erasmus, [London, c. 17 February 1516]. Allen 2: #388, pp.193–198; CWE 3:#388, pp.229–37; SL #5, pp.64–73; SLTM #7, pp.35–40; Érasme et More #4, pp.17–25; Nichols II:#396, pp.255–62. [L'Univers 227. The first surviving letter from More to Erasmus. More mentions receiving three letters of Erasmus which are not extant. More apologizes for being a very idle correspondent. Erasmus only recieved the copy of More's letter from Pieter Gillis in Antwerp on 30 May when he returned from Basel (cf. Allen #412/32–33, p.243). The letter gives a detailed account of More's 1515 embassy to the Low Countries.]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, London, [18] February [1516]. Allen 2: #389/62–64, pp.200–201; CWE 3:#389/67–70, p.239; Nichols II:#377, pp.242–43. [L'Univers 227n1; Sullivan I:18. More is returned from his friends in Flanders having fulfilled his mission with great credit. He now haunts with us the smoky chambers of the palace. No one is more punctual in carrying his morning salutations to my lord of York [Wolsey] (pp.242–43).]
  4. Marriage of Alice Middleton (More's step-daughter) to Thomas Elryngton, 21 Feb. 1516. Repertories 3.69. and 3.156.b. (21 Aug. 1516); Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers 227. After his death in 1523, Alice Middleton (1495?–1563) married Giles Alington. For a brief bio. of Alice Middleton (jnr), see CE 2:433 (and 1:428 for Thomas Elryngton); Allen note on 4:#1233/59, p. 577; and Rogers #101, note on Title, pp.249–50. See also, Ruth Norrington, In the Shadow of a Saint: Lady Alice More (Kylin P, 1983), 24 passim.]
  5. Third Edition of Erasmus's and More's Translations of Lucian, Venice: Aldus Manutius, May 1516. [CW 3/1:lviii–lix; L'Univers 231.]
  6. Erasmus arrives in Antwerp and receives More's Letter from February [Allen #388], 30 May 1516. [L'Univers 231. I was pleased with your letter, which was delivered to me by Peter Gillis on my return to Antwerp. (Allen #412/32–33; Nichols II:266–67).]
  7. (L) (= Rogers #18). From Erasmus to Thomas More, [Brussels, c.3 June 1516]. Allen 2:#412, pp.242–244 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE412.pdf); CWE 3:#412, pp.290–93; Érasme et More #5, pp.25–28; Nichols II:#399, pp.265–68. [L'Univers 231. Answering Allen #388; by Allen #424.]
  8. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Linacre, Saint-Omer, 5 June [1516]. Allen 2:#415/1–2, 9–10, p.247; CWE 3:#415/3–5,11–12, p.297; Nichols II:#403, p.274. [L'Univers 231; Sullivan I:319. Refers to More's letter of February (Allen #388/164–166). It is nothing new, and yet it is very pleasant to know by More's letter that you are so friendly to us, however little we deserve it. . . again. You will learn the rest of my news from More. For the life of Linacre, seeODNB, CE 2: 331–332 and Allen 1:#118/23 and n, p.274.]
  9. Thomas More in the London City Records, 10 June 1516. Repertories 3.88.b.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers 231. Committee to fix price of victuals: and that Mr. More the yonger shall be assistent to theym.]
  10. (L) (= Rogers #19). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [London, c.21 June 1516]. Allen 2:#424, pp.259–261 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE424.pdf); CWE 3:#424, pp.313–16; Érasme et More #6, pp.28–33; Nichols II:#417, pp.293–96. [L'Univers 231 and n.5. Answering Allen #388. Marc'hadour thinks there may been another letter from Erasmus or else an unpublished postscript to #412, because of More's comment: De versiculis nostris nihil scribo; tu vide quid statuas. [I have nothing to say about our [my] verses; you must do as you think best] (Allen #424/81; CWE #424/89–90); cf. Allen #461/21–25.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  William Warham to Erasmus, Otford, 22 June [1516]. Allen 2:#425/16–20, p.262; CWE 3:#425/17–22, p.317; Nichols II:#412, p.289. [L'Univers 231. Warham sends money owed to Erasmus to More for safekeeping, as Erasmus requested.]
  12. Erasmus Fifth Visit to England, [After 14] July-August 1516. [L'Univers 233.]
  13. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, [London, c14 August 1516]. Allen 2:#451/19–20, p.317; CWE 4:#451/22–24, p.38; Nichols II:#437, p.320. [L'Univers 233n6. More's wife resents Erasmus as a guest of long-standing.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Rochester, 17 August 1516]. Allen 2:#452/10–11, p.318; CWE 4:#452/13–15, p.39; Nichols II:#438, pp.320–21. [Erasmus writes to Ammonio by way of More.]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, Westminster, [c19 August 1516]. Allen 2:#453/11–12, p.318; CWE 4:#453/14–15, p.40; Nichols II:#439, pp.321–22. [Ammonio has received the letter left with More.]
  16. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Rochester, 22 August [1516]. Allen 2:#455/1–9, p.318; CWE 4:#455/2–11, p.43; Nichols II:#440, pp.323; DeMolen 49–50. [More rescues Erasmus' servant from a beating and talks Erasmus out of sending back Ammonio's horse.]
  17. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Henry Bullock, Rochester, [22?] August 1516. Allen 2:#456/1–2, p.321; CWE 4:#456/3–4, p.44; Nichols II:#441, pp.324. [L'Univers 233n6 and n7. Bullock obviously hasn't received Erasmus' letter left with More. For the life of Bullock, see ODNB, CE 1:220, and n. to Allen #225/4.]
  18. (E). Turks under Selim I invade the Mameluke Kingdom of Syria and Egypt (23 August 1516, 22 January 1517). Dialogue of Comfort, CW 12:cxxii–cxxiii, 7/30–8/1, 206/20–22, nn. on p.336–337, 414.
  19. (L) (Rogers #25). From Thomas More to Pieter Gillis, [London, before 3 September 1516]. Utopia (Louvain: Thierry Maartens, 1516), fol. a.iii; [extract Tres Thomae, p.43]; Jortin II.625–627; Rogers #25, pp.76–81; CW 4:38–45; Elizabeth McCutcheon, My Dear Peter (see note), pp.92–99; (E) SLTM #9, pp.43–49 (from CW 4). [L'Univers 235. Prefatory Letter to 1516 Utopia. For a commentary on this letter, see Elizabeth McCutcheon, My Dear Peter: The Ars Poetica and Hermeneutics for More's Utopia (Angers: Éditions Moreana, 1983). For some reason, Rogers dates this letter to c.October, even though More's Letter of 3 September to Erasmus (Allen #461/1–2, p.339), mentions the existence of the prefatory letter. McCutcheon notes that this reference gives us, incidentally, the only date that can be attached to this letter to Peter Giles (p.14). There is no indication that More ever revised it. For the life of Pieter Gillis (Petrus Aegidius/Peter Giles), see CE 2:99–101; Allen intro. to 1:#184, p.413; intro. to Rogers #25, pp.76–77; De Vocht Busleyden #80, p.464–65; and De Vocht LC #159, pp.438–40. For later letters to Gilles, see Rogers #41A (Epilogue to 1517 2nd edition of Utopia) and #47.]
  20. (L) (= Rogers #20). From Thomas More To Erasmus, London, 3 September [1516]. Allen 2:#461, pp.339–340 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE461.pdf); CWE 4:66–68; SL #6, pp.73–75; SLTM #8, pp.41–43; Érasme et More #7, pp.33–35; Nichols II:#450, pp.380–82. [L'Univers 233. I am sending you [our] Nowhere [nostram Nusquamam], which is nowhere [nusquam] well written. I have added a prefatory epistle to my Peter. I know that I do not have to tell you to give proper attention to everything else. . . . If you publish my Epigrams, give some thought to the propriety of printing my remarks about Brixius, as some of them are rather caustic, . . . . As for any silly remarks, handle them all as you know will be for my own good. . . . Farewell and give my regards to Master Tunstall and Master Busleiden (SL #6, pp.73–75; cf. Allen #461/1–3, 20–22, 24–25, 28–29, pp.339–40). Tunstall was on a displomatic mission to the continent at this time . The linking of Tunstall and Busleiden here increases the likelihood that the unnamed statesman of Rogers #22 below is Busleiden. More had evidently made arrangements with Erasmus for the publication of his Latin Epigrams, though in the event they were only published in 1518 in two editions of Utopia of March and November (together with Erasmus's own Epigrams). Erasmus in the end ignored More's advice to omit the epigrams about Germanus Brixius, which resulted in a literary quarrel, that occasioned the 1520 Letter to Brixius (Rogers #86) below.]
  21. (L) (Rogers #21). From William Warham to Thomas More, Otford, 16 September [1516]. Allen 2:#465, pp.344–345; Rogers #21, pp.75–76; CWE 4:#465, pp.75–77; Nichols II:#456, pp.391–92. [L'Univers 233. For the life of Warham, see ODNB, CE 3:427–431 and Allen intro. to #188, pp.417–18.]
  22. (L) (= Rogers #22). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [London, c.20 September 1516]. Allen 2:#467, pp.346–347 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE467.pdf); CWE 4:#467 pp.78–79; SL #7, pp.75–76; Érasme et More #8, pp.35–36; Nichols II:#470, pp.422–23. [L'Univers 235. Answered by Allen #474. Sometime ago I sent you my Nowhere [Nusquamam]; I am most anxious to to have it published soon and also that be handsomely set off with the highest of recommendations, if possible from several people, both intellectuals and distinguished statesmen (SL #7, p.76; Allen 2:#467/13–17, p.347). He then asks Erasmus to request a letter from one nameless individual (Busleiden [SL #7, p.76n4] or Colet [Allen n. to #467/17, p.346]?), and to describe the Utopia to Cuthbert Tunstall, if he has not already shown it to him.]
  23. Lost letter to William Latimer, [London, Before 22nd September 1516]. Allen 2:#468/10–11, p.347. [L'Univers 235 (Marc'hadour dates it c. début oct.) More and Erasmus write to Latimer to ask him to help Fisher learn Greek, see Allen #520 below.]
  24. (L) (= Rogers #23). From Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 22 September [1516]. Allen 2:#468, p.347 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE468.pdf); CWE 4:#468, pp.79–80; Nichols II:#457, pp.393–94. SL #8, pp.76–77; Érasme et More #9, pp.36–37. [L'Univers 235. Answered by Allen #474.]
  25. (L) (= Rogers #24). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 2 October 1516. Allen 2:#474 , pp.353–354 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE474.pdf); CWE 4:#474, pp.90–93; Érasme et More #10, pp.37–39; Nichols II:#461, pp.398–99. [L'Univers 235. Answering Allen #467, #468; answered by Allen #481. Pieter Gillis is devoted to you. You are constantly present to us. He is delighted with your Nowhere (tuae Nusquamae), and greets you most warmly, you and all yours (CWE #474/34–36).]
  26. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, Brussels, 17 October 1516. Allen 2:#477/5–7, p.359 and n. to line 5; CWE 4:#477/7–9, p.98; Nichols II:#464, p.406 (garbled). [L'Univers 235. Erasmus asks Gillis to write a preface to Utopia addressed to Busleyden, see *26A below. I am preparing Nowhere (Nusquam<am> adorno). I want you to write a preface, but addressed to anyone else other than to me. I should rather prefer Busleiden (Nichols p.406 altered).]
  27. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, Westminster, 20 October [1516]. Allen 2:#478/34–35, p.361; CWE 4:101/42; Nichols II:#467, pp.411–12. [L'Univers 235; Sullivan I:18. Your friend More is charmingly well (pp.411–12).]
  28. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, Brussels, 28 October 1516. Allen 2:#480/1–17, pp.362–63; CWE 4:#480/1;ndash;18, pp.102–103; Nichols II:#469, p.412–413. [Erasmus praises Tunstall, who is with him, in the strongest terms to Budé.]
  29. (L) (= Rogers #26). From Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 31 October [1516]. Allen 2:#481, pp.370–372 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE481.pdf); CWE 4:#481, pp.114–17; SL #9, pp.78–81; SLTM #10, pp.49–53; Érasme et More #11, pp.40–44; Nichols II:#471, pp.424–27. [L'Univers 235. Answering Allen #477. Facsimile of Deventer letterbook, fol. 164, facing Allen 2: p.371. I am delighted to hear that Pieter approves of my Nusquama [Nowhere from the Latin adverb nusquam]; if men such as he like it, I shall begin to like it myself. I should like to know whether Tunstall approves [cf. Rogers #17,#28 below] and Busleyden [Rogers #27 below], and your chancellor [Jean le Sauvage, leader of the opposing party in the negotiations of the Utopian embassy of 1515]; that it should win their approval is more than I dared hope, being men so gifted that they hold high office in their own countries, unless they were to favour it because in such a polity as I have invented men like themselves, so cultivated and upright, would certainly be at the head (CWE #481/68–74, p. 481) — Utopia as Humanistocracy or Mandarinocracy? For the life of Jean Le Sauvage, see CE 2:325–26; CW 4:284, n. to 26/24; and Maarten Vermeir, Chancellor Jean le Sauvage /Ioannes Sylvagius, Erasmus' princeps christianus and a prince of Utopia for Thomas More, Moreana 53:203–204 (June 2016): 269–82.]
  30. (L) (*26A). From Pieter Gillis to Jérôme de Busleyden [Busleiden] [Hieronymus van Busleyden], Antwerp, 1 November, 1516. CW 4:20–25 and nn. on pp.279–82; De Vocht, Busleyden, Letter #80, pp. 464–68. [L'Univers 235; Sullivan 2:29. Prefatory Letter to 1516 Utopia, see Allen #477/5–7 above.]
  31. (L) (Rogers #27). From Jérôme de Busleyden to Thomas More, Mechlin, [November] 1516. CW 4:32–37; Rogers #27, pp.81–84; De Vocht, Busleyden, Letter #81, pp. 468–72. [L'Univers 237; Sullivan I:147. Prefatory Letter to 1516 Utopia.]
  32. (L) (*26B). From Jérôme de Busleyden to Erasmus, Mechelen, 9 November, [1516]. Allen 2:#484, p.375; CWE 4:#484, p.120; De Vocht, Busleyden, Letter #82, pp. 472–73. [L'Univers 237; Sullivan I:147. Cover letter accompanying Busleyden's Preface to Utopia.]
  33. Lost Letter from Erasmus to More, [Brussels, c.9 November 1516]. Allen intro. to 2:#499, p.413. [cf. L'Univers 237. For More's reply, see Allen #499, 4 December 1516.]
  34. (L). 1516 Map, Utopian Alphabet, and Verses, [c.Nov. 1516]. CW 4:16–21. [The map and the utopian alphabet also seem to have been added at this late point. Gilles was the author of the Utopian alphabet and Tetrastichon, and probably the Hexastichon of Anemolius as well (CW 4:22/18–21). Gillis and/or Erasmus may have also been responsible for some or all of the marginal glosses in Utopia (CW 4:280–81, n. to 22/21; p.clxxxvi and n1, and footnote to p.2 under Title 1517 praeter Erasmi annotationes). The artist of the 1516 map is unknown (CW 4:276&77). In the Hexastichon by Anemolius, the nephew of Hythloday, occurs the only reference to Utopia as Eutopia or happy-place (CW 4:20/9 and n.on p.279), an equation that More himself never makes in any of his surviving works. The Utopian alphabet and verses were omitted from the 1517 edition, but reprinted in the two 1518 editions, which also included a new map by Ambrosius Holbein (CW 4:clxxxviii–cxc). The Utopian alphabet and Maps were not reprinted in later early modern editions of Utopia, probably for typographical reasons. For possible Indian [Malayalam] sources for the Utopian alphabet, see nn. on CW 4:277–78 and 584; J. Duncan M. Derrett, Thomas More and Joseph the Indian, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland April, 1962: 18–34; and The Utopian Alphabet, Moreana 12 (1966): 61–66; and Christophe M. Vielle, La langue de l'île d'Utopie: les Indes orientales vues des Flandres à la Renaissance, Acta Orientalia Belgica 26 (2013): 203–22.]
  35. (L). From a letter of  Gerard Geldenhower to Erasmus, Louvain, 12 November 1516. Allen 2:#487/2–7, p.380; CWE 4:#487/2–9, p.125; Nichols II:#477, pp.431–32. [L'Univers 237; Sullivan 2:26. Our Thierry [Martens] has willingly and joyfully undertaken the printing of Utopia. Paludanus [Desmarez] will show you the figure of the Island itself, drawn by an excellent artist (Figuram a quodam egregio pictore effictam) . . . And I will take great care that the Utopia shall be produced in a handsome form, so that there may be nothing to interfere with the pleasure of the reader. For the life of Geldenhauwer, see CE 2:82–84; intro. to Allen 2:#487, pp.379–80; and De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.#179, p.484. For More's references to Geldenhouwer's poetry, see Letter to Dorp (CW 15: 106/24–25 (n. on p.537), 108/1,16, 118/4, 120/15).]
  36. (L) (*27A). Epigrams of Gerard Geldenhower [Noviomagus] of Nijmegen and Cornelis de Schrijver [Cornelius Grapheus] for Utopia, [Louvain, November 1516]. CW 4: 30–31, and nn. on pp.285–287. [Sullivan 2:26 and 2:46 These two epigrams must have been added at this point if not sooner – see Geldenhouwer's letter to Erasmus (#487) above. For the life of Schrijver [Grapheus], see CE 2:123; Allen 4:#1087/355, n. on pp.225–26; and De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.#179, pp.484–86.]
  37. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, Brussels, 18 November [1516]. Allen 2:#491/13, p.385; CWE 4:#491/12, p.131; Nichols II:#482, p.435. [L'Univers 237; Sullivan I:319. Utopia is in the printer's hands (Vtopia in manibus est typographi). But see Desmarez's letter below (*28A).]
  38. Lost Letter from Tunstall to More, Brussels, end November 1516. [L'Univers 237. In Allen #499 dated 4th Dec. 1516 below, More writes: Master Tunstal recently wrote me a most friendly letter. Bless my soul, but his frank and complimentary criticism of [our] commonwealth [republica nostra] has given me more cheer than would an Attic talent (SL #11, pp.84–85; cf. Allen #499/35–39, p.413). More had earlier asked Erasmus in Allen #467, dated 20th Sept. 1516, to show the manuscript of Utopia to Tunstall: I am also anxious to know if you have shown it [Nowhere] to Tunstall, or at least described it to him (SL #7, p.76).]
  39. (L) (Rogers #17, #28). From Thomas More to Cuthbert Tunstall, [London, c. December 1516]. Tres Thomae 207, 64; Rogers #17,p.75; #28, pp.84–85; Hallett 84–85, 49–50; SL #10, pp.81–82; SLTM #11, pp.53–55. [L'Univers 237. Two excerpts in Stapleton. Marc'hadour suggests that the two excerpts be combined: c.déc.: More remercie Tunstal de ses félicitations(Rogers 28, avec laquelle on peut bloquer Rogers, 17.) Rogers #17: What possible gain is it for me to be employed in embassies, for although my Prince is generously inclined towards me, yet far from seeking advancement at Court I turn away from it with loathing (Hallett). In Rogers #28: More thanks Tunstall for his previous letters, which are not extant, especially his last one with its praise of my Commonwealth [Republica mea] . . . . Wherefore, for having so carefully read through the Utopia, for having undertaken so heavy a labor for friendship's sake, I give you the deepest thanks (SL #10, p.82); see also previous entry. Cuthbert Tunstall's lost letter from Brussels and More's reply both clearly predate Allen #499 (Rogers #29) below.]
  40. (L) (*28A). From Jean Desmarez [Paludanus] to Pieter Gillis, Louvain, 1 December [1516]. CW 4:27–29. [Prefatory Letter and Epigram to 1516 Utopia. For the life of Desmarez, see CE 1:389; intro. to Allen 1:#180, p.398; and CW 4:26/1, n. on p.282. In his letter to Beatus Rhenanus in December 1517 (Allen #732 below), Erasmus writes: As to the Utopia, I leave it to you to decide. Desmarez' things can be left out. The mention of the alphabets in Pieter Gillis' preface need cause you no anxiety (CWE 5:#732/28–30, p.229). Rhenanus evidently decided to omit Desmarez's pieces but retain the alphabets in the March 1518 edition.]
  41. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, Westminster, 4 December [1516]. Allen 2:#498/28–30, p.412; CWE 4:#498/33–35, p.161; Nichols II:#487, p.445. [L'Univers 237; Sullivan I:18. Your letter delivered to me by More does not need much answer, except that I am amused at that class of people who live to gratify their appetite (p.445; cf. Allen #483, dated 9 November).]
  42. (L) (=Rogers #29). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [London, c. 4 December 1516]. Allen 2:#499, pp.412–414 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE499.pdf); CWE 4:#499, pp.162–64; SL #11, pp.83–85; SLTM #12, pp.55–58; Érasme et More #12, pp.44–47; Nichols II:#486, pp.442–43. L'Univers 237. More playfully imagines himself as king of Utopia, dressed in a Franciscan robe and carrying a sheaf of wheat.]
  43. Lost Letter from Erasmus to More, [Brussels, before 15 December 1516]. Allen 2:#502/17–18,24–26, pp.420–21. [cf. L'Univers 237. The letter clearly announced the imminent publication of Utopia as we can tell from More's reply.]
  44. (L) (=Rogers #30). From Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 15 December [1516]. Allen 2:#502, pp.418–421 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE502.pdf); CWE 4:#502, pp.169–72; SL #12, pp.85–88; Érasme et More #13, pp.48–50; Nichols II:#489, pp.446–48. [L'Univers 237. Facsimile of Deventer Letter-book, MS 91, fol. 129–129v on CWE 4: 170. Your letter has aroused my hopes, which I greedily seize upon; and from day to day I look forward to [our] Utopia with the feelings of a mother waiting for her son to return from foreign parts (SL #12, p.87;cf.CWE #502/27–30). Erasmus's letter is not extant.]
  45. (L) Publication of Utopia, Louvain, Thierry [Dirk] Martens, second half of December 1516. CW 4:1. [L'Univers 237. The approximate date of publication can be established from all the correspondence listed above (and below), see Allen intro. to 2:#461, p.339 and CWE intro to 4:#461, p.66. For the life of Dirk [Thierry] Martens, the publisher of Utopia who also published over fifty of Erasmus's works, see CE 2:394–396.]
  46. Lost Letter of Erasmus to William Mountjoy, [Brussels, end of December 1516.] Allen 2:#508/1–3, pp.425–426; CWE 4:#508/1–3, p.177. [Erasmus sends a newly printed copy of Utopia to Mountjoy possibly as a strena or new year's gift. (Allen 2:399, intro. to #461); see also Allen 1:#187/1–14, p.450 and CWE 2:#187/2–16, p.101 and n.to l.4, where Erasmus refers to the custom of giving MSS as New Years Gifts (Erasmus to Richard Foxe, etc.) and More's Prefatory Letter to Joyeuse Leigh at the beginning of his Life of Pico.]
  47. A mery gest how a sergeaunt woldel erne [sic] to be a frere, London: Julian Notary, [c1516]. [CW 1:cxiii–cxv; Gibson #69; L'Univers 239. Title Page reproduced in CW 1:14 (and Gibson p.92). The only one of More's poems to be published in his own lifetime, but without attribution.]

1517

  1. (L). From a letter of  William Blount, Lord Mountjoy to Erasmus, Tournai, 4 January [1517]. Allen 2:#508/1–7, pp.425–426; CWE 4:#508/1–8, p.177; Nichols II:#493, p.452. [L'Univers 243; Sullivan 1:83. Mountjoy thanks Erasmus for the gift of a copy of Utopia probably sent as a New Year's present: Your letter has come, and with it the book about the island of Utopia which you sent me . . . . I expect to read it soon from beginning to end, so that though I am not in a position to enjoy the society of my beloved More, I may at least see his reflection in his Utopia. (CWE #508/1–2, 5–8). Erasmus's letter to Blount is not extant.]
  2. Erasmus sends at least three copies of Utopia to More and probably a copy to Tunstall as well, Antwerp, January–February 1517. [Two of the Utopias were given a presentation copies to Warham and Wolsey (cf. Rogers #31, #32 below), probably at Erasmus' suggestion; More also gave a copy to his old friend Antonio Bonvisi (Rogers #34). Erasmus almost certainly also sent a copy to Tunstall as well; Tunstall's copy is in Yale University Library (cf. CW 4:clxxxiv) with Tunstall's autograph inscription Sum Tunstalli on the Title Page.]
  3. Lost Letter of More to Busleyden thanking him for his Prefatory Letter to Utopia, [London, Before 13 January 1517]. Allen 2:#513/6, p.430; CWE 4:#513/7, p.183.
  4. (L) (=Rogers #33). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [London], 13 January [1517]. Allen 2:#513, p.430 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE513.pdf); CWE 4:#513, pp.182–83; Érasme et More #14, pp.50–52; Nichols II:#495, pp.455–56. [L'Univers 243. I have written to thank our friend Busleyden. You must thank Desmarez yourself on my behalf no less warmly than Gillis, for they wished you to have the credit of what they wrote (CWE 4:#513/7‐9). More's letter to Busleyden is not extant.]
  5. (L) (Rogers #31). From Thomas More to William Warham, [London, January 1517]. Tres Thomae 205; Rogers #31, pp.85–87; Hallett 82–84; SL #13, pp.88–89; SLTM #13, pp.58–60. [L'Univers 243. Excerpt in Stapleton. On the occasion of Warham's resignation as Lord Chancellor to be replaced by Wolsey. I beg your grace to accept a little book [Utopia]. It was written in due haste, and I fear is lacking in wit, but a friend of mine, a citizen of Antwerp [Peter Gilles] allowed his affection to outweigh his judgment, thought it worthy of publication and without my knowledge had it printed (SLTM #13, p.60). The glosses are Stapleton's. The pretence at reluctance to publish was something of a topos in this period.]
  6. (L) (Rogers #32). From Thomas More to a Member of the Royal Court, [London, January 1517]. Tres Thomae 208; Rogers #32, p.87; Hallett 85; SL #14, p.90. [L'Univers 243. Brief excerpt in Stapleton. More claims that he had originally wanted to dedicate the Utopia to Cardinal Wolsey, who had just become Chancellor: I had had it in mind to betroth my Utopia to Cardinal Wolsey alone (if my friend Peter had not without my knowledge, as you know, ravished her of the first flower of her maidenhood [i.e. by publication]) (SL #14, p.60).]
  7. (L) (Rogers #34). To Antonio <?Bonvisi>, [London, January 1517]. Tres Thomae 208; Rogers #34, pp.87–88; Hallett 85 [79]; SL #15, p.90; SLTM #14, pp.60–61. [L'Univers 243. Brief excerpt in Stapleton. For the life of Antonio Bonvisi, see Rogers #217 below.]
  8. (L). From a letter of  William Latimer to Erasmus, Oxford, 30 January [1517]. Allen 2:#520/9–26, 31–32, 82–87,96–98, 136–138, pp.438–442; CWE 4:198/10–28, 199/34–35, 200/88–93,102–105, 202/143–146; Nichols III:#732, pp.236–42. [L'Univers 243; Sullivan 2:211. Latimer apologizes to Erasmus for refusing his and More's requests to spend time with Fisher teaching him Greek. As for More, you know how quick he is, what a forceful mind he has, and with what energy he addresses himself to anything once he has started; in a word how much he resembles you (#520/136–138). For Fisher's Greek studies, see also More's Letters to Erasmus: Allen 2:#468/10–11, p.346 (CWE 4:#468/12–14 and n., p.80); and #481/16–19, p.371 (CWE 4:#481/17–20, pp.114–15).]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Antonius Clava to Erasmus, Ghent, 6 February [1517]. Allen 2:#524/18–21, p.450; CWE 4:#524/19–21, p.211; Nichols II:#507, p.474. [L'Univers 245; Sullivan I:201. Clava looks forward to receiving Thomas More's merry book on the new island of Utopia.]
  10. Lost Letter from Erasmus to More together with a copy of Utopia, Antwerp, c13 February 1517. Allen 2:#543/1–3, p.494; CWE 4:#543/1–4, p.270. [Allen suggests that it was probably a copy for More to revise for new forthcoming edition.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Antonius Clava, Antwerp, [c.14 February 1517]. Allen 2:#530/28–29, p.459; CWE 4:#530/34–35, p.223; Nichols II:#514, p.493. [L'Univers 245; Sullivan I:319. When you have read More's Utopia, you will feel you have been suddenly transported into another world; everything there is so different.]
  12. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, Antwerp, 21 February 1517. Allen 2:#534/56–58, p.479; CWE 4:#534/58–60, p.250; Nichols II:#516, p.498. [L'Univers 245; Sullivan I:319. Erasmus recommends More's Utopia: As for Thomas More's Utopia, if you have not yet had a chance to see it, mind you buy a copy, and do not grudge the leisure to read it, for you will not regret the trouble taken. Budé later contributed a Prefatory letter to the 2nd edition of Utopia (Paris: ?Oct. 1517), see *40A below. For the life of the great French humanist Guillaume Budé, see CE 1:212–17, Allen intro. to 2:#403, pp.227–28, and Rogers intro. to #65, p.124. Budé, who was one of Erasmus's most important correspondents, exchanged about fifty letters with him, and another 9 odd letters with Thomas More; and several more with Richard Pace and Cuthbert Tunstall.]
  13. Two Lost Letters from More to Erasmus, Received 20 February 1517. Allen 2:#536/14–17, p.482; CWE 4:#536/17–18, p.253. [L'Univers 245.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Maarten van Dorp, Antwerp, 21 February [1517]. Allen 2:#536/14–17, p.482; CWE 4:#536/17–18, p.253; Nichols II:#518, p.501; DeMolen 95. [L'Univers 245. Erasmus had two letters from More yesterday. Erasmus promised to tell More in his reply (cf. Allen #543/1–2 and #545/1–2) of his reconciliation with Dorp. None of these letters survive.]
  15. Probable Lost Letter from Erasmus to More, Antwerp, c23 February 1517. Allen 2:#536/14–17, p.482; CWE 4:#536/17–18, p.253. [L'Univers 245. Erasmus replies to More's lost letters, received on 20th, cf. #539 to Andrea Ammonio.]
  16. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Cop, Antwerp, 24 February 1517. Allen 2:#537/17–18, p.483; CWE 4:#537/21–23, p.255; Nichols II:#519, p.503. [L'Univers 245. Erasmus recommends Cop to read More's Utopia: if you wish to see the very wellsprings of all troubles in the commonwealth.]
  17. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Antwerp, 24 February 1517. Allen 2:#539/23–24, p.484; CWE 4:#539/27–28, p.257; Nichols II:#521, p.505. [L'Univers 245. If you have anything that can restore me to life send it by More, unless you have a more likely envoy, cf. Allen #498/28.]
  18. (L) (=Rogers #35). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 1 March 1517. Allen 2:#543, pp.494–495 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE543.pdf); CWE 4:#543, pp.270–73; Érasme et More #15, pp.52–54; Nichols II:#525, pp.513‐15. [L'Univers 245; Sullivan I:319. In Allen #543/23 (CWE #543/27–28) I sent you not long ago a parcel of epistles, with the copy of the Utopia . . . I send one letter, which I have written to Marlianus [Marliano], because he suspected the first book of Utopia to have proceeded from me. I do not want that notion to gain ground, as nothing is more silly. . . Send your revised Utopia here as soon as you can, and we will send the copy either to Basel, or if you like, to Paris.]
  19. (L) (=Rogers #36). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 8 March 1517. Allen 2:#545, pp.496–97 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE545.pdf); CWE 4:#545, pp.274–75; Érasme et More #16, pp.55–58; Nichols II:#527, pp.516–17. [L'Univers 245; Sullivan I:320. Send the Utopia as soon as may be. There is a Senator of Antwerp, who is so pleased with it, that he has learnt it by heart. At the end of the letter Erasmus makes an uncompimentary comment about Vives: If Vives has been with you often, you will easily guess what I have suffered in Brussels. (CWE #545/16–17, and note on pp.274–75). In the 1521 edition of Epistolae ad diversos the name is changed to Pollio probably to avoid embarrassment since Erasmus had changed his views on Vives. The later reference in Allen #1106 (26 May 1520) in which More professes not to know Vives at all, is not necessarily incompatible if More's acquaintance with Vives was only slight and they hadn't actually met (see note in CWE).]
  20. Thomas More in the London City Records, 11,17 March 1517. Repertories 3.133.b.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers, pp.245,247. Office of the gaugership, and tithes.]
  21. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Antwerp, 11 March 1517. Allen 2:#551/14–15, 17–19, pp.503–504; CWE 4:283/17,21–22; Nichols II:#532, pp.523–24. [L'Univers 247; Sullivan I:320. More used to be impregnable but like Ammonio he is being swept into the stormy waters of political business.]
  22. (L). From a letter of  Oecolampadius to Erasmus, Weinsberg, 27 March 1517. Allen 2:#563/14–16, p.523; CWE 4:305/17–19; Nichols II:#542, p.535. [Oecolampadius' ears resound with Erasmus' praises of statesman More and saintly Colet. More and Fisher both later wrote against Oecolampadius.]
  23. Erasmus' Sixth and Final Visit to England, April 1517. [L'Univers 247.]
  24. (L). From a letter of  Niccolò Sagundino to Marcus Musurus, London, 22 April 1517. Allen 2:#574/56–88, pp.548–549; CWE 4:#574/59–87, p.339; Nichols II:#552, pp.545–46. [L'Univers 247. Detailed praise of Erasmus and More. Sagundino was the secretary of the Venetian Ambassador Sebastiano Giustiniani [Giustinian]. See Allen #590 and #591 below. For the life of Sagundino, see CE 3:188–189.]
  25. (E). Evil or Ill May Day Riots, 1st May 1517. Repertories 3.143.; Harpsfield, n. to 19/22– 20/2, entry for 1st May, 1517 on p.313; More's Apology (CW 9:156/8–36, and nn. on pp.388–89 (and The Essential Thomas More 234–35); and Letter to a Monk (CW 15:282/16–284/12 and n. on p.593 (for another possible reference); Polydore Vergil, Anglica Historia (1555) XXVII.24 (Lat. / Eng.) (who does not mention More's role); Hall I:153–164 (More mentioned on p.159); and John Stow, Annals, pp.849–51. [See R.W. Chambers More (1935), pp.147–51 (1963: 140–43). More's historical role seems to have been quite minor (See Apology), but is greatly developed in the first few scenes of The Book of Sir Thomas More, including Scene 6 (the scene generally attributed to Shakespeare). On May 12 More was one of a Commission appointed to go to the kinges grace & to know his plesure when the Mayr & aldremen & diverse of the Substancyall Comeners of this Citie shall sue to beseche his grace to be good and gracious lord un to theym & to accepte theym nowe beying most Sorowfull & hevye for thees late Attemptates doon ageynst their wylles; and also to fele my lord Cardynalles mynde concernyng the nombre of persones that shall cume to the kinges grace for the Seyd sute to be made (Harpsfield 313).]
  26. Rogers #37 has been redated to 1518.
  27. (L) (Herbrüggen 37A). Henry VIII to Foxe, Audley, Sandys, Lisle, Gifford, Newport, Paulet, Frost and More, Westminster, 28 May 1517. PRO C.66/630 m.6 dorso; calendared LP 2:#3297 (Hants.), pp.1054–55; Herbrüggen #37A, pp.13–21; —.
  28. (L) (=Rogers #38). From Erasmus to Thomas More, [Antwerp, 30 May] 1517. Allen 2:#584, pp.576–577 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE584.pdf); CWE 4:#584, pp.368–72; Érasme et More #17, pp.58–61; Nichols II:#563, pp.558–61. [Sullivan I:320. Answered by Allen #601. Peter Gillis and I are being painted in one picture, which we intend to send you as a present before long. . . I have sent your Epigrams, and the Utopia . . . to Basel by my own servant, whom I have kept here for some months for the purpose.]
  29. Sir Thomas More to the Mercer's Company, 20th June 1517. [Where it was shewed unto the Compeny by Maister Wardens that Maister More shuld go over the see as Imbassator into Fraunce for a day of dyat there to be kepte, and they of the Compeny that haue had any Iniuries or wronge done unto theym by Frenchmen lett theym shewe it to the said Maister More (Acts of Court 446).]
  30. (L). From a letter of  Niccolò Sagundino to Erasmus, London, 22 June 1517. Allen 2:#590/9–13, p.592; CWE 4:#590/13–16, p.389. [L'Univers 249. Praise of More. Gives a brief account of More reading Erasmus's letter to Sagundino out loud, a common practise in the Renaissance. See also Allen #574 above and #591 below.]
  31. (L). From a letter of  Sebastiano Giustiniani to Erasmus, London, 29 June 1517. Allen 2:#591/1–2, p.594; CWE 4:#591/3–4, p.391. [L'Univers 249; Sullivan 2:34. From your letter to my friend More, dear Erasmus, I learn that my letter [Ep. #559 and #574?] has gone astray and that you are anxious for a copy of it. See Allen #584/43–46, above. For the life of Guistiniani, see CE 2:203. Giustiniani was the Venetian Ambassador to England from 1515 to 1519. For More and Giustiniani, see CWE 4:#461/3–5, p.66, CWE 5:#601/64–65, p.18 and Giustiniani's Letters to the Signory on 28 February and 18 September 1518.]
  32. (L). From a letter of  Fisher to Erasmus, Rochester, [c.June 1517]. Allen 2:#592/4–7, p.598; CWE 4:#592/6–9, p.397; Nichols II:#568, pp.569–70. [Fisher complains that More has forwarded Reuchlin's letter (Ep. #562), but is hanging on to the De Arte cabalistica.]
  33. Thomas More in the London City Records, 6 July 1517. Repertories 3.149.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers, p.249. With the Recorder, to arbitrate between the parishioners of St. Vedast and the Fellowship of Sadlers.]
  34. (L) (=Rogers #39). From Erasmus to Thomas More, [Louvain, c. 10 July, 1517]. Allen 3:#597, pp.3–6 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE597.pdf); CWE 5:#597, pp.6–13; Érasme et More #18, pp.61–65; Nichols II:#572, pp.574–76; DeMolen 98–100. [Answered by Allen #601. Erasmus mentions that Pieter Gillis is sick (see also #584 above). For More's reply expressing concern for Pieter, see #601. See also Charles Clay Doyle, The Mysterious Malady of Pieter Gillis, in Humanism: Pieter Gillis.]
  35. (L) (=Rogers #40). From Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 16 July [1517]. Allen 3:#601, pp.10–12 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE601.pdf); CWE 5:#601, pp.16–18; Érasme et More #19, pp.65–69; Nichols II:#579, pp.584–86. [Answering Allen #584, #597.]
  36. (L) (*40A). From Guillaume Budé to Thomas Lupset, Paris, 31 July [1517]. CW 4:4–15; Garanderie 43–49; Delaruelle #12, pp.26–27. [L'Univers 251 and n4; Sullivan 1:138–139. Budé's Prefatory Letter to 1517 Utopia (Paris: 1517). See Ep. 59 (Allen #785/14–16, pp.238–239; CWE 5: 326/15–17) for Erasmus' inclusion of this letter in the 3rd edition (Basel: March 1518). For Budé's correspondence with More see M.–M. de la Garanderie's French translation in La correspondance de Guillaume Budé et Thomas More, Moreana V:19/20 (1968): 41–68. Marc'hadour also suggests including Budé's letter to Lupset in the list of Correspondence here, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 91.]
  37. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, [Louvain, c.1 August 1517]. Allen 3:#616/9–11, p.33; CWE 5:#616/10–12, p.50; Nichols II:#578, p.584. [Erasmus asks Gillis to tell Quentin Metsys to hurry up and finish the painting of Pieter for More, see Ep.40 (Allen 3:#601/50–52, pp.11–12; CWE 5: 18/56–58). See also Allen #654*** below.]
  38. (L). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Erasmus, Constance, 5 August [1517]. Allen 3:#619/2,28–31,36–37,43–47, pp.37–39; CWE 5:#619/3,30–34,38–39,44–51, pp.56–58; Nichols II:#593, pp.604–606. [Some time ago, Pace received a copy of Epistolae ad Erasmum (Louvain: 1516), including letters from Budé, Ammonio, More, and other scholars. Later he writes: I got a letter from our friend More, now I suppose more the Utopian not the Englishman. . . . I have been most deeply immersed in the business of princes.. . . The result of all this has, I am sure, reached you by common report, or at least you have understood it clearly in our friend More's new republic of Utopia, where he deals in characteristic fashion with Naples breaking loose and everything else connected with it.]
  39. (L). From a letter of Erasmus to Germain de Brie [Germanus Brixius], Louvain, [c. August 1517? or c. October 1518?]. Allen 3:#620/28–40, pp.42–43; CWE 5:#620/30–45, p.62; Nichols II:#573, p.579. [L'Univers 251n6, 271; Sullivan I: 320. Marc'hadour suggests c.oct. ? 1518 but the editors of CWE argue for an earlier date on the assumption that Brie had access to a manuscript copy of More's Epigrams (cf. intro. to CWE #620, pp.60–61). Erasmus first asks Germanus Brixius about his quarrel with More. See Allen #1045 (Dec. 1519) for a response from Brie written over two years later. In Allen #584 (c30 May 1517), Erasmus indicates that he has sent a copy of More's Epigrams together with Utopia to Basel for Froben to publish; but there is no indication that he also sent a copy to Paris for Lupset to publish in September 1517.]
  40. Death of Andrea Ammonio from the sweating sickness, 17 August 1517. Allen #623 (from More below); #624 and #639/1–2, 20–22. [L'Univers 250. See also 1485 and August 1511.]
  41. (L) (=Rogers #41). From Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 19 August [1517]. Allen 3:#623, pp.46–47 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE623.pdf); CWE 5:#623, pp.67–68; Érasme et More #20, pp.70–71; Nichols III:#597, pp.1–2. [Answering Ep. 38, 39. More reports an outbreak of the sweating sickness in England, which carried off their mutual friend Andrea Ammonio (d. 17 August). See also Allen #624.]
  42. (L) (Rogers #41A). From Thomas More to Pieter Gillis, [London, c. August [1517]. CW 4:248–53; Rogers #41A, pp.90–92. SLTM #15, pp.61–64. [More's Second Letter to Gillis, Epilogue in 1517 Utopia. For some mysterious reason, probably accidental oversight on Erasmus's or Rhenanus's part, the letter was omitted from all later early-modern editions of Utopia. However, it sheds some important light on More's own views of his artistic creation.***]
  43. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus, Louvain, 23 August, 1517. Allen 3:#628/58–59, p.52; CWE 5:#628/68–69, p.75. [Sullivan I:320. Erasmus' asks Rhenanus to see that they get on in Basel with the printing of what he sent, and especially that they make a good job of More's pieces (i.e. Utopia and Epigrammata).]
  44. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Wolfgang Anst, Louvain, 24 August, 1517. Allen 3:#634/4–7, p.56; CWE 5:#634/6–9, p.82. [Sullivan I:320. I should like More's Utopia and Epigrams to have a letter of commendation from Beatus Rhenanus (cf. Ep. *58A) by way of preface, and if you think fit they can be put together in one volume. If, however, you think it would do any good, add also a short preface by myself, which I enclose in this letter (cf. Ep. *41B).]
  45. (L) (*41B). From Erasmus to Johann Froben, Louvain, 25 August, 1517. CW 4:2–3; Allen 3:#635, pp.56–57; CWE 5:#635, pp.82–83; Nichols III:#610, pp.21–22; DeMolen 102. [Sullivan I:320–21. Erasmus' preface to Froben's edition of More's Utopia and Epigrammata, Basle: March 1518. See also Erasmus' Letter to Johann Botzheim (1523) (Allen I:4/2–7; CWE 9:#1341A/92–97, p.296) and Nichols I: 22. For the life of Johann Froben, see CE 2:60–63, Allen intro. to 2:#419, p.250, and Rogers intro. to #67, p.132. For other references to Froben, see Allen #732, *56A, and Rogers #67 below.]
  46. (L) (Rogers #42). Henry VIII to Wingfield, Knight, More, London, 26 August 1517. BL MS Cotton Caligula D.vi. fol.317 (now 322–327); calendared LP 2:#3634, p.1148; Rogers #42, pp.92–96; cf. Harpsfield 316. [See Rogers intro. pp. 92–93. Part of a group of epistles including Ep. #49, #50, #51, #53, #55.]
  47. Wolsey to Henry VIII. [After 26th?] August [1517]. PRO; calendared in LP, 2:App.38, p.1538. [Has despatched Mr. Knight and Thomas More with their commission and instructions to Calais to demand redress of grievances, and not depart till a complete settlement has been made on both sides LP.]
  48. More's Second Diplomatic Mission to the Continent, Calais, September–December 1517.
  49. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Beatus Pieter Gillis, Louvain, 28 August, [1517]. Allen 3:#637/1–2, p.59; CWE 5:#637/2–3, p.85; Nichols III:#611, p.23. [Sullivan I:321. I am grieved indeed at the death of Ammonius. But how I wish More were here safe!]
  50. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Cuthbert Tunstall, Louvain, 30 August, [1517]. Allen 3:#642/7, p.64; CWE 5:#642/7–8, p.91; Nichols III:#615, p.27. [Sullivan I:321. More is coming here with all speed (Morus huc advolat) (cf. Allen #623 above).]
  51. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Cuthbert Tunstall, Louvain, 31 August, [1517]. Allen 3:#643/3–4, p.64; CWE 5:#643/5–6, p.91; Nichols III:#616, p.28. [Sullivan I:321. But I am cheered by the news that More will be with us, and if that happens, I shall get a new lease on life.]
  52. More arrives in Calais, Beginning of Sept. 1517. [L'Univers p.253.]
  53. CW 3/2: #52 published in Erasmus Adagia, III.iv.83, 1518 [Sept. 1517]. Adagia (Basel: Froben, 1518), p.533, sig.Y3. [CW 3/2: 52, pp.128–130, n. on p.346 and Appendix D: #1, p.710. Prefatory comment reads: Id Thomas Morus olim adolescens scite vertit hunc in modum. Colophon dated September 1517, and Froben's concluding letter to the reader dated 27 November 1517 (CW 3/2: 346. Earliest printing of one of More's Epigrams.]
  54. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to <Fisher>, Antwerp, 8 September 1517. Allen 3:#653/1–6, p.75; CWE 5:#653/1–6, p.105; Nichols III:#625, pp.41–42. [Mentions Colet's complaints about not receiving Reuchlin's De arte cabalistica: You must forgive Colet his eagerness; I know your kind heart. I had given More leave to show the book to Colet, not to deposit it with him.]
  55. (L) (=Rogers #44). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 8 September [1517]. Allen 3:#654, p.76 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE654.pdf); CWE 5:#654, pp.106–107; Érasme et More #21, pp.71–72; Nichols III:#624, p.41. [Letter accompanying the portraits of Erasmus and Pieter Gillis by Quentin Metsys: I am sorry for you tied to Calais as you are. If nothing else is possible, do at least write often, even a few words. Farewell, My dear More, who I love best of mortal men. For reproductions of the paintings, see CWE 4: pp.370–371 and CW 3/2: between pp.299–300. For colour reproductions see The King's Good Servant (for Gillis) Colour Plate II, facing p.52 and Gordon Rupp, Thomas More Illustrations #17 and #18, etc. For More's verses on the paintings, see Ep. 54 (Allen #706) below.]
  56. (L). From a letter of  Thomas Lupset to Erasmus, Paris, 15 September [1517]. Allen 3:#664/13–17,26–30, p.90; CWE 5:#664/15–19, 30–33, pp.125–26; Nichols III:#635, pp.64–65; John Archer Gee, The Life and Works of Thomas Lupset (New Haven: Yale UP, 1928), 296–97. [L'Univers 253 and n7; Sullivan 2: 249. Lupset has asked More to make peace between him and Erasmus. He hopes Erasmus isn't still angry with him (cf. Allen #502 and #690). I am now concerned with the second edition of More's Utopia, which I hope to finish at the end of the month. Did you receive the paper I left for you at More's house.]
  57. (L). Publication of Second Edition of Utopia by Gilles de Gourmont, in Paris, [after 15th September] 1517. [Supervised through press by Thomas Lupset (see Allen 3: #664 above).]
  58. (L) (=Rogers #45). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Louvain, 16 September [1517]. Allen 3:#669, pp.92–93 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE669.pdf); CWE 5:#669, pp.128–129; Érasme et More #22, pp.73–75; Nichols III:#639, pp.69–70. [L'Univers 253. Answered by Ep. 46, 52. If you come to Bruges, send for Mark [Lauwerijns/Laurinus], the dean of St. Donatian's, who is my good friend. See Allen #740 below.]
  59. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Antonius of Luxembourg, Louvain, 17 September [1517]. Allen 3:#673/13–14, p.95; CWE 5:#673/17–18, p.132; Nichols III:#642, p.72. [L'Univers 253; Sullivan I:321. More, if I mistake not, is now in Calais on some mission for his king.]
  60. (L). From a letter of  Pieter Gillis to Erasmus, Antwerp, 27 September 1517. Allen 3:#681/9–11, p.103; CWE 5:#681/12–13, p.146; Nichols III:#650, p.84. [L'Univers 253; Sullivan 2:29–30. Pieter Meghen has made a prosperous start for England with our pictures; if More is at Calais, he already has us to look at.]
  61. (L). Richard Pace's De Fructu, Basel, [October] 1517. Pace 46–47, 68–69, 102–107, 108–109, 126–127. [Several references to More (including Utopia). For Pace's character sketch of More (pp.102–107), see Edward Surtz, Richard Pace's Sketch of Thomas More, Journal of English and Germanic Philology 57 (1958): 36–50. For references to Utopia, see pp.68–69, 108–109, and 126–127. For a facsimile of title page, see Pace frontispiece and CWE 5: 302. Erasmus sent a copy of Pace's book to More, see Allen #776 (=Rogers #58).]
  62. More's double Epigram on the Diptych of Erasmus and Pieter Gillis, painted by Quentin Metsys, Before 7 October, 1517. CW 3/2: #276, pp.298–300, 66–67, 421–24; and Allen #684 below. [CW 3/2 reproduces the three pages of the Deventer MS containing the poems, and black and white photos of the Diptych between pp.299–300. The double epigram must have been composed some time around or after 27th September, see Allen #681.]
  63. William Lily's Epigram on More's Verses, Before c.10 December 1522. BL Harleian MS 540, fols. 223v–224 [57v–58]; CW 3/2: pp.421–22. [CW 3/2 transcribes Latin text of Lily's 8 line epigram Guilielmi Lilii in mori tabulam continentem effegies erasmi & egidij, together with an English prose translation. Since Lily was a close friend of his, More presumeably showed Lily the diptyph shortly after his return from Calais at Christmas 1517. See Gilbert Tournoy, La Poésie de William Lily pour le diptyque de Quentin Metsijs. Moreana 97 (1988): 63–66.]
  64. (L) (=Rogers #46). From Thomas More to Erasmus, Calais, 7 October [1517]. Allen 3:#683, pp.103–105 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE683.pdf); CWE 5:#683, pp.147–49; Érasme et More #23, pp.75–77; Nichols III:#655, pp.94–96. [Answering Ep. 45.]
  65. (L) (Rogers #47). From Thomas More to Pieter Gillis, [Calais], 6–7 October [1517]. Allen 3:#684, pp.105–107 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE684.pdf); Rogers #47, pp.98–100; CWE 5:#684, pp.147–49; Érasme et More #24, pp.78–81; Nichols III:#654, pp.91–94. [See CW 3/2:298–301 for edition of Epigram #276. See also Ep.46 (Allen #683) above.]
  66. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, [Louvain, c. October 1517]. Allen 3:#687/19, p.110; CWE 5:#687/21, p.157; Nichols III:#656, p.98. [I like More's verses.]
  67. Rogers #48 [To Lee] = Rogers #85/112–33 below.
  68. (E/Fr) (Rogers #49). Wingfield, Knight, More to Wolsey and the Council, Calais, 13 October [1517]. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §16, p.37; calendared LP 2:#3743, p.1178; Rogers #49, pp.101–103.
  69. (Fr) (Rogers #50). La Fayette and others to the English Commissioners at Calais, Boulogne, 17 [October] 1517. BL MS Cotton Caligula D.vi. fol. 330; calendared LP 2:#3750, p.1180; Rogers #50, pp.103–104. [Answered by Ep.55.]
  70. (E) (Rogers #51). Wingfield, Knight, More to Wolsey and the Council, [Calais, c.October, 1517]. BL MS Cotton Caligula E.iii.fol. 26; calendared LP 2:#3766, p.1182; Rogers #51, pp.104–106.
  71. (L) (=Rogers #52). From Thomas More to Erasmus, Calais, 25 October [1517]. Allen 3:#688, p.111 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE688.pdf); CWE 5:#688, pp.157–158; Érasme et More #25, pp.81–83; Nichols III:#659, pp.102–103. [Answering Ep. 45.]
  72. (a) (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, Louvain, 26 October [1517]. Allen 3:#689/12, p.112; CWE 5:#689/13, p.159. [More is at Calais on a mission for his king.]
  73. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Lupset, Louvain, 26 October [1517]. Allen 3:#690/3–7, pp.112–113; CWE 5:#690/5–9, pp.159,161; Nichols III:#662, p.107. [Sullivan I:321. More has returned all the manuscripts of Erasmus left by Lupset with him, except the appendix to the Copia. Asks Lupset to see that he gets it back.]
  74. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Wolfgang Lachner, [Louvain, early November? 1517]. Allen 3:#733/19–20, p.163; CWE 5:#704A/22–24, p.187; Nichols III:#657, p.100. (Redated by CWE from c.9 December 1517 to early November 1517.) [More's shorter works [i.e. the translations of Lucian] I should prefer not to be separated from my dialogues, but to remain joined with them, as they have been hitherto (Opuscula Mori nolim a meis dialogis separari sed manere coniunctis).]
  75. (E) (Rogers #53). Wingfield, Knight, More to <Wolsey> Calais, 4 [Nov]ember [1517]. BL MS Cotton Caligula E.iii. fol.27; calendared LP 2:#3772, p.1184. Rogers #53, pp.107–108.
  76. (L) (=Rogers #54). From Thomas More to Erasmus, Calais, 5 November [1517]. Allen 3:#706, pp.131–133 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE706.pdf); CWE 5:#706, pp.188–90; Érasme et More #26, pp.84–87; Nichols III:#676, pp.131–34. [I had a letter from you today, together with letters [from Erasmus] for Colet and the bishop of Rochester . . . . I will see to it that they are delivered as soon as possible (CWE #796/2–4). All three letters are lost. See also CW 3/2:300–303 for edition of Epigram #277.]
  77. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, Louvain, 10 November [1517]. Allen 3:#708/1–4,11–12, p.135; CWE 5:#708/2–5,14, p.192; Nichols III:#680, pp.137–38. [Sullivan I:321–22. Pieter Gillis' father is sick (cf. Allen #702) and Erasmus writes: do not let yourself be overcome with grief that will destroy you, and be a painful burden to your family and very painful to More and myself. He adds: I have had two letters from More (Eps. #683, #688).]
  78. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, Louvain, 15 November [1517]. Allen 3:#712/19–22, p.142; CWE 5:#712/22–26, p.202; Nichols III:#685, p.146. [Sullivan I:322. Erasmus expresses grief at the death of Pieter Gillis' father (cf. Allen #715). Of More he writes: More is still at Calais, where his stay appears to be most disagreeable as well as expensive, and his business as hateful as can be. This is the blessing that Kings confer on their friends; this is what it is to be in favour with Cardinals! Just in the same way Pace was sent to Switzerland, and kept there two years. Please let us have his letter (see Allen #619).]
  79. (Fr) (Rogers #55). Wingfield, Knight, More, to the French Commissioners at Boulogne, Calais, 20 November [1517]. BL MS Cotton Caligula E.i. fol. 174; calendared LP 2:#3803, p.1191; Rogers #55, pp.108–110.
  80. (L) (=Rogers #56). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Louvain, 30 November [1517]. Allen 3:#726, p.153 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE726.pdf); CWE 5:#726, p.217; Érasme et More #27, pp.87–90; Nichols III:#698, pp.166–67.
  81. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus, Louvain, 6 December [1517]. Allen 3:#732/13–15,26–29, pp.160–161; CWE 5:#732/15–17, 28–32, p.229; Nichols III:#707, p.182–83. [L'Univers 257. As regards More's Utopia and Epigrams, the business meant more to me than my own affairs. Though I urged them [Froben and Lachner?] to produce it, for some reason they seem to have lost interest. . . . As to the Utopia, I leave it to you to decide. Desmarez' things can be left out. The mention of the alphabets in Pieter Gillis' preface need cause you no anxiety. You say nothing about More's Epigrams, intending to return to them later, and end up by saying nothing at all. Erasmus is probably referring to a lost letter here by Rhenanus. Erasmus had originally wanted the translations of Lucian published along with the Utopia and Epigrams, see CWE 5:#704A (renumbered from Allen 3:#733) above. In the end Froben published More's and Erasmus's translations of Lucian separately (see *56A below). See also Allen intro. to 2:#550, p.502 and CWE 4:#550, p.281.]
  82. (L) (*56A). From John Froben to the Reader, Basle, 6 December 1517. (L/Fr.) Moreana II:8 (1965):113–15. Online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek [USTC 689404; Epilogue (on p.643, cf. CW 3/1, p.lxii) to the 1517 Edition of More's and Erasmus' Translations of Lucian. Froben had announced the publication of More's Utopia and More's (and Erasmus') Epigrammata in Table of contents (verso of title page): Thomae Mori Ciuis Londonensis et vice comitis Lucubrationes, Vtopia, Epigrammatum Liber, Epigrammata Erasmi. However, in notice at the end, Froben indicates that their printing has been postponed: Sic enim plus Mori gloriae & studiosorum in primis commodo consuletur, quibus nihil aeque est ingratum ac immensa multiplicium chartarum coaceruatio. [In this way, More's glory and especially the studious readers' convenience will be better taken into account, readers to whom nothing is as unpleasant as an immense accumulation of pages.]]
  83. Fourth Edition of Erasmus's and More's Translations of Lucian, Basel: John Froben, 6 December 1517. [CW 3/1:lix–lxiii and plate of revised page of 1514 edition facing p.lxii; L'Univers 257.]
  84. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Mark Lauwerijns, Louvain, [16 December 1517]. Allen 3:#740/6–7, p.170; CWE 5:#740/7–8, p.241. [L'Univers 257; Sullivan I:322. I rejoice to know that you like More and Pace; I should like such men as that, even if they were Scythians. For the life of Mark Lauwerijns [Marcus Laurinus], see CE 2:307–308; Allen 1:#201, n, to line 2, p.432; CWE intro. to 5:#651 on p.102; Herbrüggen (1997): 84–87; and De Vocht, LC intro. to Ep.6a, pp.13–14. Herbrüggen thinks Erasmus is probably referring to an epistolary relationship and that More didn't actually met Lauwerijns for the first time until 1520, see Herbrüggen 1997: 85. Marc'hadour, however, suggests that More and Pace did actually meet Laurinus: c.20: Avant Noël, via Bruges, où, avec Pace, il est entretenu par Marc Lawerin, More rentre ` Londres. See also Allen #740–#742, #763 and #789 below. See also J. Wegg, Richard Pace, 115–16, and intro. to CWE 5:#619, p.56.]
  85. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Louvain, [16 December 1517]. Allen 3:#741/6,10–11, p.171; CWE 5:#741/7,11–12, pp.241–42. [Farewell, my excellent Pace, and if More is in your company, give him the warmest greetings from me, to match the warmth of my affection.]
  86. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Louvain, [21 December 1517]. Allen 3:#742/22–23,26–27, pp.171–172; CWE 5:#742/26–27,29–30, p.243; Nichols III:#714,p.199. [Sullivan I:322. If More is with you, I wonder that he keeps this more than Pythagorean silence. . . . I send no greetings to More, for he sent me none in your letters.]
  87. (L?). From William Gonell [Gonnell] to Henry Gold, [about Christmas 1517?]. PRO; calendared LP 2:App #17, p.1528. [For the dating of this letter, see Allen 3:#623, n. to line 20, p.47. [Gonell] Wrote to [Gold] by his brother nearly three months ago. Regrets he has had no return from him. Has received the living of Conyngton [6th Sept. 1517], which is very agreeable to him on account of its nearness to his native place and to the university [Cambridge]. Consequently he will be able to visit Gold and his friends as often as he pleases. Would be glad if he could hire a preacher of simple faith and honesty [as a curate] , and regrets that Gold is not old enough to take it himself. More has returned from his embassy. Clement is well, and so is More's whole family. [Gonell] Begs his remembrances to Grey and to Symson. He is to ask the latter to send a copy of Cicero's letters, as More wants to use it (LP p.1528). For the life of Gonell, see Rogers #63 below.]
  88. Lost Letter from Cuthbert Tunstall, [London, 1517–1518?]. [More replies in Rogers #37.]
  89. (L) (Rogers #37). From Thomas More to Cuthbert Tunstall, [London, 1517–1518?]. Tres Thomae 65; Rogers #37, pp.88–89; Hallett 50; SL #16, pp.90–91; SLTM #16, pp.64–65. [L'Univers p.250. Two brief excerpts from a single, longer letter made by Stapleton. According to Rogers (p.88), Tunstall was abroad in 1517 and would probably have purchased the amber on the Continent. Tunstall was on the continent at the beginning of 1517 and was back in England by 7 October (cf. More's Letter to Erasmus Allen #683/59 and Sturge Tunstall p.55). More himself was dispatched on a separate mission to Calais and did not return to England until Christmas 1517. The amber itself almost certainly came from the Baltic, and was commonly traded by the Hanseatic League. Tunstall's letter to More is not extant, nor do we know what services More did on behalf of Tunstall's friends, mentioned at the beginning of the letter. Since More entered royal service and became a member of the King's Council by 26 March 1518, and would have been in a better position to help Tunstall's friends, a date in 1518 seems more likely than Rogers' 1517.]

1518

  1. (L) (Rogers #57). From Thomas More to John Fisher, [Beginning [c.Feb.] 1518]. Tres Thomae 97; Rogers #57, pp.110–111; Hallett 77; SL #18, pp.93–94; SLTM #18, pp.57–58. [L'Univers 263. Excerpt in Stapleton. Marc'hadour dates this letter début 1518, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 91. In L'Univers, he further suggests c. fév.]
  2. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, [Louvain, c6 January 1518]. Allen 3:#754/9, p.190; CWE 5:#754/13, p.266. [L'Univers 261. Still no news of More, for this long time. Erasmus had received a letter from More by January 14th, see Allen #763/4–6 below.]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Antoon van Bergen, Louvain, 14 January 1518. Allen 3:#761/1–7, p.198; CWE 5:#761/4–10, p.275. [L'Univers 261. For many reasons I have long been indebted to your kindness, and now I am even more bound by the kind reception you have given to More, the dearer half of my own soul; he expresses such satisfaction, in a letter to me, at having seen your Highness. I am not the less grateful for this because in you it is nothing new; at the same time, devoted as I am to him, I was a little jealous of him because I could not do the same. For More's visit to him at Saint-Omer in Oct. 1517, see Allen 3:#683/53–58, p.105; CWE 5: #683/54–60, p.149 (=Rogers #46 above). For the Life of Antoon van Bergen, see CE 1:130–31 and intro. to Allen 1:#143, pp.334–35.]
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Mark Lauwerijns [Laurinus], Louvain, 14 January 1518. Allen 3:#763/4–6, p.202; CWE 5:#763/5–7, p.280; Nichols III:#730, p.229. [L'Univers 261; Sullivan I:322. More writes to me from England that he thinks himself fortunate to have made your acquaintance; he was so taken by your free and open character and manners. More's letter is lost. See also Allen #740 above.]
  5. Letter of Luther to John Lang, Wittenberg, 19 Feb. 1518. Luther, Werke: Briefwechsel (Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1950), I: p.147. [L'Univers 261; Sullivan 2:251: [Wolfgang] Capito informs me that the Utopia of More which Pace mentioned in his De Fructu, as well as his Epigrams, is being published at Basle. Be sure buy them at the Frankfurt fair. I thirst for More's Utopia (Utopiam morinam sitio). For Capito, see Ulrich von Hutten to Wolfgang Capito, Fulda, 28 August [1520].]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Roger Wentford, Antwerp, 21 February [1518]. Allen 3:#772/1–3, p.216; CWE 5:#772/2–4, p.298; Nichols III:#738, p.248. [L'Univers 261; Sullivan I:322. I know you wrote a letter to More and addressed it to me, and sent the letter meant for me to him, but, my dear Wentford, there was nothing wrong in that; what belongs to either of us is as truly his as mine. For More's comments on Wentford, see Allen #688/1–8, p.111; CWE 5:#688/2–9, p.157 above. For the life of Wentford, see CE 3:438, and intro. to Allen 1:#196, p.428.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johannes Sixtinus, Antwerp, 22 February [1518]. Allen 3:#775/21–23, p.218; CWE 5:#775/26–28, p.300; Nichols III:#740, p.252. [L'Univers 261; Sullivan I:322. About Pieter Gillis' health I spread no rumours, but I did complain in a letter to More; and I only wish the report was untrue. See Allen 3:#597/20–24, p.5 (CWE 5:#597/23–27, p.9) above and Allen 3:#687/7–11, p.110 (CWE 5:#687/10–13, p.156). For the Life of Sixtinus, see Colet's Correspondence.]
  8. (L) (=Rogers #58). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 22 February 1518. Allen 3:#776, pp.218–219 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE776.pdf); CWE 5:#776, pp.301–303; Érasme et More #28, pp.91–93; Nichols III:#739, pp.249–50.
  9. (L) (*58A). From Beatus Rhenanus to Willibald Pirckheimer, Basle, 23 February 1518. CW 3/2:72–77; CW 4:252–53 = 3/2:76/62–83. [Prefatory letter to Froben's combined edition of More's Utopia and Epigrammata. For the life of Pirckheimer, see CE 3: 90–94; intro. to Allen 2: #318, p.40; and CW 3/2, p.318, and illustration between pp.73–74. For the life of Beatus Rhenanus, see CE 1: 104–109; intro. to Allen 2:#327, p.60; and CW 3/2, p.318, and illustration between pp.73–74.]
  10. From a letter of  Sebastian Giustinian (Giustiniani) to the Signory, 28 February 1518. Original Letter Book, St. Mark's Library, Letter no. 163; CSP Venice 2:#1010. [L'Univers 263; Sullivan 2:34. The Cardinal [Wolsey] had promised to appoint Richard Pace and Thomas More, as commissioners to negotiate the repeal of the wine duties. They are the most sage, most virtuous, and most linked with him (Giustiniani) of any in England. Suspected this promise would not be performed, because Pace was known to be devoted to the Signory, and More to justice.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Richard Sampson to Erasmus, Tournai, 2 March 1518. Allen 3:#780/44–49, pp.232–233; CWE 5:318/45–49; Nichols III:#744, pp.275–76 (partial). [It would be wrong not to mention my friend More — everybody's friend, rather, for the quality both of his learning and of his natural wit must be obvious to anyone who is prepared to read his Utopia or his other works. I say nothing of his charm in daily life, his courtesy and most amusing conversation, and his outstandingly high character. For the life of Richard Sampson, see ODNB, CE 3:192, Allen 2:#388, n. to l.35, p.194, and Rogers intro. to #10, p.17. For diplomatic missions that Sampson served on with More, see also Rogers #10, #11, #11A, #12, #13(=103D), #14, and #98.]
  12. (L) (=Rogers #59). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Louvain, 5 March 1518. Allen 3:#785, pp.238–240 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE785.pdf); CWE 5:#785, pp.325–329; Hillerbrand #785/21–36, pp.120–21; Érasme et More #29, pp.93–98; Nichols III:#753, pp.288–91; Huizinga XII: 221–23.
  13. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Colet, [Louvain, c.5 March 1518]. Allen 3:#786/55–59 (pp.241–242) and n.55; CWE 5:#786/58–62 and n.58, p.331; Nichols III:#757, pp.297–300. [I am delighted to hear you have Folly [More] in person with you, that turbulent man, I mean; I beg you earnestly to give him my very cordial greetings. I love him from the bottom of my heart, and am much indebted to him. He supports me with his prayers, and ministers encouragement and advice in his letters. CWE reads Moriam for the nonsensical Mariam of Allen.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Mark Lauwerijns [Laurinus], Louvain, 5 March [1518]. Allen 3:#789/5, p.243; CWE 5:#789/6, p.334; Nichols III:#746, p.277 (no mention of More or Pace). [L'Univers 263. Erasmus asks Lauwerijns to help his servant who is going over to England on Erasmus' business: Send your greetings to More and Pace, who are devoted to you. See also Allen #740 and #763 above.]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus, Louvain, 13 March [1518]. Allen 3:#796/5–6, p.251; CWE 5:#796/6–7, p345; Nichols III:#763, p.312. [Sullivan I:322. Erasmus complains of Pace's characterization of him in the De Fructu: I have, however, written to tell More to give him friendly warning not to persevere in this nonsense. See Allen #776 and De Fructu above.]
  16. (L) (Rogers #60). From Thomas More to the University of Oxford, Abingdon, 29 March [1518?]. CW 15:129–49 (see p.cxxxii for texts); Jortin II.662–667; Rogers #60, pp.111–120; T. S. K. Scott-Craig, trans., Thomas More's 1518 Letter to the University of Oxford, Renaissance News 1 (1948): 17–24; rpt. in Nugent 64–72, SL #19, pp.95–103 and TMSB pp.204–211; SLTM #19, pp.69–77 (from Yale). [L'Univers 265 and n1. The Letter to Oxford: an epistolary tract. Contains a vigorous defence of Greek studies. Rogers dates this to 1518, but Daniel Kinney (CW 15:xxviii–xxxi) suggests 1519 as a possible alternate date. For Erasmus' later allusion to the attack on Greek studies, see Allen 3:#948 (pp.546–547) below; See also Richard Croke's (cf. Rogers #81 below) near contemporary defence of Greek studies at Cambridge in Orationes duae (Paris,1520). For later correspondence between More and Oxford, see Rogers #114, #132, #133, #134, #150, #151, #157, #158, #167, #177, and #181.]
  17. More becomes a member of the King's Council by 26 March, 1518. Harpsfield 24/6–9 and n. on p.317; Roper 10/22–11/3 and n. on pp.110–111. [John Guy, Thomas More (2000): 228. For the controversy about when More actually entered the king's service, see ibid 50–53. More didn't actually get paid until June 21st below.]
  18. Publication of the Third Edition of Utopia, together with the First Editions of More's and Erasmus's Epigrams, (Basel: Froben, March 1518). [L'Univers 263.]
  19. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Wilhelm Nesen, Louvain, 17 April [1518]. Allen 3:#816/2–6, p.286; CWE 5:#816/4–8, p.389; Nichols III:#774, p.342. [L'Univers 265; Sullivan I:322–23. Erasmus writes that his servant John Smith is going back to his native England to please his doting mother, who cannot believe her son is safe and sound unless she sees him in Britain. He will live in Thomas More's household. More himself is entirely absorbed by the court, being alsways in attendance on the king, to whom he is now secretary. For the life of John Smith, and his later career see CE 3:261 and Allen intro. to 1:#276, p.534.]
  20. (L). From From a letter of  Erasmus to William Gonnell (Gonell), Louvain, 22 April [1518]. Allen 3:#820, p.289; CWE 5:#820, p.392; Nichols III:#779, p.347. [L'Univers 265; cf. Univers I: 269. Erasmus gives advice about John Clement, who had recently recently moved from More's house and taken service with Cardinal Wolsey. John Clement, who had tutored More's children, later married More's ward Margaret Giggs. For the life of John Clement, see ODNB, CE 1:311–12, Allen 2:#388/173n, p.198; Rogers note to #25/45, pp.78–79, De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.154, pp.425–26, and E. A. Wenkebach John Clement (Leipzig: Barth, 1925). For more on More's attitude to Clement, see Allen #388/173–75, p.198 (=Rogers #16) and CW 4:40/14–19 and nn. on p.291; and Gonell's Letter to Henry Gold, dated Christmas 1517 above; and Rogers #71, #72 (Allen #907) below, William Gonell was at this time the tutor of More's children. For More's letter to Gonell and the life of Gonell, see Rogers #63 below.]
  21. (L) (=Rogers #61). From Erasmus to Thomas More, [Louvain, second half of April 1518]. Allen 3:#829, pp.294–296 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE829.pdf); CWE 5:#829, pp.400–402; Érasme et More #30, pp.98–100; Nichols III:#794, pp.368–70. [L'Univers 265.]
  22. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Cuthbert Tunstall, Louvain, 24th April 1518. Allen 3:#832/34–39,41–44, pp.303–304; CWE 5:#832/38–42, 44–48, p.410; Nichols III:#790, p.361. [L'Univers 265; Sullivan I:323. I should be really sorry for poor More's bad luck in being haled to court, were it not that under such a king and with so many educated colleagues and acquiantances, one might think it more a shrine of the Muses than a palace. But meanwhile there is no news out of Utopia to make us laugh, and he, I know, would rather enjoy a joke than ride in a state coach. . . . I am sending my John [Smith] back to England. . . . Yet I do not feel I am parting with him, since he is moving to join the household of my beloved More.]
  23. (L/Gr). From a letter of  Guillaume Budé to Richard Pace, Paris, 27th April 1518. Epistolae 1520, a2–a5v, fol. 2–5v ; Epistolae 1521 a2–a4v , pp.3–8; Epistolae 1531 fol.1r–3r; Delaruelle #16, p.35–37. [L'Univers 265; Puderet me iterum... Budé is responding to two letters of Pace, in one of which Pace affirme qu'en Angleterre Linacre, More, Tunstall, Latimer, et d'autres encore, partagent son admiration pour G. B. Budé replies: Puissé-je un jour connaître More . . . Quelle cour, celle d'Henry VIII, où se côtaient des hommes tels que Linacre, Pace, Tunstal, More! Ais enim in amore, atque etiam (si credere ipse sustineo) admiratione mei socios tibi esse Linacrum, Morum, Tonstallum, et Latymerum cum nonnullis aliis... Budé goes on to praise Henry VIII's court: Id quod de eo Rege haud dubie mihi persuaserim, qui Linacros, Paceos, Tonstallos, Moros, Latymeros, & veluti cohortem quandam palladiam in praetorio semper habeat. He concludes the letter by sending greetings to Linacre, Tunstall and More.]
  24. (L) (=Rogers #62). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [Oxford?, ?May 1518]. Tres Thomae 73; Allen 3:#845, pp.338–339 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE845.pdf); Rogers #62, p.120; Hallett 57; CWE 6:#845, p.37; Érasme et More #31, p.100. [L'Univers 267. Brief excerpt in Stapleton: I have a great affection for [Beatus] Rhenanus and I owe him much gratitude for his extremely kind preface. I should long ago have sent him a letter of thanks had not that fatal disease of laziness held me captive (Hallett). See also Allen #388/152–154, p.197; (=Rogers #16); CWE 3:#388/161–64, p.235. For Rhenanus' Preface see Ep.58A above.]
  25. (L) (Rogers #63). From Thomas More to William Gonell [Gonnell], At Court, 22 May [1518]. Tres Thomae 224; Rogers #63, pp.120–123; Hallett 101–104; SL #20, pp.103–107; SLTM #20, pp.78–83; TMSB pp.197–200. [L'Univers 267. Excerpt in Stapleton. Important statement of More's views on Education. Gonnell was one of the tutors of More's children. For the life of William Gonnell, see ODNB, CE 2:118, intro. to Allen #274, p.532 and intro. to Rogers #63, p.120.]
  26. (L) (63A = Rogers #76). From Thomas More to Margaret, Elizabeth, Cicely, John, [c.Fall 1517–1518?] CW 3/2:#264, pp.278–83, and n.on 413; Rogers #76, pp.154–156; SLTM #26, pp.89–91; TMSB, pp.178–79. [L'Univers 273n7. A Verse Epistle, not included in the first edition of More's Epigrams in March 1518. The poems was composed while More was making a journey on horseback in stormy weather and having to ford deep waters, either while More was following Henry VIII on one of his royal progresses, or perhaps on one of More's diplomatic missions to the continent: More probably wrote this poem betweeen the fall of 1517 and 1520, when it was first published. He might have written it during his visit to Calais between August and October 1517. But in 1518 and 1519 More often travelled on the king's business in England (see, e.g. Rogers, nos. 60, 77–79). Three prose letters More wrote to his daughters have reasonably been assigned to the years 1517 and 1518 (Rogers, nos. 43, 69, 70). But the poem has closer affinities with a letter More wrote to his children's tutor William Gonell on the day before Pentacost, probably in 1518 (Rogers, no. 63). The last sentence of that letter is almost an outline for the poem (CW 3/2:413, n. to 264/1–55).]
  27. (L) (=Rogers #64). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Basle, 31 May [1518]. Allen 3:#848, pp.340–341 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE848.pdf); CWE 6:#848, pp.39–41; Érasme et More #32, pp.100–102; Nichols III:#802, pp.414–15. [L'Univers 265.]
  28. (L). From a letter of  Pieter Gillis to Erasmus, Antwerp, 19 June [1518]. Allen 3:#849/40, p.342; CWE 6:#849/41, p.45; Nichols III:#804, p.419. [Of More I have no news.]
  29. More granted a King's councillor's annuity of £100, 21 June 1518. PRO C66/637, m. 12 (Patent Rolls); E.405, no.202 (cf. Roper n. to 11/1–3 on p.111) and PRO C82/463 (Warrants for the Great Seal, Series II) (cf. Public Career 8n23.); briefly calendared in LP 2:#4247, p.1317. [John Guy, Thomas More (2000): 228; cf. Public Career 8.]
  30. Thomas More in the London City Records, 23 July 1518. Repertories 3.221.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers, p.267. Ad istam Curiam Thomas More, Gent., unus Subvicecomes Civitatis in Computatore Pulletr' london, libere et sponte . . . Resignavit Officium predictum in manus Maioris et aldermannorum. More gives up the office of Under-Sherrif to serve the king. However, he continues to have dealings with the City until 1530: Meantime the exchange of courtesies and good offices continued, the Londoners evidently feeling that in More they had a friend at court (Harpsfield p.313. Winifred Jay includes another 19 items from the period 1519 to 1530, see pp.313–314.]
  31. More gives a Brief Latin Oration in London to welcome Cardinal Campeggio to England, 23 July 1518. BL MS Harl. 433. f. 293; calendared in LP 2:#4333, pp.1336–37; Hall I:167, online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/1518Hall.pdf
  32. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Paolo Bombace [Bombasius], Basel, 26 July 1518. Allen 3:#855/37–41, pp.356–357; CWE 6:#855/42–45, p63; Nichols III:#805, p.422; DeMolen 117. [Sullivan I:323. Thomas More is of the privy council, not only the Muses' darling but the pattern of all charm and of every grace, whose ability you have been able to discern to some extent in what he has written. Pace, almost a brother to him, is secretary.]
  33. (L). From Guillaume Budé to Richard Pace, Paris, 1 August [1518? or 1519?]. Epistolae 1520 a7v–b1, fol.7v–9; Epistolae 1521 b2–b3, pp.11–13; Epistolae 1531 fol.4–5; Delaruelle #17, p.38. [L'Univers 283. Delaruelle dates this letter to 1518; Marc'hadour to 1519. Tertia iam epistola... Praise of Tunstall, Linacre, and More: Vale, Tonstallo, Linacro, Moro, qui me uerbis tuis uel epistolis salutarunt, centuplicato salutem rependito. Parisijs Calend. August. See also Budé's letter of November 1518 to Pace.]
  34. (L) (Rogers #65). Thomas More to Guillaume Budé, [c. August 1518]. Tres Thomae 68; Jortin II.669–670; Rogers #65, pp.124–125; Hallett 52; SL #21, pp.107–109; SLTM #21, pp.84–85; (Fr.) Garanderie 50–51. [Excerpt in Stapleton. Answered by Ep. 66.]
  35. (?). From a letter of  Wolsey to Henry VIII. 28th August [1518]. PRO ***; calendared in LP, 2:App.51, p.1545. [Has notified to the King, by his secretary and by Thomas More, such occurrences as were at that time. Has received letters of the arrival of the Bp. of Paris [Étienne Poncher] at Sandwich on Thursday last LP.]
  36. (L) (Rogers #66). From Guillaume Budé to Thomas More, Paris, 9 September 1518. Epistolae 1520 b1–b6v, fol.9–14v; Epistolae 1521 b3–c3v?, pp.13–21. Epistolae 1531 fol. 5–8; Rogers #66, pp.125–132; (Fr.) Garanderie 51–58; Delaruelle #19, pp.39–41. [L'Univers 269. Answering Ep. 65.]
  37. From a letter of  Sebastian Giustinian to the Signory, 18 September 1518. Original Letter Book, St. Mark's Library, Letter no. 188; CSP Venice 2:#1072. [L'Univers ; Sullivan 2:34. Had visited the King at Eltham, to congratulate him, as ordered. Communicated to him the Levant newsletters. The King said the treaty [of peace, negotiations to end the League of Cambrai?] was not yet concluded, as some difficulties still remained. Took leave, as the King was going out on pleasure. After dinner, held a conversation with Thomas More, newly made councillor, who was a great friend of his. Could learn nothing from him, as the Cardinal of York [Wolsey], according to him, alone transacted the business with the French ambassadors, and when he had concluded he called the councillors, so that the King himself scarcely knew the state of affairs. More added that the Spanish ambassador had likewise received no information respecting these matters, except the assurance that nothing would be introduced in the negotiations at variance with the amity existing between England and the Catholic King.]
  38. (L). Epigram in which He apologizes because while conversing with a prominent cleric he had failed to notice a certain noble lady who entered the room and stood beside them for some time while they talked, [August–October 1518]. CW 3/2: #265, pp.282–85, and nn. on pp.414–15. cf. LP 2/2:#4549, #4559, pp.1393, 1395; CSP Venice 2:#1074, p.458. [The identity of this French lady (line 47) is unknown. Perhaps, More is punning on her first name (Claire) in line 19. Between August and October a large French embassy, who had come to England to complete the Treaty of London was lavishly entertained (CW 3/2, p.414, n. to 265/14. The note then cites LP and CSP Venice.]
  39. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to John Smith, Louvain, 25 October [1518]. Allen 3:#895/2–4, p.434; CWE 6:#895/2–4, p.176. [Letter to former servant of Erasmus, now in the service of More, cf. Allen #829/18–20 above.]
  40. (L). From a letter of Erasmus to Germain de Brie [Germanus Brixius], Louvain, [c. October 1518?]. [Marc'hadour suggests an alternate date of c.oct. ? 1518 for Allen #620, which is dated by Allen to c. August 1517. See Allen #1045 (c. Dec. 1519) for Brie's response.]
  41. (L). From Guillaume Budé to Richard Pace, Paris, 5 November 1518. Epistolae 1520, a6–a7v, fol. 6–7v; Epistolae 1521 b1–b2, pp.9–11; Epistolae 1531 fol. 3v–4r; Delaruelle #23, pp.46–47; calendared LP 2:#4559, p.1395. [Proh diui immortales...; dated Parisijs Nonis Nouemb. L'Univers 271 (Marc'hadour gives date as 7th). Budé sends his greetings to Tunstall, More, and Linacre: Vale mi Pacee, & mihi Tonstallum, Morumque meos, Linacrum, aliosque saluta. Speaks of the magnificent preparations made in England on the reception of the French embassy; and the graciousness and munificence of Henry. The Frenchmen on their return were loud in their commendations, and their reports greedily listened to. Praises especially Henry's learning and eloquence. Pace's oration on the occasion. Beraldus is gone to court with the Bishop of Paris, and the King's arrival to receive them is reported. Paris, non. Novemb. (LP.]
  42. (L). From a letter of  Thomas Lupset to Richard Pace, 12 November 1518. Gee, The Life and Works of Thomas Lupset 297–98. [L'Univers 271; Sullivan 2: 249. Tunstall is expected in Paris and we hope that Master More will be coming with him.]
  43. (L) (Rogers #67). From John Froben to Thomas More, Basle, 13 November 1518. Aula 1518, p.2; Rogers #67, pp.132–133. [L'Univers 271. Prefatory letter to Hutten's Aula, a dialogue on court life written at Mainz in the autumn of 1518. Erasmus would later write an important Letter to Hutten about More, see Allen #999 below.]
  44. (L) (=Rogers #72). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [London?, c.November 1518?]. Tres Thomae 221; Allen 3:#907, p.463 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE907.pdf); Hallett 98–99; CWE 6:#907, p.215; SL #24, pp.110–111; SLTM #24, p.88; (Fr.) Érasme et More #33, pp.102–103. [L'Univers 271. Praises of John Clement, who is teaching Greek at Oxford. See also Eps. #820 and #388 above. Is Erasmus referring to Clement in Allen 3: #948/187–190 and n.188, Allen does not think so.]
  45. (L). From a letter of  Lambertus Hollonius to Erasmus, Basel, 5 December 1518. Allen 3:#904/14–15, p.445; CWE 6:#904/16–17, p.191. [L'Univers 271. More's Utopia approaches the end. It will be followed by a work of Zasius. . . . Referring to the second Froben edition of Utopia, dated November 1518 in the colophon.]
  46. Publication of the Fourth Edition of Utopia, together with the Second Editions of More's and Erasmus's Epigrams, (Basel: Froben, Nov.-Dec. 1518). [CW 4:clxxxix; L'Univers 271n5. The colophon for More's Utopia is dated November 1518, but those for More's and Erasmus's Epigrammata are dated December 1518.]
  47. (L) (Rogers #68). Thomas More to Guillaume Budé, At Court, [c. December 1518]. Tres Thomae 72; Rogers #68, pp.133–134; Hallett 55; (Fr.) Garanderie 58. [L'Univers 273. Brief excerpt in Stapleton: Please greet for me that good and learned man Lascaris. I have no doubt that you have already given my best wishes to Beroaldus [Bérault], without my reminding you; you know how dear he is to me—and deservedly so, for I have hardly ever met a more learned man or a more pleasant companion (Hallett. The Utopians have Lascaris's Greek grammar, see CW 4:180/33–34 and n. on p.469. Budé mentioned Bérault in Rogers #66/195–99, 228, pp.131–32.]
  48. Prefatory Letter of Ulrich Zasius to John Renner. Ulrich Zasius, Lucubrationes (Basel: December, 1518). sig. a3v. online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. [USTC 652728; L'Univers 273. Mentions More: Thomam Morum, uirum Graece et Latine doctissimum ferunt extra Angliam natale solum studiorum nomine non diuertisse.]
  49. (L) (Rogers #43). From Thomas More to His Daughters and to Margaret Gyge, [1518? or 1517?]. Tres Thomae 234; Rogers #43, pp.96–98; Hallett 109; SL #17, pp.91–93; SLTM #17, pp.65–67. [L'Univers 273n7. Marc'hadour dates this letter and #76 to 1518. Excerpt in Stapleton. Rogers dates it earlier: As John is not included, it is perhaps one of the earlier letters. It was written when More was away from home, probably on the Mission to Calais in 1517, to settle disputes between English and French merchants (Rogers, intro. to #43, p.96).]
  50. (L) (Rogers #69). Thomas More to Margaret More, [1518?]. Tres Thomae 233; Rogers #69, pp.134; Hallett 109; SL #22, p.109; SLTM #22, pp.85–87. [L'Univers 273. Two short excerpts in Stapleton from a single letter.]
  51. (L) (Rogers #70). Thomas More to Margaret More, [1518?]. Tres Thomae 236; Rogers #70, pp.134–135; Hallett 111; SL #23, pp.109–110; SLTM #23, pp.87–88. [L'Univers 273. Brief Excerpt in Stapleton.]
  52. (L) (Rogers #71). Thomas More to Reginald Pole and John Clement, [1518?]. Tres Thomae 60; Rogers #71, pp.135–136; Hallett 45–46. [L'Univers 273. Brief Excerpt in Stapleton: I thank you, dear Clement, for being so keenly solicitous about the health of my family and myself that although absent you are careful to warn us what food to avoid. I thank you, my dear Pole, doubly for deigning to procure for me the advice of so skilful a physician, and no less for obtaining from your mother—noblest and best of women, and fully worthy of such a son—the remedy prescribed and for getting it made up. Not only do you willingly procure us advice, but equally evident is your willingness to obtain for us the remedy itself. I love and praise both of you for your bounty and fidelity (Hallett). For John Clement, see Allen #820 above. For the life of Reginald Pole, see ODNB, CE 3:103–105 and Rogers intro. to #71, pp.135–36; see also Rogers #128/3–12. Pole later denounced Henry VIII's executions of More and Fisher in Pro Ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione (1536). Pole's mother, Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury and cousin of Henry VIII's mother, was executed by Henry VIII in revenge in 1541, and beatified by Pope Leo XIII in 1886.]

1519

  1. (L) (=Rogers #73). From Erasmus to Thomas More, [Louvain], 1 January [1519]. Allen 3:#908, pp.463–464 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE908.pdf); CWE 6:#908, pp.215–16; Érasme et More #34, pp.104–112.
  2. Qualis Uxor Deligenda. [1519] Antonius Urceus, Rhythmus codri festivissimus. Carmen mori urbanissimum I [sic] lusus camicziani verissimus (Leipzig, Melchior Lotter, 1519, sigs. A3v–B1v). CW 3/2: #143, pp.180–192, n. on pp.371–72, and Appendix D: #3, p.710; Essential Thomas More, 127–132 (verse translation); (L/Fr/E) Moreana 26 (1970): 19–32. [USTC 691163. First published in the 1518 Epigrams, but see Comiander, 1550. For More's Epigram as an example of a suasoria, see CW 3/2: 372. For an example of a controversia, see also More's Reponse to Lucian's Tyrannicida (1506). ***Include note on CW 3/2: #143 but also #263, #265***?]
  3. (L) (Rogers #74). From Thomas More to John Fisher, [1519?]. Tres Thomae 63; Rogers #74, pp.136–137; Hallett 48; Reynolds Fisher 79; SLTM #25, p.89. [Two brief excerpts in Stapleton from a single letter.]
  4. From a letter of  Richard Pace to Wolsey, Greenwich, 13 February 1519. PRO; Ellis, 3 S. I. 193; calendared in LP 2:#76, p.21. [King Henry immediately commanded Mr. More to write in Pace's behalf for a ecclesiastical preferment for his brother.]
  5. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 17 February 1519. Repertories 3.263. and 5.103, 104, b.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers, p.275. John Melsham, one of More's clerks, was admitted one of the attorneys of the sherrif's court at More's special request and instance. ]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Erasmus, Richmond, 5 April [1519]. Allen 4:#937, p.234; CWE 6:#937/4–6, p.292. [L'Univers 277. I have read the copy of that tragi-comic story which you sent to our friend More, and what you you say about the case is quite right: men of that sort are being swept away by a kind of fatal insanity. Probably the letter to Fisher (an appeal for help against Lee) mentioned at the end of Ep. #908 above.]
  7. Roll of Attorneys, 20th April 1519. S. B. b.; LP 3:#193, p.68. [The names of Thomas More, John Rooper and others appear in these lists. Signed: T. carlis Ebor.]
  8. Robert Whittinton, Opusculum Roberti Whittintoni . . . libellus epygrammaton. (London: Wynkyn de Worde, 22 April 1519), sigs. C3v–C4v. [STC 25540.5; ESTC S111697; L'Univers 279; Gibson #593; Sullivan 4:286 and Supp:120; Boswell, #688, p.388. Two poems in praise of More and Utopia. See Richard S. Sylvester, The Man For All Seasons Again: Robert Whittington's Verses to Sir Thomas More, Huntington Library Quarterly 26 (): 147–54.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Petrus Mosellanus, Louvain, 22 April 1519. Allen 3:#948/182–219, pp.546–547; CWE 6:#948/189–224, pp.316–17; Allen #948/198–219 translated in E.E. Reynolds' St. Thomas More (Garden City, NY: Image Books, 1957), 104. [L'Univers 279. Gives a detailed account of More's defence of Greek Studies at Oxford (in 1518?) and also in a debate before the King; cf. Letter to Oxford (Rogers #60).]
  10. (L) (Rogers #75). From Thomas More to Edward Lee, 1 May 1519. CW 15:152–95 (see p.cxxxii for texts); Jortin II.646–658; Rogers #75, pp.138–154. [The Letter to Lee: an epistolary tract. Contains a defence of Erasmus' biblical studies. For the life of Lee, see ODNB, CE 2:311–314, Allen 3:#765, p.203, Rogers intro to #48, pp.100–101, and CW 15:xxxi–xxxiii. For More's later letters to Lee, see Rogers #84, and #85 below (#Rogers' #48 is an excerpt from #85). For Erasmus's Controversies with Lee, see Erasmus: Controversies with Edward Lee (CWE Volume 72), edited by Istvan Bejczy and Jane E. Phillips, translated by Erika Rummel (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2nd rev. ed. 2006).]
  11. (a) (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Wolsey, Antwerp, 18 May 1519. Allen 3:#967/155–157, p.592; CWE 6:#967/171–172, p.371. [There were even men ready to ascribe to me More's Utopia, so universal is the rule that any new publication, willy nilly, must be mine.]
  12. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johannes Fabri, Louvain, [c. end of May] 1519. Allen 3:#976/36–37, p.602; CWE 6:#976/42, p.387. [Thomas More is of the Privy Council, and so is Colet.]
  13. To Thomas More, the King's councillor, 1 June 1519. P.S.; LP 3:#280, p.96. [To have the corrody in the monastery of Glastonbury, vice Edw. Poxwell, deceased. Greenwich, 25 May 11 Hen. VIII.Del. Westm., 1 June. See 9 September [1535?] below.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Polydore Vergil to Richard Pace, London, 7 June 1519. Adagia sacra or Adagiorum Liber (Basil, 1521). Online edition by Dana Sutton at http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/polyadag/ (Lat. | Eng.); See also Denys Hay, Appendix II: Extract from Vergil's dedication of the "Adagia Sacra" to Richard Pace, 1519, pp.150–51 in The Life of Polydore Vergil of Urbino, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 12 (1949): 132–151. [L'Univers 287. The Preface is dated 1519 even though the book was not published until 1521. Prefatory letter praising English Humanists including More and Fisher: An aliam causam esse putas cur Thomas Morus noster certatim a cunctis diligatur? Enimvero sola hominis loquendi festivitas gratiave, quae passim omnibus etiam alienis obvia existit, et multam doctrinam ac humanitatem quibus praeditus est, late redolet, illud facit. Do you think there is any other reason why men fall all over each other in loving our Thomas More? For this is brought about only by the man's festivity and grace of speech, with which he greets all men, even complete strangers, and is redolent of the deep learning and kindness with which he is endowed. (Dana Sutton)]
  15. John Heywood enters Henry VIII's Court, 24 June–29 September 1519. [L'Univers 281 and Moreana 1 (1963): 71–72. Heywood later married Thomas More's niece Joan Rastell.]
  16. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to John Claymond, Louvain, 27 June 1519. Allen 3:#990/55–60, p.621; CWE 6:#990/61–66, p.407. [L'Univers 281; Sullivan I:323. John Claymond was the first President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Erasmus encouraged by Tunstall, More and Pace who have extolled with one accord your habitual readiness to be of use, being a man as approachable as you are upright has undertaken to write to Claymond to make his acquaintance. For the Life of John Claymond, see CE 1:307–308.]
  17. Fifth Edition of Erasmus's and More's Translations of Lucian, and Fifth Edition of Utopia, Florence: Filippo Giunta, July 1519. [CW 3/1:lxiv; CW 4:cxc; Gibson #82 (p.114); L'Univers 283.]
  18. (E) (Rogers #77). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 5 July [1519]. BL MS Cotton Titus B.xi. fol. 341; Ellis I.i.68, pp.195–198; calendared in LP 3:#356, p.124; Delcourt I, pp.317–18; Rogers #77, pp.156–157. [Autograph letter. For partial facsimile see Herbruüggen 1997:116. Expressing the King's wish to favour the town of Wexford in Ireland. The first in a series of business letters between More and Wolsey, most of them autographs.]
  19. (E) (Rogers #78). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 6 July [1519]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.v. fol. 296; Ellis I.i.69, pp.198–200; St.P. I/1:#4, pp.3–4; calendared in LP 3:#357, p.124; Delcourt II, pp.319–20; Rogers #78, pp.157–158. [Autograph letter. Various Intelligences.]
  20. (E) (Rogers #79). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 9 July [1519]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.v. fol. 295; Ellis I.i.70, pp.200–201; St.P. I/1:#6, p.7–8; calendared in LP 3:#368, p.129; Delcourt III, pp.320–21; Rogers #79, pp.159–160. [Autograph letter. On the Earl of Devonshire's Marriage, etc.]
  21. (a) (L) (Allen #999). From Erasmus to Ulrich von Hutten, Antwerp, 23 July 1519. Allen 4:#999, pp.12–23 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE999_OCR.pdf); Jortin II.359–365; Nichols III:#585B, pp.387–401; CWE 7:#999, pp.15–25; TMSB pp.3–13 (from CWE #7); SLTM #28, pp.102–114 (from Nichols) (also available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Erasmus%20to%20Ulrich%20von%20Hutten.pdf; Hillerbrand #999/97–110, 121–73, 271–76, pp.142–44; Huizinga XV: 231–39. [L'UniversSullivan I:323–25. First biography of More. According to M.A. Nauwelarts, without doubt composed in Louvain, though dated from Anterp, where Erasmus had gone to meet Richard Pace on 23rd July (cf. Allen 4:#1001/53–55), see Erasme à Louvain: Ephémérides d'un séjour de 1517 à 1521 (p.15). Erasmus later had a falling out with Hutten; he contrasts him unfavourably with More in his Letter to Johann Botzheim (1523) (Allen I:27/29–32; CWE 9:#1341A/1046–1050, p.336). See also Beatus Rhenanus' Life of Erasmus (Allen I: 70/529–31; Olin p.70) where Rhenanus quotes the Letter to Hutten in comparing Erasmus' stature with More's (Allen 4: #999/34–35 and n.34, p.14). See also Allen #191, #1233, #2750 for more biographical sketches of More. For the Life of Hutten, see CE 2:215–220; Allen intro to 2:#365, pp.155–56; and Rogers #67,n. to l.12, pp.132–33. Harpsfield draws extensively on Allen #999 without acknowledgment, see especially pp.56, 141–42, etc.]
            (b) (L). From Erasmus, the Colloquy Amicitia, Basle, 30 Sept. 1531. LB I: 877A–B; ASD I–3: 706/202–707/218; CWE 40: 1043/9–29 and nn.72–74, on pp.1051–52; N. Bailey, The colloquies of Erasmus, 2 vols. (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1878), 2:310–11. Online at https://archive.org/details/colloquieserasm01johngoog. [L'Univers 459; Boswell #299 (quoting Bailey). I have included this here because of the brief mention of More's Menagerie above in Allen #4: #999/131–38, p.17. A reminiscence of how More's pet monkey rescued a caged rabbit from the attacks of a weasel. For Thomas More's monkey, see also the 1527 Hans Holbein cartoon, reproduced in Harpsfield (Frontispiece), with the drawing of the monkey in the lower right hand corner. There is a monkey mentioned in Utopia: CW 4:180/29–32 and n. on p.468. The Utopian monkey may be partially based on an event reported by William Watson, see Allen #2:#450/59–61, p.316. For an Epigram by More about a rabbit, see CW 3/2:#83, pp.146–47. For quote, see Bailey Amicitia.]
            (c) (L). From Erasmus, Ciceronianus, Basle, March 1528. LB I: 1012F–1013A; ASD I–2: 677/11–678/10 and n.12; CWE 28: 423 and nn.697–701 on pp.589–90; also Ciceronianus: Or, A Dialogue on the Best Style of Speaking, translated by Izora Scott, introduced by Paul Monroe (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1908), pp.103–104. Online at https://archive.org/details/ciceronianusorad00erasuoft [L'Univers 407 and n3. About 15 lines in praise of More's literary studies. This parallels Erasmus' description of More's literary studies in Allen 4:#999/141–56 (CWE 7:#999/149–67. For quote, see Ciceronianus. Erasmus's prefatory letter to Johann Von Flatten (Allen #1948) is dated 14 February 1528.]
  22. (L) (*79A = Rogers #83). From Thomas More to a Monk [John Batmanson], [March–September [c.July?] 1519]. CW 15:xli–xlv, cxxxii (for various editions), 198–311; Jortin II.670–699; Rogers #83, pp.165–206; SL #26, pp.114–44 (partial); (Fr.)Moreana 27/28 (1970): 31–83. [L'Univers 283 and n7. The Letter a Monk: an epistolary tract. Dating from Daniel Kinney (CW 15:xli). Marc'hadour suggests c. July 1519 because More refers to Colet without mentioning his death (16 September). Contains a defence of Erasmus' Praise of Folly and biblical studies. SL #26 translates the second half of the letter, corresponding to CW 15:248–311.]
  23. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, [Antwerp, c 9 August, 1519]. Allen 4:#1004/135–38, p.40; CWE 7:#1004/152–56, p.42. [Praise of More, Pace and Linacre.]
  24. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Zuutpene, Antwerp, 10 August, 1519. Allen 4:#1005/31–33, p.41; CWE 7:#1004/35–37, p.44. [L'Univers 283; Sullivan I:325. The presence at the English court of Thomas More, Thomas Linacre and Richard Pace is a godsend for studious persons.]
  25. (L) (Rogers #80). From Guillaume Budé to Thomas More, Paris, 12 August 1519. Epistolae 1520, i6v–i8v, fol.70v–72v; Epistolae 1521 n4?–o1?, pp.114–116; Epistolae 1531 fol.41v–42v; Rogers #80, pp.160–162; Garanderie 58–61; Delaruelle #40, pp.72–73; calendared in LP 3:#413, p.149. [L'Univers 283. Nunquam posthac... Budé is proud of the rings, the hunting dogs and house dogs More has sent. His gift would have been more munificent had More accompanied it with one of his witty letters. Values nothing so highly as the letters of his friends. Has distributed the dogs among his friends, the cramp rings among female relatives. Paris, pridie id. Sextiles, 1519. Commends Christopher Longolius, who is going to England, and will visit More (LP.]
  26. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 18 August[?], [1519?]. Repertories 4.18, b. and 5.142.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers, p.277: Marc'hadour dates this to 18 April not August. Richard Staverton admitted one of the attorneys in the sherrif's court at the sute & Request of Mr. John More oon of the kinges Justices & Mr. Thomas More.]
  27. (L). From a letter of  Guillaume Budé to Erasmus, Marly, 15 September, [1519]. Allen 4:#1015/4–6, and n. to l.4, p.68; CWE 7:#1015/6–8, p.75 and n2 on p.370. [Allen sees a possible reference to an lost letter from More, that Budé showed to Vives (cf. L'Univers 285); however, CWE comments: nothing is known about the letter Budé showed him.]
  28. From a letter of  Erasmus to John Fisher, Louvain, 17 October, 1519. Allen 4:#1030/29–31, pp.93–94; CWE 7:#1030/33–35, p.103. [Asks Fisher to send Lee's book against Erasmus or at least some notes about it: If you are too busy to be able to do me this kindness, let More at any rate be asked to undertake it, if you think fit, even if you have to urge him.]
  29. Two Charters involving the Rent of Properties belonging to Dame Christian Colet, signed by Thomas More, and others, 14th and 19th November 1519. Colet's Correspondence. [Colet had died on 16th September 1519.]
  30. From a letter of  Maarten van Dorp to Erasmus, The Hague, 28 November, 1519. Allen 4:#1044/58–60, pp.127; CWE 7:#1044/66–68, p.136. [L'Univers 285; Sullivan I:291. When you write to More or Pace or Rhenanus or Hutten or Budé, please make kindly mention of your friend van Dorp.]
  31. (L). From Germain de Brie [Germanus Brixius] to Erasmus, Paris, [c December] 1519. Allen 4:#1045/10–94, pp.129–30; CWE 7:#1045/11–98, pp.137–39. [L'Univers 287; Sullivan I:130–31. This is a reponse to Erasmus's Letter Allen #620 (c. August 1517), which Brie claims never to have received but only to have read in published form in the Farrago (Oct. 1519). The first half of the letter is taken up with a defence of his role in the controversy with More, especially of his forthcoming Antimorus.]
  32. From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Lupset, Louvain, 13 December, 1519. Allen 4:#1053/359–364, p.148; CWE 7:#1053/390–396, p.158. [Sullivan I:325. Erasmus complains that Lee refuses to show More his book because More is Erasmus's friend.]
  33. (L) (Rogers #81). Thomas More to Richard Croke, [1519?]. Tres Thomae 59; Rogers #81, pp.162–163; Hallett 44–45. [Excerpt in Stapleton: Whoever has led you, my dear Croke, to believe that my love for you is lessened because for so long you have neglected to write to me, either is himself deceived or has cunningly decieved you. Although I certainly take the greatest pleasure in your letters, yet I am not so proud as to claim as a right that you should pay me the tribute of a daily salutation, nor am I so sensitive and querulous as to be offended at some trivial neglect of duty, even if such a duty existed. Indeed I should feel that I were acting very unjustly were I to exact letters from others when I am only too conscious of my own negligence in this regard. Therefore be reassured on this head, for my affection to you has not grown so cold as to need to be fanned into flame again by continual letters. I shall be delighted if you will write when you have the opportunity, but I would certainly never desire you to interrupt those useful labours to which so constantly you devote yourself to the advantage both of yourself and your scholars, or to waste the time that should be given to your lectures in writing complimentary letters to your friends. The other part of your excuse I will have nothing to do with. for there is no reason why you, my dear Croke, should fear my nose like the truck of an elephant. For your letters are not so poor that they need fear to reproach any living man, nor am I so long-nosed that I would have any man fear my censure. As for the place which you ask me to procure for you, both Pace, who loves you dearly, and I have spoken to the King. (Hallett). Croke's letters to More are not extant. For the life of Richard Croke, see ODNB, CE 1: 359–60, Allen #227/25, n. on pp.467–68, and intro. to Rogers #81, pp.162–63. See also Croke Orationes duae (1520) below.]
  34. (L) (Rogers #82). From Thomas More to Maarten van Dorp, [London, (Christmas?) 1519]. Tres Thomae 69,71; Jortin II.668–669; Rogers #82, pp.164–165; SL #25, pp.111–114; SLTM #27b, pp.101–102. [Two extracts in Stapleton from a single letter. Henri de Vocht suggests that This letter was written . . . after the appearence of his Oratio, September, 1519, [in which he retracted his earlier views] and before [More's] letter to Erasmus of March/April 1520 (MHL p.375n5, cf. pp.170–71n5). In the second extract More probably alludes to the treatment of Dorp by some theologians, on account of the edited Oratio . . . if so the terminus a quo is the end of December, when Dorp finally returned from Holland . . . . The terminus ad quem is the first week in January 1520 . . .[when Dorp who] had been ejected out of his College, had left Brabant (ibid. p.376n1).]
  35. (L) (83). Dated by Kinney to March–September 1519, see 79A.

1520

  1. From a letter of  Edward Lee to Erasmus, Louvain, 1 February, 1520. Allen 4:#1061/61–62,603–604,797–799, pp.160,175,179; CWE 7:#1061/72–73,700–702,918–20, pp.173,189,194. [More complaints from Lee about More, Latimer, and Fisher.]
  2. (L) (Rogers #84). From Thomas More to Edward Lee, Greenwich, 27 February [1520]. Epistolae Eruditorum Virorum, 1520, p.79; Jortin II.658–659; Rogers #84, pp.206–208.
  3. (L) (Rogers #85 [and #48]). From Thomas More to Edward Lee, Greenwich, 29 February [1520]. Epistolae Eruditorum Virorum, 1520, p.79; Jortin II.660–662; Rogers #85, pp.208–212. [Excerpt in Stapleton: Tres Thomae 62; Rogers #48, pp.100–101 (= Rogers #85/112–33, pp.211–12); Hallett 47 [42–43]]. [L'Univers 291. For the identification of the excerpt in Stapleton (Rogers #48), as part of Rogers #85, see CW 15:xxxvii and n.3. Stapleton: You ask me, my dear Lee, not to lessen my affection for you in any way. Trust me, good Lee, I shall not. Although in this case, my sympathies are with the person you are attacking [Erasmus], yet I trust that you will withdraw your troops from the seige with perfect safety. I shall ever love you, and I am proud to find that my love is so highly valued by you. If ever occasion requires it, my zeal on your behalf shall be no less fervent than it is now on the other side than it is now on the other side. So that if you ever bring out a book of your own (and I doubt not you will bring out many), and Erasmus, casting a critical eye upon it, should write a pamphlet in an attempt to refute it (although it would be much more seemly that he should not retaliate), I, although my talents are poor, will yet stand by you to defend you will all the energy of which I am capable. Farewell, my most dear friend (Hallett).]
  4. Germain de Brie [Germanus Brixius], Antimorus (Paris: Pierre Vidoué (and Conrad Resch), [Before 14 March] 1520) CW 3/2: App.B., pp.467–547. [USTC 209979 and 181931; L'Univers 289; Sullivan I:130; Gibson 208. Brie appended Allen #620 and #1045 to his poem. Daniel Kinney discusses the possible dates of publication in CW 3/2:473, note 1. Kinney prefers a date not long before 14 March 1520; whereas Marc'hadour suggests the end of January.]
  5. Haio Herman (Hermann Hompen) to Luther, 14 March 1520. Luther Briefwechsel (Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1931), Band II: #265, pp.61–64. [L'Univers 291; Sullivan 2:138: Brie has written a very harsh book against More. I regret not to have it in hand to send it to you. Sullivan incorrectly dates the letter to 1526. For the life of Haio Herman, see CW 2:157–158.]
  6. From LP 3:#704 (Field of the Cloth of Gold), 26 March, 1520. [Arrangements for the meeting with Henry VIII and Francis I at the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Thos. More is listed as one of the attendants of the King from Middlesex.]
  7. (L) (Rogers #86). From Thomas More to Germanus Brixius [Germain de Brie], [late March or early April] 1520. Epistola ad Germanum Brixium (London: R. Pynson, [April] 1520); CW 3/2:594–659 (see p.592 for texts); Jortin II.627–646; Rogers #86, pp.212–239. [L'Univers 291. The Letter to Brixius: an epistolary tract. Contains a statement of More's Ars poetica. For the dating see CW 3/2:565.]
  8. (L) (=Rogers #87). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [Greenwich?, late March or early April 1520]. Allen 4:#1087, pp.217–232 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1087.pdf); Jortin II.384–396; CWE 7:#1087, pp.237–254; Érasme et More #35, pp.113–140. [Composed immediately after the Letter to Brixius, cf. CW 3/2:566. More was in Greenwich from 27 February (see Rogers 84, 85) until at least the 12th April (see LP #739 below).]
  9. (L) (=Rogers #88). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [Greenwich?, end of February–April 1520]. Allen 4:#1090, p.234 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1090.pdf); CWE 7:#1090, pp.256–57; Érasme et More #36, pp.140–142. [Answered by Ep. 92. CWE 7:256, intro. to #1090 redates this from Allen's April to end of February–April.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  Thomas Lupset to William Nesen, Oxford, 1 April 1520. Gee, The Life and Works of Thomas Lupset Ep.6/215–24, p.312. [L'Univers 291; Sullivan 2: 249–250. I send you letters some of More, and some of Pace against Lee. One of More's is the long copious letter in which More refuted the loud noises of the foolish monk (Batmanson).]
  11. (L) (Herbrüggen/Rogers #89). From Henry VIII to Ruthall, Tunstall, Pace, More, Greenwich, 8 April 1520. Herbrüggen #89, pp.21–26; Rogers #89, pp.239–242; (following BL MS Cotton Galba B.v. fol. 425v; calendared in LP 3:#731, p.257). [Commission of Henry VIII . . . to conclude with the bishop of Helna and others a treaty of intercourse [commercial treaty] with the Emperor [Charles V] (LP). See Herbrüggen, pp.21–24, who lists seventeen manuscripts and gives the text of the original copy in Vienna, whereas Rogers used a copy in London.]
  12. (a). From LP 3:#739 (Treaty of Commerce between Hen. VIII. and Charles V), 11 April 1520. (b) From a Notarial attestation . . . that on 12 April 1520, in the chapel at Greenwich, the treaty of intercourse between Henry VIII. and the Emperor was solemnly sworn . . . P.R.O. ***; calendared in LP 3:#739(b), p.260. [Thomas More, councillor is listed as one of the subscribers. LP gives the date of the notorial attestation as 15th April 1520.]
            (b). From LP 3:#740 (Charles V and Henry VIII), 11 April 1520. PRO ***; LP 3:#740, p.260. [Treaty between Imperial representatives and English party including Thomas More): Charles agrees, unless prevented by weather or other reasonable hindrance, to be at Sandwich by the 15th of May, where Henry will meet him . . .]
            (c). From LP 3:#741 (Interview of Charles V. and Henry VIII), 11 April 1520. BL Add. MS. 18675. f.2; LP 3:#741, p.261. [Oath to the treaties for an interview, and for mutual intercourse between Henry VIII. and Charles king of the Romans. 11 April 1520. Signed by Ruthal, Tunstal, Pace and More. For More's Oration welcoming Charles V, see below.]
  13. (L) (=Rogers #90). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 26 April 1520. Allen 4:#1093, pp.239–241 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1093.pdf); CWE 7:261–65; Érasme et More #37, pp.143–148.
  14. (L) (=Rogers #91). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [Greenwich?, early May] 1520. Allen 4:#1096, pp.250–255 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1097.pdf); CWE 7:271–77; Érasme et More #38, pp.149–157. [Answering Ep. 90.]
  15. (L) (=Rogers #92). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 2 May 1520. Allen 4:#1097, pp.255–256 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1097.pdf); CWE 7:277–78; Érasme et More #39, pp.157–160. [Answering Ep.88.]
  16. More's Third Diplomatic Mission to the Continent, May–August, 1520.
    (a) May–June: More is with Wolsey and Henry VIII at the Field of Cloth of Gold
    (b) July–August: More is at Bruges negotiating on behalf of Henry VIII with the Hanseatic League
  17. From LP 3:#798 (Henry VIII), 8 May 1520. S.B.; LP 3:#798, p.278. [Ratification of the treaty for a meeting between him and Charles king of Spain, concluded at London, 11 April last. Thomas More is listed as one of the Commissioners for England.]
  18. (L) (=Rogers #93). From Thomas More to Erasmus, Canterbury, 26 May [1520]. Allen 4:#1106, pp.266–269 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1106.pdf); CWE 7:288–95; Érasme et More #40, pp.161–165. [Answered by Ep. 95. The Letter is taken up mainly with the praises of the works of Juan Luis Vives,though More claims here not to know personally: There is one point . . . which I would mention to Vives if I knew him personally (CWE #1106:/104–105 (but see Allen #545 above). In his reply in Allen #1107 (Rogers #95), Erasmus agrees with More's assessment of Vives' abilities. For the life of the great Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives, see CE 3:409–413 and Allen intro. to 3:#927, p.508. The standard biography in English is by Carlos G. Noreña, Juan Luis Vives (La Haye: Nijhoff, 1970). For Vives and England, see De Vocht, MHL 1–60. Though no letters between More and Vives survive, there are plenty of references to letters exchanged between them in Vives' letters to Erasmus and Cranevelt. Like More himself (except possibly for the Prison Letters), Vives does not seem to have made any special efforts to preserve his correspondence.]
  19. (L) (#93A). From Cologne to the English Delegation at Bruges, Cologne, 8 June 1520. Herbrüggen #93A, pp.27–31 (p.27 for texts).
  20. (L) (=Rogers #94). From Henry VIII to Knight, Husce, More, Hewster, Calais, 10 June 1520. PRO C.82.491; Rymer XIII.722; calendared in LP 3:868, p.303; Rogers #94, pp.243–245.
  21. The Field of Cloth of Gold, 7 to 24 June 1520. LP 3:#869–#871?, pp.303–314; [See J. Wegg, Richard Pace, pp.157–77; J.G. Russell, Field of Cloth of Gold: men and manners in 1520 (London:Routledge, 1969); Glenn Richardson, The Field of Cloth of Gold (New Haven: Yale UP, 2014); and Wikipedia and Participants in the Field of Cloth of Gold (act. 1520) in ODNB Themes. Contrast the fulsome description in LP with Fisher's heavily ironic? one below.]
  22. From Guillaume Budé to Guillaume du Maine, Ardres, 16 June 1520. Epistolae 1520, fol. 130v–131v; Epistolae 1521, pp. 220–222; Epistolae 1531, fol. 64r–64v; Delaruelle #69, p.117–118 (dated to 17 May 1520); calendared in LP 3:#878, p.315 (translating Delaruelle). [Describes the meeting between Henry VIII and Francis I: Regrets that in his straitened lodgings he had no materials for writing, when he never had a more fertile subject. The meeting of the two Kings and their retinues has grown up into intimate association. Never was such magnificence. The house of the king of England, run up in a few months for temporary use, and ornamented with incredible skill, might occupy the eyes and attention, for some days, of the least excitable man accustomed to such spectacles. The tent of the French king, erected at an unusual expence, astonished every one with its cloth of gold and other precious textures, and was never surpassed. Recommends to him the care of his children. Ardes, 16 kal. Junii (Julii ?) (LP). For the life of Guillaume du Maine, see CE 1:410–11.]
  23. (L) (=Rogers #95). From Erasmus to Thomas More, [Louvain, June 1520]. Allen 4:#1107, pp.269–270 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1107.pdf); CWE 7:#1107, p.295; Érasme et More #41, pp.166–170. [Answering Ep. 93. Praises Vives.]
  24. (L). From Erasmus to Germain de Brie, Antwerp, 25 June 1520. Allen 4:#1117, pp.291–295; CWE 7:#1117, pp.318–22. [Sullivan I:325. Erasmus deals in almost the whole letter with the quarrel between More and Brixius and attempts to make peace between them.]
  25. (L) From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Antwerp, [25 June] 1520. Allen 4:#1118/11–12, p.296; CWE 7:#1118/13–14, p.323. [The theological faculty [in Louvain] have brought up a fresh ruse, against the College of the Three Tongues [Collegium Trilingue, Jérôme de Busleyden's foundation]; More's letter will show you the sort of thing. The Letter to More is not extant.]
  26. . Lincolns Inn, June 24, 1520. Richard Stafferton, one of the Prenotaries of the Sheriffs' Court of London, son of Master Stafferton, was admitted at the instance of Mr Thomas More of the King's Council, . . . he is pardoned four vacations (Douglas Black Books, Book III, fol.81; p.194). [L'Univers p.295. Richard Stafferton, Jnr, was More's nephew by his sister Joan. See also entry for 13 February 1496.]
  27. Treaty between Henry VIII and Charles V, signed by More, July 14th 1520. BL Vesp. C. I.307; Mon. Habs. 179; briefly calendared in LP 3:#914, p.331, but with no mention of More. [For colour reproduction of More's signature, see Gordon Rupp, Thomas More, illustration #28: Document of Agreement between the English and the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, dated 14 July 1520, which bears the signature of Thomas More, acting on Henry VIII's behalf. Service d'Archives, Lille.]
  28. (L/Ger.). Detailed accounts (mostly in Latin) of Thomas More's negotiations with the Hanseatic League, Bruges, 21st July–12 August 1520. Hanserecesse. Dritte Abtheilung - Band 7. (1905) Abt. 3. Abteilung bearbeitet von Dietrich Schäfer. Leipzig: Verlag von Duncker & Humblot, 1905. nos. 332–355, pp.574–637. Available online at http://www.hansischergeschichtsverein.de/hanserecesse.htm. Download at http://www.hansischergeschichtsverein.de/download/hanserecesse_3_7.pdf (Search hanserecesse_3_7.pdf for "Morus".) [The negotiations were supposed to start on 15th June but the two sides actually met on 21st July. On August 12th 1520, the negotiations were adjourned until 1st May 1521. For More's important role in the negotiations, see Herbrüggen (1967): 27–31 and Herbrüggen (1997): 70–72. See also R.W. Chambers Thomas More (1963), p.166.]
  29. More's Legal joke about Withernam, [Bruges, c25–29 July 1520?]. Tres Thomae 265; Hallett 138–39 [126–27] [See J. Duncan M. Derrett, Withernam: A Legal Practical Joke of Sir Thomas More, and Withernam: A Postscript, Catholic Lawyer 7 (1961): 211–22, 242 + 9(1963): 124–27, 137. For location and dating see Herbrüggen (1997): 73–74 and n.137.]
  30. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Hermannus Buschius, Louvain, 21 July 1520. Allen 4:#1126/43–176, pp.310–313; CWE 8:#1126/49–193, pp.9–12 (n.10 on p.356). [L'Univers 297; Sullivan I:325. More, who is not named here (but see Allen #1127A), defends Erasmus against Henry Standish in front of Henry VIII.]
  31. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Luther, Louvain, 1 August [1520]. Allen 8:#1127A/10–45 (preliminary matter); CWE 8:#1127A/10–47, p.20; Luther Briefwechsel I:321. [L'Univers 297. On More and Standish (cf. Allen #1226).]
  32. (L). From Erasmus to Haio Herman of Friesland, Louvain, [c August 1520]. Allen 4:#1131, pp.323–24; CWE 8:#1131, pp.26–27. [L'Univers 297; Sullivan I:325: I have shown More the passage of your letter which concerns him. Counsel Brixius to leave More alone. Another letter in which Erasmus attempts to mediate in the quarrel between Brixius and More (cf. Allen #1117). Haio Herman's letter to Erasmus is lost but obviously referred to the controversy. For the life of Haio Herman, see CE 2:157–58.]
  33. (L). From Erasmus to to Guillaume Budé, Antwerp, 9 August 1520. Allen 4:#1133, pp. 325–26; CWE 8:#1133, p.30. [L'Univers 297; Sullivan I:325. A description of the More-Brixius controversy.]
  34. (L) (Rogers #96, #97). From Thomas More to Guillaume Budé, [Calais, Beginning of September or end of August 1520?]. Tres Thomae 209, 67; Hallett 86, 51–52; Rogers #96, #97, pp.245–246; SL #27, #28, pp.144–145; SLTM #29, #30, pp.114–16; (Fr.) Garanderie 61–62; Jortin II.669 ( = Rogers #97). [Two excerpts in Stapleton. L'Univers 297 and n.8. Marc'hadour suggests that the two excerpts are almost certainly from the same letter: Rogers, 96, 97, qui sont sans doute extraits de la même lettre, bien que cités à des pages différentes de Tres Thomae. More semble avoir quitté Budé depuis plusieurs semaines et cependant n'avoir pas vu encore les Epistolae [cf. n. to Rogers #9/15 on p.246] du 20 Août. In view of the redating of Rogers #107, August seems more likely than September as a date. The edition of Budé's letters published on 20th August included two letters to More (1518 and 1519). More met Budé at the Field of the Cloth of Gold in June 1520.]
  35. From a letter of  Ulrich von Hutten to Wolfgang Capito, Fulda, 28 August [1520]. Richard G. Saloman, An Unpublished Letter of Ulrich von Hutten, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 12 (1949): 192–96, esp. 194; The Correspondence of Wolfgang Capito, Volume 1: 1507–1523, trans. by Erika Rummel and Milton Kooistra (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2005), #56, p.101 (summary). [Miror an Erasmus scripserit. Certe Mori epistolam habere se quidam scribit. Hutten asks Capito to continue supplying him with news and asks specifically about Erasmus and More. No letter from More to Hutten from 1520 survives. For Capito, see CE 1:261–265; and G. Marc'hadour, Un Alsacien contemporain de More: Wolfgang Köpfel, dit Capiton, Moreana 17/67–68 (1980): 123–24.]
  36. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to William Burbank, Louvain, 1 September 1520. Allen 4:#1138/22–23, p.334; CWE 8:#1138/26, p.39. [L'Univers 297; Sullivan I:326. Praises some of his English friends including Clement in whom More has kindled some sparks of his love for me.]
  37. (L) (*97A = Rogers #107 redated). From Thomas More to His Children and Margaret Gyge, At Court, 3 September [1520?]. Tres Thomae 231; Rogers #107, pp.255–257; Hallett 106–107; SL #32, pp.149–151; SLTM #39, pp.126–28; TMSB pp.202–203. [Excerpt in Stapleton. Rogers suggests 1522, but Marc'hadour argues for 1520, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 92.]
  38. (L). John Constable. Epigrammata. London: Pynson, 5 Sept. 1520. Boswell #140, pp.66–68 (Latin text and trans. by R.S. Sylvester). [STC 5639; ESTC ***; L'Univers297; Sullivan I:214 and Supp:14. Two Latin epigrams in praise of More. See R.S. Sylvester, John Constable's Poems to Thomas More, Philological Quarterly 42 (): 525–31.]
  39. (L) (*97B = Rogers #108 redated). From Thomas More to Margaret <More>, At Court, 11 September [1520?]. Tres Thomae 241; Rogers #108, pp.257–258; Hallett, 115–16; SL #33, pp.151–152; SLTM #40, pp.128–29; [Excerpt in Stapleton. Based on Herbrüggen's (#103C, p.48) redating of Rogers #98 from 1520 to 1521, Marc'hadour redates this letter from 1522 to 1520, see Moreana III:12 (1966): 30–31 and 121, and Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 92.]
  40. Stapleton's praise of Margaret's imitation of Quintilian, and Summaries of two letters, [1520–1522?]. Tres Thomae 242–43; Hallett 116–17 [107]. [See John Guy, A Daughter's Love 156–57.]
  41. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 13 September, 1520. Repertories 4.63, b.; Harpsfield p.313. [L'Univers, p.299. More begged the Court of Aldermen for the reversion of the Secondaryship for Richard Staverton which hath maryed the Syster of the seyd Mr. More.]
  42. (E) (98). Redated by Herbrüggen to 15 September 1521, see 103C.
  43. (L). From Frans van Cranevelt to Erasmus, Bruges, 19 September 1520. Allen 4:#1145, pp.349–50; CWE 8:#1145, pp.55–56; Herbrüggen 1997 36–37. [Cranevelt thanks Erasmus for introducing him to More, and then goes on to describe More's recent visit to him. For the Life of Cranevelt, see CE 1:254–55; Allen intro. to 4:#1145, pp.349–50; Rogers intro. to #135, pp.309–310, and De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.115, pp.312–14. De Vocht thinks that More and Cranevelt may have first met More between July 25 and 29, when Erasmus, probably in Charles V.'s train, passed through Bruges on his return from the Field of Cloth of Gold (p.313). Cranevelt had been town pensionary of Bruges, i.e. chief legal adviser to the town magistrates, since 1515. He later joined the Grand Council of Mechlin in 1522 (see Allen #1317).]
  44. (L). From Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 10 October 1520. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.25; HL 41 (1992): 45–46 + 42(1993):2–3; Herbrüggen 1997 37–38 and n.102. [Ep. 15 in new Cranevelt bundle. Vives' first reference to More. Accepting the emendation of the nonsensical "Aloro" to "Moro" in HL 43:2, the allusion reads: De Moro video qui[[d]]ae [=quae] dicis. Ego vero puto illum virum laudari satis non posse pro dignitate. Gratulor tibi munera, quae puto te amare, non quod haudquaquam vulgaria sunt, sed quod ab illo data (ll.10–12). J. IJsewijn thinks it likely that both men [Vives and More] met for the first time in Calais during the Conference of Charles V and Henry VIII on 11–14 July 1520 (HL 42(1993):3). See also Allen #1145 above.]
  45. (L) (=Rogers #99). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Louvain, [c. November] 1520. Jortin II.379–383; Allen 4:#1162, pp.383–389 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1162.pdf); CWE 8:#1162, pp.91–98; Érasme et More #42, pp.170–182; Hillerbrand #1162/12–84, 134–162, pp.155–59.
  46. (L) (Herbrüggen 98A). From Henry VIII to More and Ardeson, Westminster, 28 November [1520]. PRO C.82.496; PRO C.66.635; summary in LP 3:#1073, p.392; Herbrüggen #98A, pp.31–41.
  47. (L) (*99A). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, [London, December 1520]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.32; HL 41 (1992): 59; Miller 4–5; Herbrüggen 1997 132–34; Galibois 74. [Autograph letter. Ep. 21 in new Cranevelt bundle.]
  48. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 18 December 1520. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.34–36; HL 41 (1992): 59–64; Allen 4:#1173/2–8, p.420; CWE 8:#1173/5–12, p.130; Herbrüggen 1997 37. [L'Univers 301; Sullivan I:326. The original is Ep. 22 in the new Cranevelt bundle, differing slightly from the published version in Allen. It immediately follows Ep.21 from More to Cranevelt. Erasmus says that he knew from the start that Cranevelt and More would make friends.]
  49. (L/Gr). Letter of Germain de Brie to Guillaume Budé, Paris, 20 December, 1520. Epistolae 1522 (Greek), fol. 37–38; cf. Delaruelle #85, p.135n3. [L'Univers 301: (en grec): J'ai pardonné à More.]
  50. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Polidoro Virgilio [Polydore Vergil], Louvain, 23 December 1520. Allen 4:#1175/119–23, p.430; CWE 8:#1175/130–134, p.140. [L'Univers 301; Sullivan I:326: It was I not you that created the genre of the adages. Advises Polydore Vergil to seek the advice of Thomas More and Erasmus's other friends in England if he wishes to publish again in the future. For the life of Polydore Vergil, see CE 3:397–99; Allen intro to 4:#1175, p.425–27; Rogers note to #102/57, p.252; and Denys Hay, Polydore Vergil, Renaissance Historian and Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1952).]
  51. Epigrammata clarissimi disertissimique uiri Thomae Mori Britanni. (Basel: Froben, December 1520). [L'Univers 301; Gibson 57. New edition. Omits 2 epigrams from the 1518 editions and adds 11 new ones, see CW 3/2:7–9.]
  52. (E/L). From the Vulgaria of Robert Whittinton, [1520]. The Vulgaria of John Stanbridge and the Vulgaria of Robert Whittinton. Ed. Beatrice White. Early English Text Society 187 (London: Oxford UP, 1932), 64; Nugent 129; Moreana 59/60 (1978): 135. [STC 25572; ESTC ***; L'Univers 301 and n.10; Gibson #594; Sullivan 4:287, Sup:120; Boswell #689. Whittington (c.1520) translates Erasmus' famous phrase homo omnium horarum as a man for all seasons. Whittinton takes a few of Erasmus's exemples of copia involving praises of More in his 1512 De Copia and gives English translations along with the Latin.]
  53. From Richard Croke. (Orationes duae) Orationes Richardi Croci duae: altera a cura, qua vtilitatem laudemque graecae linguae tractat, altera e tempore, qua horatatus est Cantabrigienses, ne desertores essent eiusdem. Lutoetiae Parisiorum [Paris]: Cura Simonis Colinaei ... sumptibus vero Damiani Ichman . . ., 1520. [USTC 181970; L'Univers 303; Gibson 247; Worldat OCLC 77322353. U of Chicago has copy of Book; University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign has microfilm. More and others had previously attempted to get Croke to teach Greek at Oxford, see Orationes duae, sig.c7v, and cf. sig.c4, where Croke praises More's candida et eloquentissima urbanitas [the pure and polished elegance of More] (CW 15: xxxn4). For a summarized and paraphrased account of Croke's lectures, see James Bass Mullinger's The University of Cambridge 3 vols.(Cambridge: At the University Press, 1873, 1884, 1911), Vol.1:529–39, esp. 534–35, online at https://archive.org/details/universityofcamb00mulliala.]

1521

  1. (L) (*99B = Rogers 128(a)). From Thomas More to Margaret <More>, [At the Court?, Before February 1521.]. Tres Thomae 61; Rogers #128/1–13, pp.301–302; Hallett 46 [42]; SL #35, pp.154–155 (part); SLTM #42, pp.130–32 (part). [See Rogers' introduction for the problems of dating. Two extracts on different pages that Stapleton claimed were from from the same letter. Rogers thinks they are taken from two different letters: (a)(ll.1–13), written before February 1521, when Reginald Pole left for Italy; (b)(ll.14–37) written in the Autumn of 1523 before Margaret Roper gave birth to her first child Mary. Pole's praises of Margaret's letter are similar to those of John Veysey's in Rogers #108 (*97B), which is now redated to Sept. 1520.]
  2. (Gr.) From Guillaume Budé to Juan Luis Vives, Romorantin, 10 January 1521. Epistolae 1522 fol.31v–35 Epistolae 1531 L3–L5v, 3:83–85v; Delaruelle #83, pp.131–34, and nn4–5 on p.132. [L'Univers 305. Budé lui parle longuement de la querelle entre More et de Brie. See also the recent edition of the Vives-Budé correspondence.]
  3. From Guillaume Budé to Germain de Brie, Romorantin, 28 January 1521. Epistolae 1522 (Greek), fol.4v–6v; Epistolae 1531 (Greek), fol. 7v–8r; Epistolae Graecae 1574, pp.57–62 (includes Latin translation); Delaruelle #85, pp.135. [Greek Letter. L'Univers 305: Budé félicite de Brie de avoir déposé tout animosité a l'égard de More. Enimuero tibi quoque gratulor, o beate, qui rixam aduersus meum Morum amoueris, ac veluti illam Moro repugnantem aequa mente commutaueris (1574, p.61; Latin trans.)]
  4. Diet of Worms, 28 January to 25 May 1521. CW 5:40–48, 871–73; CW 6:362–63, 709–10; CW 8:515, 1607. [See Germain Marc'hadour, Moreana 46 (1975): 79–84 for a commentary on these passages.]
  5. (L) (*99C). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, At the Court, 13 February [1521]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.61; HL 42 (1993): 27–29; Miller 6–11; Herbrüggen 1997 134–140; SLTM #35, pp.122–23; Galibois 74–75. [Autograph letter. Ep. 41 in new Cranevelt bundle.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, Louvain, 16 February 1521. Allen 4:#1184/16–24, p.442–43; CWE 8:#1184/18–26, pp.153–54. [L'Univers 305; Sullivan I:326: Vives has shown me your letter concerning More and Brixius [see 28th January]. The quarrel gives me pain. More has promised to withdraw his letter if Germain will calm down. Referring to the controversy between Germain de Brie (Brixius) and Thomas More and Erasmus's and Budé's attempts to mediate between them.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Nicholas Bérault, Louvain, 16 February 1521. Allen 4:#1185/1–4, p.443; CWE 8:#1185/2–5, p.154. [L'Univers 305; Sullivan I:326: After Budé's letter it seems nothing can prevent More and Brixius from continuing their quarrel.]
  8. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 17 February, 1521. Repertories 5.102, b.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.305. Two of the sheriff's officials had to appear before the King's Council to be censured. The undersheriffs were told to present the serjeants to the Council and especially to Mr. More.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus [Jan van Fevijn] to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, between 22 February and 4 March 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.60; HL 42 (1993): 27. [Ep. 40 in new Cranevelt bundle.: Nunc libebat videre quid fuissem nugatus et, ut fit, repperi quod me alias fefellit in epistula ad Morum tua aeditus. Quod adhuc emendaram etiam in hac mea. Fevynus had changed aeditus to editus in one of Cranevelt's letters to More, but now thinks he was wrong and asks Cranevelt to retain the diphtong in his own letter. See the introduction to this letter. For the Life of Fevynus [John de Fevyn, Jan van Fevijn], see CE 2:26, Allen intro. to 4:#1012, p.64, Rogers note to #138/12, p.317–18; Herbrüggen (1997): 83–84; and Henri de Vocht, Literae ad Craneveldium xci–xcix and passim Fevynus was a close friend of and frequent correspondent of Cranevelt, whom More had first porbably met during the 1520 embassy.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus [Jan van Fevijn] to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, March 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.63; HL 42 (1993): 30. [Ep. 43 in new Cranevelt bundle. Fevynus asks Cranevelt to letter of recommendation to More for a former servant of Laurinus who is leaving for London the next day: Proficiscitur cras familiaris quondam Laurinii Londinum. Huic si quid dare modo voles ad Morum tuto committes et erit homini gratissimum mihique, ut qui unis tuis literis erit commendatus Moro; deinde auxilio Mori commendatior apud illum, cui inservire decrevit. Aliud nihil quam ut hodierno die adhuc habeam. Nam collegit ille prope suam sarcinulam. Et salutem adnunciabis meo nomine Moro.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, March 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.67; HL 42 (1993): 33–34. [Ep. 47 in new Cranevelt bundle. Vives asks Cranevelt for the sources of a couple of classical passages and asks if he can meet him and also let him know if there is any news from More: Tum etiam ad me siquid est novi de Moro.]
  12. (L) (Rogers #101). From Thomas More to His School, At Court, 23 March, [1521?]. Tres Thomae 229; Rogers #101, pp.249–251; Hallett 105–106 [97–98]; SL #29, pp.145–147; SLTM #31, pp.116–17; TMSB, pp.201–202. [L'Univers 307. Excerpt in Stapleton.]
  13. (L) (*101A?). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, London, 9 April [1521]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fols.69–70; HL 42 (1993): 36–38; Miller 16–21; Herbrüggen 1997 141–49; SLTM #36, pp.123–24; Galibois 76–77. [Autograph letter. Ep. 50(49) in new Cranevelt bundle. From this point on the numbering in the HL edition differs from the basic order.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Robert Regius to Frans van Cranevelt, England, 20 April 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.81; HL 43 (1994): 17. [Ep. 59(58) in new Cranevelt bundle. See Ep.43 Above. Regius thanks Cranevelt for his letter of recommendation to More. Regius has heard that More is now in Bruges or soon will be: Quod me dudum, Reverende imprimis Domine Francisce, Domino Thomae Moro tuis litteris commendaveris, habeo immortalem gratiam, habeboque dum vivam. . . . Audivi Thomam Morum aut iam esse aut brevi apud vos futurum; quem eque ac meipsum opto bene valere.]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, 29 April 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.79; HL 42 (1993): 49–51. [Ep. 56 in new Cranevelt bundle. As with Ep.47 and 61, Vives asks for news of More: Morus noster quid? Venit, an est venturus? An neutrum? Scribe de hoc, simul si venit, quod ei vertat quam optime. Post salutationem meis verbis die ei pro me, ut quam primum curet me certiorem reddere, quo me velit ad se venire. The editors comment: It is clear that in 1521 Vives was very anxious to see More and, through him, the English king.]
  16. More was made Under-Treasurer and was knighted shortly after, 2 May 1521. Harpsfield 24/9–10 and n. on p.318; Roper 12/8–10 on n. on pp.111,114. [L'Univers 309 and n2.]
  17. (L) (Rogers #100). Thomas More to the Deputy Chamberlains of the Exchequer, [c. May 1521]. PRO Exchr. T.R. Misc. Books, vol.253, p.17; Rogers #100, p.249.
  18. (E). Execution of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, London, 17th May 1521. For a probable reference to Buckingham's death, see More's Four Last Things (c1522): EW 1931 482–83 nd pp.21–22; CW 1:160/34–161/13, lx–lxi, and n.on p.268; and Gottschalk 44–45; see also Rogers #192/32–36, pp.465–66; Polydore Vergil Book 27.29,31,35 online at http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/polverg/27eng.html and Hall I:223–226. [L'Univers 309 and n4. Buckingham was the son of the older Buckingham in More's History of Richard III. Shakespeare also dramatizes the fall of Buckingham in Act I of Henry VIII.]
  19. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 22 May 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.85–86; HL 43 (1994): 23–27. [Ep. 62(61) in new Cranevelt bundle. Vives again asks Cranevelt to let him know if there is any news from More: De Moro si quid scieris, ad nos quam primum.]
  20. (L) (Rogers #102). From Guillaume Budé to Thomas More, Dijon, 23 May [1521]. Epistolae 1522, fol. 11v–13; Epistolae 1531, fol. 70v–71; Rogers #102, pp.251–253; Garanderie 62–64; Delaruelle #96, pp.148–149; calendared in LP 3:#1302, p.517. [L'Univers 309. Commends More's wit and native aptitude for writing; was struck with it on receiving his letters from Theobald. Has kept no copy of the letter he sent More by Sir Richard Wingfield on his departure. Chatillon will present the letter; "eximia morum suavitate gratiosus." He is one of the few noblemen who has a taste for letters. Divione, where the Court now is, 10 kal. Junias (LP).]
  21. (L) (Rogers #104). From John Fisher to Thomas More, [May? 1521?]. Tres Thomae 62; Rogers #104, p.253; Hallett 47–48; Reynolds Fisher 95 [100–101]; SLTM #32, p.118. [cf. L'Univers 311. Excerpt in Stapleton. Answered by Ep. 105. Fisher asks More through his good services to obtain a prebend for one of his Cambridge priests.]
  22. (L) (Rogers #105). From Thomas More to John Fisher, [June 1521?]. Tres Thomae 63; Rogers #105, pp.253–254; Hallett 48; SL #30, p.147; Reynolds Fisher 95–96; SLTM #33, p.118–119. [L'Univers 311. Excerpt in Stapleton. Answering Ep. 104. Marc'hadour suggests June 1521 for the date of this letter.]
  23. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Anderlecht, 11 June 1521. Allen 4:#1210/10–14, p.506; CWE 8:#1210/12–16, pp.224–25. [L'Univers 311; Sullivan I:326. Refers to More's appointment as (under)treasurer and expresses the hopes of seeing him again in August.]
  24. Marriage of Margaret More and William Roper, 2 July 1521. Roper xxxii,n1; Vicar General [of London]'s Books at Somerset House [Principal Probate Registry, Somerset House], Vol. I. Foxford. Marriage Licence of Margaret More and William Roper, issued July 2, 1521, fol. 10 recto [Sullivan 2:246]. [L'Univers p.311 and Guy A Daughter's Love, pp.132–34. For biography of William Roper, More's first biographer, see Roper xxxi–xliv; CE 3:170–71, NCE 12:665–66; Allen #1404, n.to p.366/8; Rogers #106, n.to p.255/48; and ODNB.]
  25. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Anderlecht, c5 July 1521. Allen 4:#1218/46, p.541; CWE 8:#1218/51, p.259. [L'Univers p.311. All else you will learn from More's Letter. Not Extant. See intro. to CWE #1220 below.]
  26. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 5 July, 1521. Repertories 5.204.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.311. More present at the Court of Aldermen. It was stated that the king was displeased with the City because divers persons had lamented the death of the Duke of Buckingham, saying he died guiltless.]
  27. (L) (=Rogers #103). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Anderlecht, [c. 5 July? 1521]. Allen 4:#1220, pp.545–547 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1220.pdf); CWE 8:263–65; Érasme et More #43, pp.182–195. [L'Univers, p.311. Recommends friendship of Conrad Goclenius. For the Life of Goclenius, see CE 2:109–111; Allen intro. to 4:#1209, pp.504–505; Rogers intro. to #112, p.267; Herbrüggen (1997): 87–88; and De Vocht, LC intro. to Ep.95, pp.245–49.]
  28. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 5 July, 1521. Repertories 5.204.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.311. Marc'hadour dates this to the 9th July. Again present at Court of Aldermen; it was suggested that all the harness [arms] of the City be brought to certain places to pacify and please the king.]
  29. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus, Bruges, 10 July 1521. Allen 4:#1222/15–21, pp.550–551; CWE 8:#1222/17–23, p.267. [L'Univers, p.311. Vives seems to be expressing the hope that Thomas More can get him an appointment at the English Court: I shall wait here at Bruges for the King [Henry VIII] and for More, so as to see how I can provide for my living hereafter. I have had payments from the Queen [Katherine] towards my sustenance, and she still helps me. I wrote to More that I should have a long talk with him on his arrival. Vives' letter to More (l.17) is not extant.]
  30. (L) (103A). From Henry VIII to Knight, More, Wilsher, Sampson, Hannibal and Hewster, London, 22 July 1521. Herbrüggen #103A, pp.42–45. [See p.42 for sources.]
  31. (E) (103 AAA*). From Henry VIII to the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer and to More, Windsor, 23 July [1521]. PRO E.404/93; Herbrüggen, Moreana 20:79/80 (1983):37.
  32. (E) (103 AAAA*). From Henry VIII to the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer, Windsor, 23 July [1521]. PRO E.404/93; Herbrüggen, Moreana 20:79/80 (1983):38–39.
  33. (E). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Wolsey, Windsor, 24 July 1521. St.P. I/1:#14, pp.19–20; calendared LP 3:#1437, pp.584–85. [L'Univers 311. The king desyrith Your Grace to make Sir Wylliam Sandys, and Sir Thomas More, priveye to all suche matiers as Your Grace schall treate at Calice.]
  34. Sixth Edition of Erasmus's and More's Translations of Lucian, Basel: J. Froben, August 1521. [CW 3/1:lxiv–lxv; L'Univers 313.]
  35. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, Recieved 5 August 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.95; HL 43 (1994): 41–44, esp. 43. [Ep. 70(69) in new Cranevelt bundle. Vives has heard from an English nobleman that More and the Cardinal [Wolsey] are coming: De Moro accepi a nobili quodam Britanno eum venire cum Cardinale. Porro Cardinalem non ignoras huc adventare. Cui enim ignotus esse potest tantus hospes tamque streperus? Qui in Britannia adhuc erat, hoc est in altero mundo, et iam hic trepidabat tota civitas, ut eum exciperet; in portis dicebatur esse. Wolsey met with the Emperor in Bruges on 14 August and stayed until 25th August.]
  36. More's Fourth Diplomatic Mission with Wolsey to Calais and Bruges, August–October 1521.
  37. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Conradus Goclenius, Bruges, 12 August [1521]. Allen 4:#1223/36–45, p.553 and xxx; CWE 8:#1223/43–52, p.270. [L'Univers p.313. More was on the Continent at this point. Erasmus praises More and encourages Goclenius to write to him.]
  38. (E). More's story of the undiplomatic behaviour of his clown Henry Patenson during the embassy to Bruges, [c.12–29 August 1521]. Confutation, CW 8/2: 900/12–901/5 and n. in 8/3:1689. [L'Univers 313n5; Herbrüggen (1997):81 and n.256. For Henry Patenson, see Noeline Hall, Henry Patenson—Sir Thomas More's Fool, Moreana 101/102 (1990): 75–86. Patenson appears in the Holbein family portrait. For an other incident that also took place during More's visit to Bruges in 1521, involving Davey the Dutchman, see CW 8/2:815/29–816/14 and n. in 8/3:1669.]
  39. (L). From Erasmus, Lingua, Basle, August 1525. [Bruges, 1520? or 1521?] LB IV: 728A; ASD 4–1: 337/599–605; CWE 29: 373 (n.30 on p.510). [Probable reference to More – about 10 lines. The note in CWE dates the incident to Bruges 1520, but Erasmus also met More in Bruges in August 1521, see CWE intro. to 8:#1223, pp.268–69. For quote, see CWE 29:273.]
  40. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus [Jan van Fevijn] to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, After 14 August 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.100; HL 43 (1994): 49–50. [Ep. 75(74) in new Cranevelt bundle. When Thomas More was with Cranevelt, the latter had brought with him two translations of William Cop, viz. Paulus Aegineta and one that Fevynus cannot remember. Fevynus would be grateful if Cranevelt could tell him the name. He would be even more grateful if he could borrow the book: Cum esset apud te Morus, attuleras tecum unum atque alterum libellum et, ni fallor, uterque translatus erat a Copo. De Egineta commemini; alius excidit memoria, sed tamen erat dignus lectione. Quare erit mihi gratum, si scierim ex te quis fuerit is author, et multo gratissimum si possim uti.]
  41. (It). Gasparo Contarini to the Signory, 19 August 1521 Contarini's Original Letter Book, Letter no. 59, St. Mark's Library; CSP Venice 3:#320. [L'Univers p.313. Contarini, Venetian Ambassador to Charles V, writes: Both yesterday and this morning endeavoured to obtain admission to Cardinal Wolsey, but failed in the attempt . . . . Yesterday morning, when the Cardinal went forth to ride with the Emperor [to church?], presented himself, and announced his wish to pay his respects on behalf of the Signory. . . . On coming away from the mass, invited an English gentleman, by name Master Thomas More, a very learned man (Uno cavalier Englese molto litterato che se chiama messer Thoma Moro), to dine with him. He had accompanied Cardinal Wolsey to Bruges. During dinner discussed the business negotiated by Wolsey with the Emperor, but More did not drop the slightest hint of any other treaty than that of peace between the King of France and his Imperial Majesty. For the Life of Gasparo Contarini, later Cardinal, see CE 1:334–35 and Allen note to 11:#3066/26, p.241.]
  42. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus [Jan van Fevijn] to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, c20 August 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.101; HL 43 (1994): 50–51. [Ep. 76(75) in new Cranevelt bundle. Fevynus had met Eucollius (a Doctor from Bruges who accompanied More to England), who had called on More before Vespers, and asked him if More had time for a visit. He himself was very busy. Since Fevynus and Cranevelt had planned also to call on More, Fevynus now wanted Cranevelt to know that they would have to wait for a better opportunity: Rediens iamiam ex aede nostra perscrutatus sum ex Eucollio, quod is ante Vesperas apud Morum agebat, an vacaret colloqui cum Moro. Adfirmavit is eum multo occupatissimum. Quare cum constituissemus adire ipsum, ne ludamus operam, alio tempore et commodiore ipsum invisemus.]
  43. (E). Capture of Belgrade by the Turks under Suleiman the Magnificent, 29 August 1521. Dialogue of Comfort, CW 12:8/1–2, 110/1 and nn. on p.337, 339, 381, etc. cf. LP 3:#1376, 1471, 1472, 1532, 1561.
  44. (E) (103B). <Knight, More, Wilsher, Sampson, Hannibal and Hewster> to Wolsey, Bruges, 8 September 1521. PRO S.P. 1/21, fol. 51; calendared LP 3: #974, pp.357–58; Herbrüggen #103B, pp.46–48. [Wrongly dated to 1520.]
  45. (E) (103C = Rogers #98). Knight, More, Wilsher, Sampson, to Wolsey, Bruges, 15 September [1521]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.vii. fol. 126; calendared LP 3: #979, p.359; Rogers #98, pp.247–248; Herbrüggen #103C, p.48. [Redated from 1520 to 1521.]
  46. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Paolo Bombace, Anderlecht, 23 September 1521. Allen 4:#1236/37–43, p.584; CWE 8:#1236/42–48, pp.304–305. [L'Univers 315; Sullivan I:326. More has once again proved more shrewd than I, the eminent post which he has accepted [(under)treasurer] has doubled his influence, rendering his more pleasant to the good, more redoubtable to the wicked.]
  47. (L). From a letter of  Petrus Curtius to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 24 September 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.104; HL 43 (1994): 56–58. [Ep. 79(78) in new Cranevelt bundle. Curtius has informed Dorpius about the arrival of More (he had received the same news through Erasmus). Dorpius has enthusiastically promised to meet More, if that were possible, or at least to send him a letter. Dorpio significavi adesse Morum, virum omnibus modis doctissimum, atque aliquantisper mansurum, id quod eciam a[b] Erasmo intellexerat. Respondit is, ut solet hilariter, curaturum se uti ho[minem] vel praesens praesentem, si ita ferant negocia, vel absens saltem per literas conveniat. The editors comment: If anything, this letter proves that there were no bad feelings between More and Dorpius (p.57).]
  48. (a) (L) (Allen #1233). From Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, Anderlecht, [c. September 1521]. Allen 4:#1233, pp.575–580 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1233.pdf); Jortin II.366–369; CWE 8:294–99; TMSB pp.221–26 (from CWE); calendared in LP 3:#1527, pp.629–630. [L'Univers p.315; Sullivan I:326. On More's family and on the education of his daughters.]
            (b) (L). From Erasmus, De pueris instituendis, Freiburg, Sept. 1529. [1513–1514?] CWE 26:322, 339; Erika Rummel, ed., Erasmus Reader (Toronto: 1990): 88, 98; see also Declaratio de pueris statim ac liberaliter instituendis. That chyldren oughte to be taught and brought up gently in vertue and learnynge, and that euen forthwyth from theyr natiuitie: a declamacion of a briefe theme, [(http://ota.ox.ac.uk/id/3183) by Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536, licensed as Creative Commons BY-NC-SA (2.0 UK)], translated by Rychard Sherry (London: John Day, 1550), pp. L4v–L5r and O2v–O3r. Online at http://ota.ox.ac.uk/desc/3183 [One certain and one probable reference to More: An account of how a father in England used archery to teach his son Greek and Latin letters. For the identification of the father as Thomas More, see J.K. Soward, On Education: More's Debt to Erasmus, Miscellanea Moreana, p.115 and n.74 on p.123. For quotations, see Sherry, sigs. L4v–L5r, O2v–O3r.]
  49. (E) (103D). Knight, More, Wilsher, Sampson, Hannibal, Hewsten to Wolsey, Bruges, 1 October [1521, redated from 1515]. PRO S.P. Henry VIII §11, p.115; calendared in LP 2:#977, p.262; Rogers #13, pp.23–24; Herbrüggen #103D, p.49. [Redated from 1515 to 1521, see Herbrüggen #103D, p.49 (in German); cf. L'Univers 221 (under 1515).].
  50. (L). From a letter of  Frans van Cranevelt to John Clement, Bruges, Before 5 October 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, no foliation; HL 44 (1995): 54–55. [Ep. 109(107) in new Cranevelt bundle. An invitation from Cranevelt to Clement to come to Cranevelt's house, where More is expected after noon for a cosy chat. At the same time Cranevelt apologises for disturbing thereby Clement's studies.]
  51. (L) (*103E?). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, [Bruges, c8 October 1521]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.106; HL 43 (1994): 59–60 and Postscript on p.68; Miller 22–23; Herbrüggen 1997 149–52; SLTM #37, pp.124–25; Galibois 77. [Autograph letter. Ep. 81(80) in new Cranevelt bundle. A farewell note to Cranevelt. Miller dates the letter to September which is too early, since More was still in Bruges on 5th October. HL dates the letter to Shortly after 5 X 1521 (p.59), and Herbrüggen (pp.149–50) to c8th October.]
  52. (L). From a letter of  <John Fevynus> to Frans van Cranevelt, [Bruges, October 1521]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.63; HL 42 (1993): 30. [Ep. 84(82) in new Cranevelt bundle. Fevynus refers to the letters of Erasmus which Thomas More had left in the care of Cranevelt (see letter 80). From Fevynus's words we learn that these were (at least in part) letters of vindication against Lee, which explains, of course, why Erasmus had entrusted them to More and did not want to publish them if Lee kept quiet.]
  53. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 12 October 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.110; HL 43 (1994): 65–68. [Ep. 87(85) in new Cranevelt bundle. Vives would write to More, if he knew him still to be at Bruges. But Cranevelt has mentioned that he was leaving soon: Moro scriberem, si crederem eum esse adhuc Brugis. Nam tu dicis eum fuisse, quum scriberes, brevi discessurum.]
  54. (E). From a letter of  Wolsey to Henry VIII, [14 October 1521]. St. B. XI. 424; St.P. I/1:#44, pp.72–74; calendared LP 3:#1675, pp.697–98. [L'Univers 315. Wolsey has called back More to England and declaryd by mowth to your ryght trusty Counsaylours, Sir Thomas More your Undre Treasourer, and Sir William Fitzwilliam the king's instructions.]
  55. (E). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Wolsey, Windsor, 27 October 1521. Galba, B. VII. 133; St.P. I/1:#46, pp.76–78; calendared LP 3:#1713, p.716. [The king wants to know if the Lieutenant of Ireland has the power to appoint a deputy: whyche autoritie he haith nott, as Hys Grace thynkyth, in hys Patentes and for knowlege off the truith to be hadde therin, he haith committidde to Sir Thomas More to peruse the sayde Patente in the Rollis.]
  56. (E). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Wolsey, Windsor, 29 October 1521. Galba, B. VII. 133; St.P. I/1:#47, pp.79–81; calendared LP 3:#1709, p.717. [Pace writes I undrestonde, by the relacion off Sir Thomas More, to my grete discomforte, that ye are displeasydde wyth me for 3 causis. Pace defends himself against Wolsey's three charges, the third of which was that he had obtained an office in chancery for a friend that had been in Wolsey's gift: And where as I nowe undrestonde, by the sayde Sir Thomas More, that the sayde office is in Your Graces gyfte, that was to me utterly unknowen (80).]
  57. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 2 November 1521. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.112; HL 44 (1995): 2–4. [Ep. 89(86) in new Cranevelt bundle. The first part of the letter is about Thomas More. More has left Bruges and with him all pleasures have disappeared. Bruges is like an orphan. How can Cranevelt and his friends Laurinus, Fevynus and Eucollius bear the sight of the places where More has been? Luckily More has left an image of himself in the person of John Clement, etc.]
  58. (L) (*103F?). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, Chelsea?, 12 November [1521]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.118; HL 44 (1995): 22–23; Miller 24–27; Herbrüggen 1997 153–59; SLTM #38, pp.125–26; Galibois 77–78. [Autograph letter. Ep. 95(93) in new Cranevelt bundle. Herbrüggen links More's mention of the tertian fever in this letter with a passage from A Dialogue of Comfort, where Anthony says: It is now more than fifteen years ago I lay in a tertian fever and had passed I trow three or four fits. See CW 12: 88/9–89/24 and nn. on pp.368–69; and Harpsfield 90/21–91/19, where Anthony's young girl is identified as Margaret Giggs, More's foster-daughter and future wife of John Clement. The next letter to Cranevelt in the bundle (Ep. 96/94) is from John Clement, who had recently arrived on the Continent (cf.Ep.109/107 above).]
  59. (E). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Wolsey, Windsor, 18 November 1521. Lamb. MS. 602. f. 62; St.P. I/1:#51, p.92; calendared LP 3:#1774, pp.750. [L'Univers 315. Syr Thomas Nevell, Sir Thomas More, Mr. More the Jugge and Mr. Broke, have, by the Kyngis commaundment, debatidde the matier off substitution off a Deputie in the sayde lande [Ireland] by the Kyngis Leutenant there, and they be off the same opinion as Your Grace is off [i.e. in favour?]. See Letter of 27th October.]
  60. Henry VIII, Windsor, 18 November 1521. BL Add. MS.21,505. f. 16; calendared LP 3:#1775, p.751. [Warrant for the payment of £80. to Sir Thos. More, £5. of which is by way of loan, and the remaining £75. due to him for his diets when sent to Bruges last year, and again in the present year, about a diet between England and the Easterlings [Hanseatic League], for which he was to be paid 20s. a day. Windsor, 18 Nov. 13 Hen. VIII.]
  61. (L) (Rogers 106). From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, [late (c.November) 1521?]. Tres Thomae 244; Rogers #106, pp.254–255; Hallett 117–19; SL #31, pp.147–149; SLTM #34, pp.119–121. [L'Univers p.321. Excerpt in Stapleton. Margaret More married William Roper 2 July 1521. Marc'hadour suggests late 1521, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 92; cf. L'Univers p.315, where he suggests November 1521.]
  62. (L). From a letter of  Konrad Peutinger to Erasmus, Augsburg, 13 December 1521. Allen 4:#1247/10–14, p.607–608; CWE 8:#1247/10–13, pp.329. [L'Univers p.317. You have always outshone other men . . . This I experienced to my great joy in Bruges last year. I have not forgotten the entertaining and at the same time authoritative opinions expressed in conversation by yourself and by the Englishman Thomas More, that distinguished paragon of every virtue (5, 10–13).]
  63. Thomas More is given 20 Marks by the Mercer's Company, 1521. [Early 1522?] [ANNO XVcXXJoMoreouer at the said Courte unto theis parsones underwritten auctorie was geuen and full power to haue Comunicacion with my lorde Admyrall for the conductyng of our Shippes from this present Mart for cli or under yf they may. Wheruppon was taken owet of the Tresour Chyst of merchauntes adventerers jcli and payde as foloweth. . . to syr Thomas More xx markes. . . (Acts of Court 537).]
  64. Thomas More gives two Astronomy Lessons, Early 1520s?
    (a) To Henry VIII. Roper 11/4–15; Harpsfield 136/24–137/7.
    (b) To Dame Alice? CW 8: 604/16–606/18 and n. on pp.1618–1619.
  65. Erasmus moved to Basel in late 1521 (he arrived there on 16th November) and stayed there with short interruptions till 1529. From this point on his letters not only to More but to all his English correspondents become far less numerous and less frequent, partly because of the distance involved and the difficulty in finding suitable couriers or messengers.

1522

  1. (E). More's Incomplete Four Last Things [early 1520's] EW 1557 e4v–fg8 [72–102]; EW 1931 I:457–499; CW 1:lx–cix, cxxviii–cxxx, 125–182. [First published in EW 1557. Rastell states that it was Made about the yere of our Lorde .1522. Katherine Rodgers dates it to the early 1520s CW 1:lxiii, 127. Rodgers also suggests that The Last Things does bear the mark of a declamatio, putting its case by means of such rhetorical devices as proving the unlikely, anticipating and overturning the objections of an implied audience, and appealing to authority (CW 1:lxiii–lxiv, cf. pp.ciii–cv).]
  2. (L). Margaret Roper also composes a treatise on the Four Last Things and a speech in imitation of Quintilian. [early 1520's] Stapleton pp,***,***; Hallett (1966), p.103, 107. [Quote at a minimum from More than the rest . . . to his own (or start at beginning of Chapter XI (p.103); and I have in my possession . . . two gold ounces (p.107).]
  3. For Juan Luis Vives' Preface to Declamatio pro noverca, see February 1523.
  4. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 28 February, 1521 or 1522. Repertories 5.267, b.; Harpsfield p.314. [Next reversion of clerkship in Mayor's Court promised to William Blakwell, clerk to one of the attorneys of the Sheriff's Court, at the request of Sir Thomas More, undertresorer of England, a specyall lover and ffrende in the Businesses and Causes of this Citie.]
  5. (L) (*106A). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, [Chelsea?, March 1522]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.130; HL 44 (1995): 58–60; Miller 28–33; Herbrüggen 1997 160–66; SLTM #41, pp.129–30; Galibois 78–79. [Autograph letter. Ep. 111(109) in new Cranevelt bundle. In replying to a lost letter of Cranevelt in which he had complained about the meanness of the people of Bruges (Herbrüggen ll.10–15), after praying that Cranevelt will find a position of honour, More promises that And if you see there is anything I could contribute, I will strive to bring it about just as if all my resources and connections, everyone's as well as my own, were mustered for your sake. (cf. ll.15–20)]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus, Bruges, 1 April 1522. Allen 5:#1271/114–18, p.40; CWE 9:#1271/126–30, p.56. [L'Univers p.321. I think you will get a letter from More by the hands of Clement, who has set off in these last few days for Italy and means to pass through Basel, or so he said. In his last letter to me More says nothing of his illness [cf. *103F]. I think he must have recovered, for his earlier letter already indicated that he was improving. Neither More's letter to Erasmus, nor his two letters to Vives are extant.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  L. Clodius to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 13 April 1522. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.131–33; HL 44 (1995): 60–68. [Ep. 112(110) in new Cranevelt bundle. Brief mention of More, see pp.61,64. See also the editors' notes (p.72) to Ep. 115(113) from H. Bothe to Cranevelt (June? 1522), where More is mentioned.]
  8. For Sir Thomas More, 8 May 1522. Pat. 14 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 9; LP 3/2: #2239, p.952. [L'Univers p.321. Grant of the manor of South, Kent, with advowsons, in the King's hands by the attainder of the duke of Buckingham . . . See Guy Public Career (1980) p.25, and CW 1:lx–lxi. For earlier references to Buckingham, see 17 May 1521 and 5 July 1521.]
  9. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 9 May, 1522. Repertories 4.118. and 5.285.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.321. More requires the Mayor and Aldermen to search for and imprison Frenchmen, and attach their goods. England was virtually at war with France at this point.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  Guy Morillon to Erasmus, Bruges, [c27 May 1522]. Allen 5:#1287/46–48, p.71; CWE 9:#1287/46–48, p.101. [L'Univers p.321: Sullivan 2:339–40. Your letter to Barbier shall be entrusted only to safe hands. I shall speak with More in England. How I wish I had a letter for him from you, and one for the Cardinal of York [Wolsey] as well. Morillon was imperial secretary, and obviously accompanied Charles V to England in June.]
  11. (E). More's Oration welcoming the Emperor Charles V to the City of London, 6 June 1522. Hall I:250, online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/1522Hall.pdf; Nugent 527; Harpsfield 26/4–13 and n. to 26/7–9 on p.319. [L'Univers 322, 323. See also 18 Nov. 1522. In Moreana 4 (1964): 62, Marc'hadour suggests that More's oration must have been made in French, the only language that Charles V could speak fluently at this time.]
  12. William Lily's verses in honour of the meeting of Henry VIII and Charles V, 6 June 1522. Of the tryumphe, and the verses that Charles themperour, and the most myghty redouted kyng of England, Henry the. viii. were saluted with, passyng through London, London: Richard Pynson, 1522; C. R. Baskervill, William Lily's Verse for the Entry of Charles V into London, Huntington Library Bulletin no. 9 (1936): 1–14.
  13. (L) (*106B = Rogers #163). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, Chelsea, 10 June [1528 for 1522]. Tres Thomae 78–79; De Vocht LC Ep. 262, pp.675–76; Rogers #163, p.396; Miller 54–55; Hallett 61 [56–57]; SLTM #49, p.143; (Fr.) Galibois 84; cf. Herbrüggen 1997 49. [L'Univers 409 and n6. Stapleton is the original; De Vocht is a modern copy. Although Stapleton dates the letter to 1528, Herbrüggen 1997 (49) suggests that this letter should be redated to 1522. More makes a promise here to help Cranevelt, very similar to the one made in Letter *106A dated March 1522: But be sure of this, my dear Cranevelt, if something should happen which would seriously require that the services of a friend should be manifested, in that matter you would never find me at fault (Miller, 55). As Herbrüggen points out From Cranevelt's other correspondence in 1528 we hear of no personal difficulties for which friendly help would be welcome. Could it be that DV 262 was misdated by Stapleton and actually belongs to June 1522? At that time, More's (repeated [i.e.*106A]) offer of assistance would be plausible, before Cranevelt finally quit his ill-paid job at Bruges and took up a position with the Grand Council of Mechlin in October 1522 (1997:49). See also Allen #1317 below.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus, Louvain, 14 July 1522. Allen 5:#1303/60–61, p.99; CWE 9:#1303/67–68, p.144. [L'Univers p.323. I had two letters from More a few days ago, in which he said he was in excellent health, heaven be thanked. Neither of More's letters is extant.]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Louvain, 10 August 1522. Louvain MS. I.8(& 9); De Vocht, LC Ep. 13/17,69–72, pp.32,34–35 and n. to l.69. [L'Univers p.323. Vives lists More as one of his commendatores (l.13); he tells Cranevelt that More has sent him some rings blessed by the King of England: Habeo gratiam qui Morum mihi salutaris; de annulis festive; sed quid non sic ille. Misit etiam & ad me, sed ut matronis istis Brugensibus consanguineis meis darem; nam me irreligiosiorem putat, quem qui talia curem. See also De Vocht's note. More sent more rings to Vives in 1524 (Ep.102) and also to Cranevelt (see More's letter Ep.151).]
  16. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus, Louvain, 15 August 1522. Allen 5:#1306/23–25, p.113; CWE 9:#1306/25–27, p.162. [L'Univers p.325. Your letters to More and to the Archbishop of Canterbury I sent off to England today; they will get them soon, for many people now return to England every day from the Antwerp fair. Neither of Erasmus's letters to More or to Warham is extant.]
  17. (E). The Return of Magellan's Ship, the Victoria under the command of Elcano, Seville, 8 September, 1522. Dialogue Concerning Heresies, CW 6:66/13–22 and nn. on p.618; Harpsfield 103/20–104/7, and n.on p.338. [L'Univers p.324.]
  18. #107 and #108 have both been redated by Marc'hadour from 1522 to September 1520 above.
  19. (E) (Rogers 109). From Thomas More To Wolsey, Newhall, 14 September [1522]. BL MS Cotton Caligula B.i. fol. 320; St.P. I/1:#60, pp.104–106; Delcourt IV, pp.321–23; Rogers #109, pp.258–261. [L'Univers p.325. Autograph letter.]
  20. (E) (Rogers 110). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Newhall, 21 September [1522]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.vi. fol. 236; Ellis I.i.83; St.P. I/1:#62, pp.110–112; Delcourt V, pp.323–26; Rogers #110, pp.261–265. [L'Univers p.325. Autograph letter.]
  21. Juan Luis Vives, From De civitate dei, September 1522. Augustine's De civitate dei. Commentarii in XXII libros De civitate dei, ed. Juan Luis Vives, (Basilea, J. Froben, September 1522), sig.d2v–d3,pp.40–41 (Book II.7); trans. in Healey (London: George Eld, 1610; 2nd ed. 1620), p.62. For digital copies, see USTC (and ProQuest). For Healey, see also http://tei.it.ox.ac.uk/tcp/Texts-HTML/free/A22/A22641.html [USTC 667041; (Healey STC 916, 917; ESTC S106897, S106898); Gibson #173 and #581 (cf.#805); Sullivan 4:243; Boswell #20. After quoting from More's Latin translation of Lucian's Necromantia (CW 3/1:27/20–31), Vives goes on to praise More: Haec ille. Quae nos maluimus Thomae Mori uerbis dicere, quam nostris. cuius laudes obiter atque aliud agentem attingere pene sit nefas. Grandibus enim uoluminibus uix adhuc totae queant explicari. Quis enim de illius ingenii acumine de iudicii acrimonia, de uarietate eruditionis atque praestantia, de facunda linguae eloquentia, de suauitate morum ac probitate: in prouidendis rebus consilio, in exequendis dexteritare, in omnibus moderatione integritate, aequitate, fide satis pro dignitate dixerit, nisi uno uerbo summa, perfecta, undique absoluta, suis omnibus consummata numeris dixerit: nisi id quod res est, exemplaria, specimina, sui quodque generis affirmarit? magna loquor, et mirabuntur, qui Morum non norunt. sed sciunt uera me loqui qui norunt, qui libros legerint. qui actus uel uiderint, uel audierint, fidem facillime hababunt. Ceterum in huius uiri laudibus uelut in latissimo pelago erit aliud tempus, quo liceat uela pandere, et nos totos prosperrimae aurae committere, scribereque tum multa, tum maxima idque secundis lectoribus (sig.d3) [quoted in Moreana 31/32 (1971): 266n2 and 267n1.] Thus far Lucian. We have rehearsed it in the words of Thomas More, whom to praise negligently, or as if we were otherwise employed, were grossness. His due commendations are sufficient to exceed great volumes. For what is he that can worthily limn forth his sharpness of wit, his depth of judgement, his excellence and variety of learning, his eloquence of phrase, his plausibility [suavity] and integrity of manners, his judicious foresight, his exact execution, his gentle modesty and uprightness and his unmoved loyalty? Unless in one word he will say that they are all perfect, entirely absolute, and exact in all their full proportions? Unless he will call them (as they are indeed) the patterns and lustres, each of his kind? I speak much, and many that have not known More will wonder at me, but such as have, will know I speak but truth: so will such as shall either read his works or but hear or look upon his actions: but another time shall be more fit to spread our sails in this man's praises as in a spacious ocean, wherein we will take this full and prosperous wind and write both much in substance and much in value of his worthy honours, and that unto favourable readers. (Healey p.62; cf. Sullivan 1:350–51). Vives also praises Budé in his comments on Book II.17 (not II.7 as in Moreana), sig.e2, p.53; reprinted in Moreana 19/20 (1968): 69; for translation, see Healey, p.81.]
  22. (L) (Rogers 111). From Cuthbert Tunstall to Thomas More, London, [c. October 1522]. De Arte Supputandi libri quattuor (London: Pynson, 14 October 1522), fol. A2 (2nd ed. Paris: Stephani, 1529); Rogers #111, pp.265–267; text and translation in Boswell, #640, 296–299; translation in Nugent 48–50. [Excerpt in Tres Thomae p.24 (=Rogers #111/56–60, p.266); Hallet p.15 (=SLTM #52 [174a], misdated to 1529).] [L'Univers p.325; Boswell #640. Preface to De arte supputandi addressed to Thomas More.]
  23. (L). Letter from Frans van Cranevelt to Erasmus, Mechlin, 24 October 1522. Allen 5:#1317, pp.134–35; CWE 9:#1317/ 67–68, p.144. [cf. L'Univers p.324. A brief letter to Erasmus. Cranevelt was named to the Grand Council of Mechlin [Malines], the highest court of the land, on 27th Sept. 1522, and his wife and children had joined him on 22nd October. For More's earlier offers to help out Cranevelt, see *106A and *106B above.]
  24. (L) (Rogers 112). From Conrad Goclenius to Thomas More, Louvain, 29 October 1522. Luciani Hermotimus (Louvain, 1522), tit. v; Rogers #112, pp.267–272. [L'Univers p.327; Sullivan II:35. Preface to Goclenius' Latin translation of Lucian's Hermotimus, dedicated to More.]
  25. (L) (Rogers 113). From Thomas More to Conrad Goclenius, London, [c. November 1522]. Brussels, Royal Archives, MS Varia Societatis Iesu, #20; Rogers #113, pp.272–273; SL #34, pp.152–154. [L'Univers p.327. Original letter.]
  26. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 18 November, 1522. Repertories 4.134, b.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.327. Yt ys agreed that Syr Thomas More, undertresorer of ynglande, for his labor and payn that he toke for the Citie in makyng of a preposicion at the Comyng and Receyvyng of Thempperors grace in to this Citie shall have towardes a gown of velvet x li. See also 6 June 1522.]
  27. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 20 November, 1522. Repertories 4.136.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.327. More exhibits the king's letter to the Court of Aldermenn about the exercising of physic [medicine] in the City.]
  28. (E). Fall of the Island of Rhodes to the Turks, 21st December 1522. Dialogue of Comfort, CW 12:8/5–8 and n. on p.339; (cf. Dialogue Concerning Heresies, CW 6: 84/18–22 and n. on p.625); see also Hall I:279–83, online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/1522Hall2.pdf. [L'Univers 326 and n6.]
  29. George Cavendish, marries Margery Kemp, a niece of Thomas Thomas More, Early 1520's (1520–1525). [ODNB, Moreana 1 (1963):72 and Roper 107. George Cavendish married (as second wife?) Margery Kemp, daughter of William Kemp and Mary Colt of Spains Hall, Essex, and the niece of Sir Thomas More by his first marriage to Jane Colt. See also, Cavendish xvii–xix, xx–xxi. For a possible More reference, see *** below.]

1523

  1. (L). From the Letter of Erasmus to Johann Botzheim, Basle, 30 January 1523. Allen I:1–46, CWE 9:#1341A, pp.291–364. [Erasmus makes several references to More in his famous Letter to Botzheim (Catalogus omnium Erasmi Lucubrationum). It was revised in 1524, but the date kept unchanged, and again after Erasmus' death. Two of the references from 1499 and 1500 have already been calendared above.***]
  2. (L) (*113A). Juan Luis Vives Prefatio to Declamatio pro noverca contra Caecum [dedicated to More?], Louvain, February 1523. in Pseudo-Quintilian, Declamationes duae: prior M. Fabii Quintiliani pro Caeco contra Novercam. Posterior Joannis Lodovici Vivis Valentini pro Noverca contra Caecum qua Quintiliano respondet. Lovanii apud Theodoricum Martinum Alostensem Anno. X.X.III. mense Februario. ci–ciiv. Online at https://books.google.com/books?id=Y3NOAAAAcAAJ&pg=PT26 in Vives Opera omnia (1782), Vol.I:484–487. Partial French trans. by G. Marc'hadour, Moreana 3 (1964):56–59. [USTC 437211. An earlier edition of 1521 listed by some scholars seems to be a ghost. Although not officially dedicated to More this is essentially a Dedicatory Preface, containing repeated praises of More: More whom I think Nature has made for the cultivation of friendship, not only complies with reasonable requests; he even runs forward to meet them, in anticipation. . . . More is so great a friend, and I have so often experienced the fruits of his benevolence that I am afraid lest I should be suspected of cultivating a friendship for my own base advantage, were it not that I really believe that More esteems no man unworthy of his kindness, so long as he possesses a good will, and acts in accordance with it. Vives then goes on to tell his readers that More had inspired his declamatio: When More had expounded the first Declamatio of Fabius Quintilian to his little boy John More and his daughters, Margaret, Elizabeth, and Cecilia, the worthy offspring of their father, with a view to leading them more easily to the pursuits of wisdom, by some letters he exhorted me, that I should answer Quintilian's Declamatio, and thus disclose more openly the art of writing, in way of reply, and as it were by conflict (Watson, Vives 16–17). Vives goes on to praise More's reply to Lucian's Tyrannicida.]
  3. Composition of the Baravellus version of the Responsio, January 1–February 11, 1523. [CW 5/2: 833]
  4. Marginal Gloss to Baravellus version of the Responsio referring to Utopia, [Before 11 February 1523] CW 5/1: gloss to 118/11 and 5/2: 887. [More glosses a passage in Henry's Assertio (CW 5/1: 118: 9–23), where Henry suggests that Luther is claiming that the church of christ is nowhere (ecclesiam christi fateatur esse nusquam (118/21): Eam fortasse vidit in Vtopia (Perhaps he has seen it in Utopia). The Yale editors comment: Pynson's, or More's, reference to Utopia is both pertinent and suggestive. Luther's church is made to appear as illusory and impossible as the desire of that prelate who wanted to rush off and convert the Utopians. cf. Utopia, CW 4, 42, 292 (CW 5/2:887, n. to 118/11 gloss). For the authorship of the glosses, see CW 5/2: 834.]
  5. (L) (*113B). Ferdinand Baravellus to Francis Lucellus, <London> Spain?, From our University, 11 February [1523]. Reponsio ad Lutherum (London: Pynson, Spring 1523); CW 5:6–13. [L'Univers p.331. Fictional Prefatory Letter to first (Baravellus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum.]
  6. (L) (*113C). John Carcellius to the Reader, [London, February-May?, 1523]. Reponsio ad Lutherum (London: Pynson, Spring 1523); CW 5:2–5. [Fictional Prefatory Letter to first (Baravellus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum (Spring 1523).]
  7. (L). Commendatory Poems to the Responsio ad Lutherum, [February-May? 1523]. Reponsio ad Lutherum (London: Pynson, Spring 1523); CW 5:694–99. [Fictional epigrams by John Vitalis, Nicholas Pachetus and Lawrence Newlius probably composed by More. Not included in CW 3/2.]
  8. Baravellus version of the Responsio printed off, but publication withheld, February 11–June 1523. [CW 5/2: 834: Some copies bound up and sent off in June in time for Erasmus to receive his by July. In June The Baravellus is withheld for reworking in accordance with the appearence of new material by Luther.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, [end of March 1523]. Louvain MS. I.40; De Vocht, LC Ep. 50/9–10 and n., p.121; cf. CW 5/2: 865–66, n. to 22/3. [L'Univers p.333; Sullivan I:254. John Fevyn reports that Lupset has arrived from England, with the report that More was in good health: Interim e Britannia adpulit Lupzetus; is Morum renunciavit bona esse valitudine The king has just set off with a mighty force for Scotland, and when that that war is over he will finally bring us aid. Lupset was on his way to Italy via Basel and Constance, and he stayed in Italy until 1525. Lupset was in London from March 6–26th 1523.]
  10. (E). Thomas More's Petition for Freedom of Speech, [18 April 1523]. Roper pp.12/11–16/24; (14/5–15/24=) TMSB pp.240–41, and SLTM #5d, pp.32–34; Harpsfield 26/14–31/8; Hall I:279 (online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/1523Hall.pdf) and Nugent 532–34. [L'Univers 333 (entries for 15,18 and 29 April).]
  11. (E). More defends the Liberty of the House, 1523. Roper 16/25–20/17; TMSB pp.243–45; Harpsfield, pp.31/9–34/13; for a corrective to Roper's account, see Brewer, LP 3: Preface, Section 5, pp.ccxxxvi–cclxxvii. See also Polydore Vergil, XXVII.47 (Denys Hay, 306/9–13) and (Lat. / Eng.) [Fisher also opposed Wolsey in the clerical synod (ch.48) (Denys Hay, 306/28). Whatever differences there may have been between More and Wolsey, Wolsey was happy to recommend to the King on 24 August that More be paid a stipend for his services as speaker for the House of Commons. See Robert Lawrence Woods, Politics and Precedent: Wolsey's Parliament of 1523. [1977] Thomas More's Political Career and Thought.]
  12. Vives First Visit to England, May 1523–April 1524.
  13. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, [Bruges, On or about 10 May 1523]. Louvain MS. I.46; De Vocht, LC Ep. 56/14–15 and n., p.141. [L'Univers p.333. Entirely in Vives' hand. Cras discedo Brugis in Britanniam, ubi salutabo tibi Morum officiosissime vt amicitiam communem decet. See Allen 5:#1362/102–107, p.284, where Vives tells Erasmus that he is leaving for England tomorrow.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Polidoro Virgilio to Erasmus, London, 3 June 1523. Allen 5:#1366/16–20, p.290; CWE 10:#1366/16–20, p.23. [L'Univers p.335. I also wrote you a letter after the last occasion of your leaving us [April 1517], and gave it to our mutual friend More; but having had no reply, I thought it best thereafter to remain silent until chance should bring us together somewhere. Polydore Vergil's 1517 letter is not extant.]
  15. (L) (Rogers 114). From the University of Oxford, Oxford, [c. 8 June 1523]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 61; Rogers #114, pp.273–274. [L'Univers p.335.]
  16. Wolsey to Henry VIII, July 1523. BL Calig. D. VIII.286. (App. XL. 9.); St.P. I/1:65, pp.115–117; calendared in LP 3:#3213, p.1335. [Draft. It is thought by the Speaker (Sir Thomas More) and other members, that their vote for the grant now to be passed should have been completed yesterday; but it will not come till tomorrow, and will require some time to oversee and groundly digest the same to your most profit.]
  17. More revises the Responsio, 3 August–17 September 1523. [CW 5/2: 834. August 3. More resumes work on the Responsio. The new prefatory material is written and the H signature is enlarged. September 17. The Rosseus is ready to be submitted to the printer, but is again withheld in accordance with Royal policy.]
  18. (L) (*114A). From William Ross to John Carcellius, <London> Outside Rome?, 3 August [1523]. Reponsio ad Lutherum (London: Pynson, December 1523); CW 5:14–25. [L'Univers p.337. Fictional Prefatory Letter to second (Rosseus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum (Fall 1523). For Carcellius's response, see 17 September.]
  19. Wolsey to Henry VIII, Hampton Court, 24 August 1523. St.P. I/1:#69, p.124; calendared in LP 3:#3267, p.1355; Rogers n. to 115/105, p.278; cf. also LP 3:Preface, Section 5, pp.ccxxxix–ccxxxx. [L'Univers p.337. Wolsey recommends the King to grant More the ordinary fee of £100. for his conduct as speaker, and a reward of £100. for the better maintenance of his household: and he rests his recommendation on More's activity in promoting the measures of the court: The faithful diligence of the said Sir Thomas More in all your causes treated in this your late parliament, as well for your subsidy right honorably passed, as otherwise considered, no man could better deserve the same than he hath done. And he adds weight to this recommendation by saying, I am the rather moved to put your highness in mind thereof, because he is not the most ready to speak and solicit his own cause.]
  20. (E) (Rogers 115). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Easthampstead, 26 August [1523]. BL MS Cotton Titus B.i. fol. 329; St.P. I/1:#70, pp.125–127; Delcourt VI, pp.326–29; Rogers #115, pp.275–278. [L'Univers p.337. Autograph letter. Deals with the visit of the Franciscan Thomas Murner, and opponent of Luther to England. For a biography of Thomas Murner, see CE 2:471–72; note to Allen 5:#1397/26, p.350, and note to Rogers #115/50, p.276.]
  21. (E) (Rogers 116). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 1 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Vespasian F.xiii. fol. 243; Ellis I.i.71, p.202; Delcourt VIII, pp.331–32; Rogers #116, pp.278–279. [L'Univers p.337. Autograph letter. Concerning a Bill devised for Sir Richard Wyngfield.]
  22. (E) (Rogers 117). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 1 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Caligula B.i. fol. 319; Ellis I.i.72, pp.203–206; St.P. I/1:#71, pp.128–130; Delcourt VII, pp.329–31; Rogers #117, pp.279–282. [L'Univers p.337. Autograph Letter. Upon Scottish and other affairs.]
  23. (E) (Rogers 118). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 3 September [1523]. BL MS Harleian 6989, fol. 16; Delcourt IX, p.332; Rogers #118, pp.282–283. Facsimile of More's letter reproduced in Rogers, between pp.282–283. [L'Univers p.337. Autograph letter.]
  24. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Henry VIII, Basel, 4 September 1523. Allen 5:#1385/1–2, p.330; CWE 10:#1385/2–4, p.85. [L'Univers pp.335,337; Sullivan I:326. Your Majesty's kindly feelings towards me were reported to me by Thomas More, and the fact was extremely welcome, thoughbe no means novel. More's letter is not extant.]
  25. (E) (Rogers 119). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 5 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.viii. fol. 59; St.P. I/1:#72, pp.130–131; Delcourt X, pp.332–34; Rogers #119, pp.283–284. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter.]
  26. (E) (Rogers 120). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woking, 12 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.viii. fol. 67; St.P. I/1:#73, pp.131–132; Delcourt XI, pp.334–35; Rogers #120, pp.284–286. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter.]
  27. (E) (Rogers 121). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Guildford, 13 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.viii. fol. 69; St.P. I/1:#74, pp.133–134; Delcourt XII, pp.335–37; Rogers #121, pp.286–288. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter.]
  28. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, 13 September 1523. De Vocht, LC Ep. 72/1–12 and n., p.178. [L'Univers p.339; Sullivan I:254. Peter Dominiculus gave me your two letters; but those you that you had written to More and to Vives he would not have given if I had not demanded them; . . . because of your acquaintance they might help him somehow with More and Vives. <Petrus Dominiclus binas literas> tuas mihi reddidit: quas autem ad Morum et ad <Viuem scripseras, non fuiss>et daturus ni exegissem: credo quod in Britanniam medit<auit iter, ut uidi p>ost, cum tuas legissem. Ille, ut in tuis posteri<o>ribus etiam meministi, aiebat se illuc profecturum; tamen dedit que iusseras in literis, at ea lege ut si contingeret petere Britanniam, illi committerem. Libens assensi; at si prodesse homini possent, uel tua (ut sic dixerim) noticia quicquam ei prodessent apud Morum uel Vivem. Interim uero nihil de profectione, et literas adseruo, ut cum iuuenis, qui Viuis literis detulit ad nos, e Brabantia redierit, illi tuto dare possim. Peter Dominicle was a goldsmith and alderman in Bruges who was contemplating a trip to Britain. In the end Fevyn decides to give Cranevelt's letters to Vives and More to the young man who had initially brought Vives' letters to them from England.]
  29. (L) (*121A). From John Carcellius to William Ross, London, 17 September [1523]. Reponsio ad Lutherum (London: Pynson, December 1523); CW 5:26–31. [L'Univers p.339. Fictional Prefatory Letter to second (Rosseus) edition of More's Responsio ad Lutherum. Response to letter of William Ross dated 3 August.]
  30. (E) (Rogers 122). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Easthampstead, 17 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Titus B.i. fol. 276; Ellis I.i.73, pp.207–208; Delcourt XIII, pp.337–38; Rogers #122, pp.288–289. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter. Expressing the King's pleasure respecting the marriage of a widow of an Alderman of London.]
  31. (E) (Rogers 123). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Abingdon, 20 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Titus B.viii. fol. 77; St.P. I/1:#75, pp.135–140; Delcourt XIV, pp.338–44; Rogers #123, pp.289–295. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter.]
  32. (E) (Rogers 124). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woodstock, 22 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Caligula B.vi. fol. 532; Ellis I.i.74, pp.208–210; St.P. I/1:#76, pp.140–141; Delcourt XV, pp.345–46; Rogers #124, pp.295–297. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter. Upon Scottish Affairs.]
  33. (E) (Rogers 125). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woodstock, 24 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Caligula B.i. fol. 323; Ellis I.i.75, pp.210–211; Delcourt XVI, pp.346–47; Rogers #125, pp.297–298. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter. Also upon Scottish Affairs.]
  34. (E) (Rogers 126). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woodstock, 26 September [1523]. BL MS Cotton Caligula B.i. fol. 317; Ellis I.i.76, pp.212–213; St.P. I/1:#77, pp.142–143; Delcourt XVII, pp.347–48; Rogers #126, pp.298–299. [L'Univers p.339. Autograph letter. From the King, respecting my lord of Surrey; a mortality in the Army, etc.]
  35. (E) (Rogers 127). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Woodstock, 30 October [1523]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.viii. fol. 94; Delcourt XVIII, pp.348–50; Rogers #127, pp.299–301. [L'Univers p.341. Autograph letter. Responding to two letters of Wolsey on 27th and 29th.]
  36. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, 31 October [1523]. Louvain MS. I.66 [fol.87]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 78/19–21 and n., p.195. [L'Univers p.341; Sullivan I:254. Nicolaus Eucollius Medicus now goes to London to More. Laurinus Jubet te saluere in literas ad me suis Nicolaus E[u]colliu<s> Medicus, qui nunc agit Londini apud Morum. For Nicolaus Eucollius [Goethals] (u not n), see LCB I, Ep.2, HL 41(1992): 11. Eucollius spent several years in England, and was still there in 1526 (cf. LC Ep.182/15, p.491), but returned to Bruges in 1527 (cf. Ep.243/15–19,p.622). See also LCB Ep.86 (2 November 1521) From Vives above.]
  37. (L) (Rogers 128(b)). From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, [Woodstock?, October? 1523]. Tres Thomae 240; Rogers #128/14–37, p.302; Hallett 114–15; SL #35, pp.154–155 (part); SLTM #42, pp.130–32 (part). [L'Univers p.341. For the reasons for splitting this letter up, see Rogers 128(a) (*99B), dated before Feb. 1521. Marc'hadour suggests October 1523 as date [for 128(b)]. This letter was written when Margaret Roper was confined before the birth of her first child (Elizabeth), see also Allen #1404.]
  38. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, 7 November 1523. Louvain MS. I.67; De Vocht, LC Ep. 79/8–10 and intro., p.196. [L'Univers p.341; Sullivan I:254. Fevynus announces the death of a pet white crow that had belonged to Philip the Fair, and that Fevynus and his friends had visited it at the Princenhof: Salutauit illa quondam & Maximilianum [Maximilian of Austria], Erasmum, Morum, Vivem.]
  39. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Oxford, 11 November [1523]. Louvain MS. I.75 [fols.99, 100]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 80/3–10 and n., pp.197–98. [L'Univers p.341. amicis fruor omni disciplinarum generis magnis & suspiciendis: nosti Moros, Li<nacros,> Tunstallos, Latimeros, Claymundos [Claymond], Monioyos [Mountjoy], Roffenses [Fisher]; expectamus indies Pacaeum [Pace], Annibalum [Hannibal]; etiam aliquando Sampsonem; in quibus dici non potest maximae eruditioni quam dulce condimentum ab humanitate et commoditate morum accesserit qua; deesse germane & γνiσίως doctis non solent. De Vocht thought that probably it was at [More's] house, that [Vives] met most of the friends here referred to.]
  40. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 24 November, 1523. Repertories 4.170, b., cf. 5.160. and 6.71.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.341. More thanks the Court of Aldermen for promising Staverton the reversion of the Secondaryship of the Counter in Bread St. As Staverton no longer wants it, he asks it for John Wyseman, clerk of the counter, and asks Wyseman's place for an old acquaintance, Reve, a scrivener.]
  41. Wolsey to Henry VIII, Westminster, 26 November [1523]. St.P. I/1:#80, pp.145–47; calendared in LP 3:#3563, pp.1481–82. [L'Univers 343. In consequence of the great matters at the knitting up of this term, Sir Thomas More cannot be spared from the Exchequer for four or five days.]
  42. Publication of the Rosseus version of the Responsio, after 3rd December, 1523. [CW 5/2: 834.]
  43. Wolsey to Henry VIII, Westminster, 7 December [1523]. St.P. I/1:#82, pp.148–49; calendared in LP 3:#3613, pp.1500. [On the return of Sir Thomas More and Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam from the King, devised instructions to be sent by the latter, as the King desired (LP). Wolsey has carried out Henry's instructions speedily and has wel incorporated in my mynde your full deliberacion and intent in that matier, aswell by such consultacion, as I lately had with Your Grace therin, as also by the knowlege of your pleasure, signified unto me by the said Sir Thomas More (p.149).]
  44. (L) (Rogers 129). From Erasmus to John More, [Basle, c. December 1523]. Allen 5:#1402, pp.363–365 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1402.pdf); CWE 10:128–31 and 29:127–128, 451–52. [L'Univers p.343. Prefatory Letter to Erasmus' Commentary on Ovid's Nux.]
  45. (L) (Rogers 130). From Erasmus to Margaret More, Basle, Christmas 1523. Allen 5:#1404, pp.366–367 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1404.pdf); ASD V-7: 313–14; CWE 10:133–35 and 29:173, 458; (Fr. & E.) Moreana III:12 (1966):32–35. [L'Univers p.343; Sullivan I:326–. Prefatory Letter to Erasmus' Commentary on Prudentius' hymns for Christmas and Epiphany, printed along with Ovid's Nux. Thanks her for all her letters and congratulates her on the birth of her son (actually daughter Elizabeth), though some commentators give the child's name as Thomas. See John Guy A Daughter's Love (2009): 220.]

1524

  1. (L). From a letter of  Jean Lange to Erasmus, Meaux, 1 January 1524. Allen 5:#1407/44, p.376; CWE 10:#1407/46, p.147. [L'Univers p.347. Lange laments all the ongoing literary quarrels that Erasmus and others are involved in including that involving Brie against More.]
  2. (L) (Rogers 131). From Nicholas Leonicus [Niccolò Leonico Tomeo] to Thomas More, Padua, 19 January 1524. Vatican MS Rossiano 997; Rogers #131, pp.303–304. Paraphrase in Cardinal F. A. Gasquet, Cardinal Pole and his Early Friends (London: G. Bell, 1927), pp.58–59. Full view at Hathi-Trust. [L'Univers p.347; Sullivan 2:225–226 (4 letters). For the life of Niccolò Leonico Tomeo, an Italian-born Epirote Greek [Albanian?], who taught Greek in Padua and Venice for 30 years, see CE 2:323–24; Allen n. to 5:#1479/180, pp.520–21; intro. to Rogers #131, p.303; and Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani Volume 64 (2005), online at http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/niccolo-leonico-tomeo_%28Dizionario_Biografico%29/. Leonicus sends a copy of his translation of Aristotle's Parva Naturalia to More and requests in return a copy of More's Utopia. For Leonicus's letters to Tunstall, some of which are not translated by Gasquet, see Charles Sturge, Appendix III: Letters from Leonicus to Tunstal preserved in the Vatican Library, Cuthbert Tunstal (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1938), 350–52.]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Frans van Cranevelt, Oxford, 25 January 1524. Louvain MS II.6 [fols. 9–10: F]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 90/1 and n., p.231. [L'Univers p.347. Vives refers to binas tuas litteras, quas mihi Morus noster reddidit. De Vocht thinks these letters were probably in reply to Ep. 80. See also Ep.72 above.]
  4. (a) (L). From Vives' De Institutione Foeminae Christianae, Antwerp, [January], 1524. De Institutione Foeminae Christianae (Antwerp: M. Hillen, 1524). 1538 edition (USTC 667563; (Basel, Robert Winter, 1538), sig.b2, p.19), online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek [USTC 403719 and 442383; Gibson #580; L'Univers p.346. Written in 1523. Vives' Prefatory Letter to Catherine of Aragon is dated 5th April 1523. In Book I, Vives praises the learning of More's daughters: Si Reginae post se de priuatis foeminis mentionem fieri paterentur, adderem huic numero . . . tum Thomae Mori filias, Margaritam, Elisabetam, Caeciliam, atque earum consanguineam Margaritam Gigiam. quas pater non contentus esse castissimas, etiam doctissimae ut essent curauit: sic fore iudicans, ut uerius firmiusque essent castae. In quo nec uir ille sapientissimus fallitur, nec alii qui idem censent. (Now if a man may be suffered among queens to speak of more ordinary women, I would reckon among this sort . . . the daughters of Sir Thomas More, Margaret, Elizabeth, Cecilia, and with them their kinswoman Margaret Giggs, whom their father not content only to have them good and very chaste, would also they should be well learned, supposing that by that means they should be more truly and surely chaste. Wherein neither that great wise man is deceived, nor none other that are of the same opinion.) (Watson, Vives p.53; Nugent 77). For comments on the printing, see Vives' letter to Cranevelt dated 1 May 1524, LC Ep.102, pp.275–76.]
            (b) (L). From Vives' Epistolae duae de ratione studii puerilis. [June 1524]. Introductio ad sapientiam. Satellitium sive symbola. Epistolae duae de ratione studii puerilis (Louvain, apud Petrus Martens, 1524). [USTC 404738] [1530 edition (USTC 410728; Antwerp: apud Martinum Caesarem [Merten de Keyser], 1530), sig.M5v) online at Google Books. [USTC 404738. Written in 1523. In Epistle 1 (to Catherine of Aragon, on the Education of Girls) Vives recommends several works of Erasmus and the Utopia of Thomas More (cf. Watson, Vives p.147) (Sig. L5) In Epistle 2 (ad Carolum Montjoium Guilielmi filium on the Education of Boys) Vives recommends comparing Greek texts with Latin translations where they exist fere dialogi Luciani, quos Erasmus transtulit, & Morus (including part of the Dialogues of Lucian which Erasmus and More translated. Watson, Vives p.250).]
            (c) (L). From Vives' De conscribendis epistolis, Antwerp, 1534. De conscribendis epistolis (Antwerp: M. Hillen, 1534). [Ten years later several years after his last visit to England in 1528, Vives makes many references to old friends in England and elsewhere including More in his Art of Writing Letters: Quid quod praestabilius est tantum illum existimari ut appositis non sit opus, velut Gulielmo Budaeo, Erasmo Roterodamo, Thomae Moro? (Is it not more flattering to be so highly thought of that there is no need of epithets, as in the case of Guillaume Budé, Erasmus of Rotterdam, or Thomas More?) (§47, p.70/25–27); and in these two examples of greetings: si quando Morum conveneris, admone hominem ut cum Rossensem [Roffensem] Episcopum mittet litteras, adscribat precari me laeta omnia ac felicia (When you visit More, remind him that when he writes to the Bishop of Rochester [Fisher] he add my wishes for his success and good fortune. (§94, p.118/14–16); Cum ad Morum dabis litteras vel nactus fueris qui eo profiscatur et mandata ad illum miseris, ne obliviscare accuratissimam mea vice salutationem adiungere ipsi et liberis, sed in primis Margaritae Roperae meae, quam ego ex quo primum novi, non amavi minus quam si mihi esset soror germana. (When you write to More or find someone to bear a message to him, do not forget to add most attentive greetings to himself and his children on my part, but especially to my dear Margaret Roper, for whom, from the first moment I met her, I bore as much love as for my own sister.) (§95, p.120/5–6). In Juan Luis Vives, De Conscribendis Epistolis, edited by Charles Fantazzi (Leiden: Brill, 1989).]
  5. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, 24 April 1524. Louvain MS II.16 [fol.23]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 100/8–11 and n., p.267. [L'Univers p.349; Sullivan I:254. Vives has just returned from England (to get married), and Fevynus relays some of Vives' impressions of England: In the king there are many glories, whether you consider endowments of body or mind; he loves all scholars; among them he esteems most highly Erasmus and More. The queen is so devout that one could desire nothing more; the nobility is charmed by all scholars. (In Rege esse ornamenta plurima, uel si corporis siue animi dotes spectes; literatos amare omneis; in iis lingue latine columen, Erasmum, Morum plurimi facere; Reginam tanta esse pietate ut nihil preterea desyderes; nobilitatem adfectam literatis omnibus).]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Franz van Cranevelt, Bruges, 1 May, 1524. Louvain MS.II.17 [fols. 24, 25]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 102/65–68 and n., p.276. [L'Univers p.349. After complaining to Cranevelt about the poor job Hillen did of printing his De Institutione Foeminae Christianae, Vives concludes: Morus tibi salutem & omnia prosperrima precatur, mittitque Dominae coniugi tuae sex annulos argenteos, quos inter suos distribuat: sunt enim sacri more Britanniae, see LC Ep.13 above (2 Nov. 1521). De Vocht notes that According to the last paragraph the epistle contained six silver rings which had been blessed by the King of England (cp. Ep.13,69); the impress of one of them shows clearly underneath the address: it is a circle of 15 to 16mm. diameter, apparently caused by a circlet in wire against which the paper was pressed (p.272).]
  7. The papal Legate Nikolaus von Schönberg [Schömberg], later Cardinal, visits England and may have met More, May 1524. [L'Univers 350 and n3. In Schöberg's letter of 12 August 1535, he describes More as an antico amico mio. For Schönberg's life, see CE 3:429–30. Schönberg was sent by Pope Clement VII to make peace between Henry VIII, Francis I and Charles V, but was unsuccessful.]
  8. (G). Publication of Von der wunderbarblichen Innsel Vtopia, Basel, 16 June, 1524. Cantiuncula von Metz, Claudius [Claude Chansonette], trans., Von der wunderbarblichen Innsel Vtopia genant, das ander Buch . . . (Basel: Durch Joannem Bebelium, 1524). [L'Univers p.351; Gibson 34. German translation of Book II of Utopia only. First vernacular translation of Utopia into any language. For the life of Claudius Cantiuncula, see CE 1:259–61.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus, Bruges, 16 June 1524. Allen 5:#1455/34–36, p.475; CWE 10:#1455/38–39, p.285. [L'Univers p.351. Vives tells Erasmus that he has returned to Bruges to get married. He has heard news that Erasmus is contemplating coming back to England: But I do not doubt that More, who can give the most prudent advice about this, will have given you plenty. (Sed non dubito quin hisce de rebus, vt prudentius potest, ita copiosius scripserit ad te Morus.)]
  10. Linacre signs his Will with Tunstall, More and Stokesley as Executors, 19 June 1524. [L'Univers 351 and 354n8. Linacre died a few weeks on 20 October.]
  11. (L) (Rogers 132). From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, Oxford, 20 June [1524]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 67v; Rogers #132, pp.304–306. [L'Univers p.351. Answered by Ep. 133. Following the death of Sir Thomas Lovell (25 May 1524), the University of Oxford invites More to be its High Steward.]
  12. (L). From a letter of  Maarten van Dorp to Franz van Cranevelt, Bruges, 21 June, [1524]. Louvain MS.II.26 [fol.34]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 111/60–63 and n., p.302. [L'Univers p.351; Sullivan I:291. Quod epistolam ad te meam Moro miseris, nae tu nugas: misisti viro eruditissimo, quem equidem <propter er>uditi<onem ra>ram suspicio, ut omnes item alios. You sent the letter I wrote to you to More . . . You have send it to a most learned man whom I venerate for his rare culture. De Vocht identifies the letter as Ep.85[/17, n. on p.224], which alludes to Cranevelt's first meeting with More.]
  13. (L). From a letter of  Nicholas Leonicus to Reginald Pole, Padua, 26 June 1524. Vatican MS Rossiano 997; paraphrase in Cardinal F. A. Gasquet, Cardinal Pole and his Early Friends (London: G. Bell, 1927), pp.68–71. Full view at Hathi-Trust [L'Univers p.351; Sullivan 2:225. See Rogers #131. No edition of the Latin text. Leonicus writes to Pole that he has received a copy of Utopia, that has been brought by John Clement who has come to Italy to study medicine.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Franz van Cranevelt to Maarten van Dorp, Bruges, 5 July, 1524. Louvain MS.II.28 [fol. 38]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 113/13–17 and n., p.305–306; Sullivan I:225. [L'Univers p.353; Sullivan 1:225. Undelivered reply to Ep. 111, returned to Cranevelt: More recte valet: misit literas per Livinum Erasmi egitque gratias quod tam diligenter ac crebro salutarem per literas, alioquin satis occupatus, quum liceat excusare per negocia, vt ipse scribit; sed nulla negocia tanti sint, vt tales amici sunt vel negligendi vel contemnendi. More is fine; he sent a letter by Livinus to Erasmus and expressed his thanks that I, although otherwise very busy, greeted him so diligently and frequently by letter, although I could excuse myself because of my affairs, as he himself writes . . . (Sullivan). For Lieven (Livinus) Algoet, a servant-pupil of Erasmus, see De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.95, p.245; CE 1:35–36 and Allen intro. to 4:#1091, p.235.]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Levinus Ammonius [Lieven van den Zande] to Erasmus, Bois-Saint-Martin, 4 July 1524. Allen 6:#1463/12–23 p.488; CWE 10:#1463/15–26, p.295. [L'Univers 363; Sullivan I:18: I hesitate to write to you dreading that interference in temporal affairs with which your friend More has so justly reproached an English Carthusian. I hope More has no reproach to make to me. The Carthusian Lieven van den Zande writes to Erasmus to introduce himself, mentioning More's Letter to a Monk (Rogers #83) in the process. He expresses the wish to avoid the mistakes of More's Carthusian critic [John Batmanson]. For the life of Levinus Ammonius, see CE 1:50–51.]
  16. (L) (Rogers 133). From Thomas More to the University of Oxford, London, 26 July [1524]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 68; Rogers #133, pp.306–307; SL #36, pp.155–157. [L'Univers p.353 and n4. Answering Ep. 132. Answered by Ep. 134.]
  17. (L) (Rogers 135). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, London, 10 August [1524]. Louvain MS. II.31 [fol. 42 <& fol. 43>]; De Vocht LC Ep. 115, pp.311–16; Miller 34–39; Rogers #135, pp.309–311; SLTM #43, pp.132–34; Galibois 79–81 [Tres Thomae 77; Hallett 60–61 [55–56]. [L'Univers p.353. For (partial) facsimile, besides Miller, see De Vocht, LC, p.lxxxviii. In John Harris' hand. Last line and signature in More's hand. For the Life of John Harris, see 192* below.]
  18. (L) (Rogers 134). From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, [Oxford, c. August 1524]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 71; Rogers #134, pp.307–309; —. [L'Univers p.355. Answering Ep. 133. See Rogers' note.]
  19. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Haio Herman of Friesland, Basel, 31 August 1524. Allen 5:#1479/140–46, pp.519–20; CWE 10:#1479/157–67, pp.345–46. [L'Univers 353; Sullivan I:326: You know very well that the Hecuba and the Iphigenia are mine. Don't you think I am capable? Ask Demarez, Mountjoy, More, Linacre, Grocyn, Latimer to bear witness.]
  20. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Robert Toneys, Basel, 5 September 1524. Allen 5:#1492/6–8, p.541; CWE 10:#1492/8–10, p.373. [L'Univers 355; Sullivan I:326. Erasmus at the request of Burbank writes to this English jurist, counsellor to Wolsey, expressing among other things More's high regard for him.]
  21. (E) (*135A). From Richard Hyrde to Frances Staverton, Chelsea, 1st October, 1524. A deuout treatise upon the Pater noster (London: Thomas Berthelet, c1526), sig. a2–b3v. (E/Fr) Moreana 13 (1967): 5–24. Another edition by R. DeMolen in Erasmus of Rotterdam: A Quincentennial Symposium (New York: Twayne, 1971), 97–104; (Mod. Sp.) Watson, Vives 159–73. [L'Univers p.355; Sullivan 2:153–54; Gibson #487; Boswell #201. Prefatory Letter to Margaret Roper's translation (1524) of Erasmus' Precatio Dominica (1523). A Defence of the education of women. For the Life of Richard Hyrde (d.1528), see Watson, Vives 14–16, 159–60; and Diane Valeri Bayne, The Instruction of a Christian Woman: Richard Hyrde and the Thomas More Circle, Moreana 45 (1975): 5–15. Frances Staverton was Thomas More's niece by the marriage of his sister Joan to Richard Staverton. Hyrde's name was also variously spelt Hirt, Hirde, Herde, Harte. John Leland wrote an epigram Ad Richardum Hirtium, which is included on p.7 together with an English translation by Virginia W. Callahan (see Byrne above). See also notes in Dana Sutton's edition and E.M.G. Routh's Sir Thomas More and his Friends (pp.134–35).]
  22. (E) (*135B). Richard Hyrde Dedicatory Preface to Queen Katherine, [Chelsea?, After Oct. 1524–1525?]. A very fruteful and pleasant booke called the instruction of a christen woman, made firste in latyne / by the right famous clerke mayster Lewes Uiues, and tourned out of latyne into Englishe by Rycharde Hyrde. (London, Thomas Berthelet, 1529). sigs. ***A2v–A3v; (Mod. Sp.) Watson, Vives 29–32; Nugent 73–75; [Gibson #580; Sullivan 2:154 and 4:243–44; Boswell #663, pp.325–26. Hyrde reveals in his Dedicatory Preface that More persuaded him to translate Vives' De Institutione Foeminae Christianae (Antwerp: M. Hillen, [January] 1524), and even corrected the translation. For Hyrde's departure for France in 1526 following John Leland, see J. P. Carley, John Leland in Paris: the evidence of his poetry, Studies in Philology 83:1 (1986): 1–50 and John Guy, A Daughter's Love 169 and 306. Though Hyrde may have begun work on his translation fairly soon after the publication of Vives' original Latin edition, it seems unlikely that he finished it, and wrote his Dedicatory Preface to Queen Katherine, until after he had written the Prefatory Letter for Margaret Roper's Devout Treatise. Hyrde may very well have met Vives in person on one of his visits to England, see Eugenio M. Olivares-Merino, A month with the Mores: The meeting of Juan Luis Vives and Margaret More Roper, English Studies 88:4 (July 2007): 388–400, esp.393: Since we know the exact date when Vives arrived at Bruges (10 May 1525), the disagreement lies in the fact that we do not know the precise date when Vives left Oxford and was welcomed into More’s house. Be that as it may, the time spent with More at Chelsea gave him the opportunity not only to become more acquainted with Margaret and her husband William, but also with Richard Hyrde and many of More’s other friends.]
  23. Death of Thomas Linacre, 20 October 1524. [L'Univers 354. More was appointed one of the executor's of Linacre's Will on 19 June 1524. He had earlier supplied an epigram to Linacre's Progymnasmata Grammatices (c.1512) and Linacre refers to More in a couple of his published works.]
  24. (E). German (and Swiss) Peasant's Revolt, Fall 1524–June 1525. CW 6:369/4–29 and pp.545–47; CW 8: 56, 59–60, 138, 483–85, passim.
  25. Vives' Second Visit to England, October 1524–April 1525.
  26. (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus, London, 13 November 1524. Allen 5:#1513/15–16, p.576; CWE 10:#1513/22–22, p.418. [L'Univers 357. King Henry VIII has no doubt spoken with More; for More is with him constantly and in high favour, as you will learn from his letter. More's letter is not extant.]
  27. (E) (Rogers 136). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Hertford, 29 November [1524]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.viii. fol. 150; Ellis I.i.88, pp.252–256; St.P. I/1:#74, pp.151–153; Delcourt XIX, 350–352; Rogers #136, pp.311–314; SL #37, pp.158–161. [L'Univers p.357. Autograph letter. Detailing More's conversation with the King, concerning John Joachim; etc.]
  28. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Heinrich Stromer Basel, 10 December 1524. Allen 5:#1522/2–5, p.590; CWE 10:#1522/4–7, p.437. [L'Univers 357; Sullivan I:327. Repeats a pleasantry made by More in 1511 (cf. Allen #237/1–2, p.477, where the comment is unattributed ) to the effect that Erasmus the beggar had written the De copia on abundance.]
  29. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Franz van Cranevelt, [Bruges, 21 December, 1524]. Louvain MS.II.44 [fol. 61]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 131/1–5, intro. and n., p.356. [L'Univers p.357; Sullivan I:254. Fevynus is puzzled by More's cryptic remark as to Henry VIII's power over war or peace: [Quondam dicebatur] Anglo in manu esse vtrum uelit, an accendi faces belli, aut ex[ting]ui; neque non tibi occurere potest quid ea de re abs te rogatus responderit: Non ego dico uobis quod habebitis pacem! [quod nescio] quomodo interpretabere. De Vocht dates this episode as occurring either in Aug.–Sept. 1520 after the meeting of Calais [cf. Ep.115] or in July–Aug. 1521, at the meeting of Charles V, and Wolsey.]
  30. (a) (L) Thomas Linacre. Thomae Linacri Britanni de emendata structura Latini sermonis libri sex. London, apud Richard Pynson, [December] 1524. and Paris: Robert Estienne, 1527. Paris 1527 edition online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10163995.html [STC 15634?; ESTC 501785; USTC 145831, etc; L'Univers 357 and n.9; Boswell #396; Sullivan Sup:70. Pynson edition published a few weeks after Linacre's death on 20 October 1524. See Germain Marc'hadour, Thomas More and Thomas Linacre, Moreana 13 (1967): 63–67. Includes a number of references to More including Utopia, Clement and Pole: Rediit [i.e. Linacre] Londino, unde noster Morus. Studuit Patauij, ubi Latimerus. (He returned from London, as did our More. He studied at Padua, as did Latimer.) (1527: fol.105v [214] and Marc'hadour 1967:64). And later in the section illustrating the use of Zeugma and Syllepsis: Quis scribit? Morus scribit. Quis scripsit Vtopiam? Morus scripsit Vtopiam. Zeugmata figuratus, talis: Quis scribit? Morus. Quis scripsit Vtopiam? Morus. (1527: fol.111v [226]). He also refers to John Clement who would succeed him as Court physician: Quando venit Clemens? dudum (1527:fol.112 [227]). And Reginald Pole, whom he had been tutoring: Conualuitne Polus? Imo recidit in morbum (ibid.). For continental editions, see Shaaber L175–L198. Marc'hadour seems to be quoting from Shaaber L195.]
            (b) (L). Thomas Linacre. Rudimenta grammatices (London: Pynson, 1525?) STC 15637 online at Oxford Text Archive. [STC 15636 and 15637; ESTC S104890 and S120159; Boswell #398. An English-Latin Grammar. Marc'hadour (1967:65) sees at least one echo of Linacre's De emendata: Ego vocor Thomas (sig.D1) and Quis scripsit haec? if he be answered Thomas: there must be answered, scripsit (sig.E2v). For continental editions, which translate the English parts into Latin, see Shaaber L202–L227. Marc'hadour quotes from Shaaber L215.]
  31. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 24 November, 1523. [1524] Journal of the Court of Common Council 12, 185.; Repertories 6.94, 106, 108.; Harpsfield p.314. [L'Univers, p.359. Arbitrator in the case of Coke v. City as to the setting up of mills on the Thames.]
  32. Anne Cresacre becomes Thomas More's Ward, c1525? cf. LP 4:#1115, p.490 [cFeb. 1525] [Despite older claims that Ann Cresacre became a member of More's household as an infant, John Guy provides conclusive evidence that she became a ward of Thomas More in c1525, see Public Career 25–26 and n. and A Daughter's Love, 145–46, 301, and Plate of Rowland Locky copy of the Holbein Family Portrait between pp.108–109 and Holbein drawing facing p.109. She is included in the cSpring 1527 Holbein Family Portrait, where she is already engaged to John More (cf. A Daughter's Love 170, 306–307). The superscription for Anne in the Rowland Locky copy reads: Anna Crisacria Joannes Mori Sponsa anno .15. [i.e. 14], and for John: Joannes Morus Thomae Filius anno.19. [i.e. 18]. These are the same superscriptions that appear on the Hans Holbein cartoon in the Kunstmuseum, Basel. She married John More, Thomas More's son, in c1529 below.]

1525

  1. For More's Itinerary for the whole year 1525, see John Guy, Public Career, Table 1, p.19.
  2. (L). From John Leland's Epigrammata (1589). [Mid-1520's]. John Leland, Epigrammata (printed 1589), edited by Dana Sutton, online at http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/lelandpoems/ See CXIII and CXXXVI on Richard Hyrde; LXX on William Gonell; LIX on More and Brixius; and CXXXII; CXLVIII on Martial and More; and CLXXXV on More's daughters. For Leland's Epithalamium for John Clement and Margaret Giggs, see below under March 1526. Two other Epigrams mention More CXCIII and CXCV. [Gibson #383–384; Sullivan 2:223–25 and Supp:66; Boswell #392–393, pp.195–199. (Boswell gives texts and translations of LIX, CXXXII, CXLVIII, CLXXXV, CXCIII:19–20 and CXCV.) Sutton dates Leland's Epigram to Gonell (LXX) to 1525; most of the rest are probably earlier, except possibly the ones to Richard Hyrde.]
  3. (E) (Rogers 137). From Wolsey to <More?>, [c. January 1525]. BL MS Cotton Caligula E.ii. fol. 45; LP 4:#1018, pp.446–47; Rogers #137, pp.314–316. [L'Univers 361.]
  4. (E). Wolsey to Henry VIII, Westminster, 5 February [1525]. Harl. 7035, f. 174; St.P. I/1:#85, pp.153–156; calendared in LP 4:#1063, p.464. [L'Univers 361. Is glad to hear from Sir Thomas More [by letter?] that the King is satisfied at his communications with the chancellor Alençon, sent by the French king's mother. Wolsey then thanks Henry it hath pleased Your Highness, of your excellent goodness and gracious favour, to advertise me, by the said Sir Thomas More, of such reports, as have ben made unto Your Highness (p.154).]
  5. (E). Walter Smyth (Smith), The Twelve Merry Jests of the Widow Edyth, London, 23 March [1525 or 1526]. [L'Univers 263 aand n2; Sullivan 4:103–104; Gibson #530; Boswell #594, p.277. Some of these bawdy tales by one of Thomas More's household, deal directly with More's own family. See Reed, Early Tudor Drama p.148–59, Walter Smith (Smyth) (fl. 1525) and Smyth 1529 below. Marc'hadour suggests the possibility of 1526 as alternate date.]
  6. (L) (Rogers 138). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, London, 16 May [1525]. Louvain MS II.74 [fol.94]; De Vocht LC Ep. 151, pp.418–20; Miller 40–41; Rogers #138, p.317; SLTM #44, pp. 134–35; (Fr) Galibois 81–82. [L'Univers 365. In a secretary's hand (John Harris?), with More's signature.]
  7. From a letter of  Nicolas Herco Florenas to Cranevelt, [Bologna, 4 June 1525]. Louvain MS II.72 [fol.92]; De Vocht LC Ep. 154/39–40, pp.428. [Eo ipso die quo litteras tuas accepi, mane dicesserat Joannes Clemens, Anglus, quem salutare iusseras.]
  8. (L) (Rogers 139). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, London, 6 June [1525]. Louvain MS II.68, [fol.88]; De Vocht LC Ep. 156, pp.431–33; Miller 42–45; Rogers #139, p.318; SLTM #45, pp.135–36; (Fr) Galibois 82. [L'Univers 365 and n3. Marc'hadour suggests the possibility that the letter might date from 1526. Autograph in More's hand throughout.]
  9. (It?). From a letter of  Lorenzo Orio to the Doge and Signory, 12 June 1525. Sanuto Diaries, v. xxxix. p. 109; CSP Venice 3:#1037. [L'Univers 365. On the 5th June Lorenzo Orio presented his credentials to Henry VIII at Windsor, as resident ambassador for the Signory: Sir Thomas More, a man of singular and rare learning, and in great favour with the King and Cardinal, returned thanks to the State for having sent an ambassador, declaring that the King would be as ready to gratify the Republic, as if he had a seat in the Venetian Senate. More then said that the King's good will towards the State was hereditary, and would be perpetual, and also commended Cardinal Wolsey for his demonstrations in favour of the Signory, such having been in accordance with the will of the King. More then spoke in like terms of the negotiations of the Reverend Richard Pace and of the King's other agents in Italy.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  Vives to Cranevelt, Bruges, 20 June [1525]. Louvain MS.II.75 [fol.95]; De Vocht LC Ep. 157/8–10, 43–44, p.434, 436. [L'Univers 365. E Brittania accepj fasciculum epistolarum, in quo inerat quaedam tua ad me, illinc remissa, et haec; ad te Morj cum annulis (See LC #151/17–18, p.419 [Rogers #138]). Velim olfacias, cuius sit libellus Taxandrj, et ad me perscribas, aut ad Morum, quj hoc cupit cognoscere. On Taxander and More, see intro. to LC #148, pp.405–408 and LC #151/7–14, p.419.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Maximilian Transsylvanus, Basel, 2 July 1525. Allen 6:#1585/106–109, pp.114–15; CWE 11:#1585/120–24, p.183. [L'Univers 367; Sullivan I:327. Make friends with More. Cranevelt will tell you what kind of man he is. Such friends are rare.]
  12. (L). From a letter of  Vives to Cranevelt, Bruges, 18–25 July [1525]. Louvain MS.II.76 [fol.96]; De Vocht LC Ep. 159/27–29, p.441. [L'Univers 367. Vives asks if Cranevelt has received More's rings yet (cf. LC #157 and #151): Jn proxima mea epistola inerat Mori quaedam cum annulis argenteis, quo numero, non sat scio: fac certiorem me, an sit reddita.]
  13. (L) (Rogers 140). Commission to More and Others, The More, 28 August 1525. PRO E.30.923; Rymer XIV.56; Rogers #140, pp.319–321. [L'Univers 369.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Vives to Cranevelt, Bruges, 2 September [1525]. Louvain MSII.77, fol.97; De Vocht LC Ep. 160/21–22, p.443 (see also n. to 160/13 on pp.442–43). [L'Univers 369. Writing about More in Greek, Vives describes him as: Ανθρωπος μωρω ονόματι μεν δη ομοιότατος, πράγματι δε άνομιότατος. Άλλα τί έρωτας: le plus fou des hommes à en croire son nom; le moins fou en réalité (p.369).]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Polidore Vergil, Basel, 5 September 1525. Allen 6:#1606/9–15 pp.159–60; CWE 11:#1606/12–18, p.261. [L'Univers 369; Sullivan I:327. No, More does not bear you ill. He is incapable of maintaining rancor. I have written to him to strengthen your friendship. Erasmus' letter is not extant.]
  16. Double Marriage of Elizabeth More to William Dauncey and Cecily More to Giles Heron, 29 September 1525. Vicar General [of London]'s Books at Somerset House [Principal Probate Registry, Somerset House], Vol. I. Foxford. Licence for a doulbe marriage between Elizabeth More and William Dauncey, and Cecily More and Giles Heron issued Sept 29, 1525, fol. 100 recto [Sullivan 2:246]. Roper 40/19–43/2; and nn. on pp.115–22; Harpsfield 19/15–17 and 53/24–28, and nn. on pp.311–12, 326. [L'Univers 369. Both husbands were elected to the Parliament of 1529 to represent Thetford. Giles Heron was later hung, drawn and quartered by Cromwell in 1540 without benefit of a proper trial. Hitchcock in extended notes to Roper 40/19 and 42/16–17, pp.115–122, deals not only with the double wedding but also the death of Giles Heron in 1540.]
  17. More becomes Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 29 September 1525. Tres Thomae 28–29; Hallett 19 [17]; cf. Harpsfield n. to 24/21–22, pp. 318–19; and n. 33/19–22 on p.322. [L'Univers 369. More is appointed as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after the death of Robert Wingfield in July. For More's duties, see Margaret Hastings, Sir Thomas More: Maker of English Law, in Essential Articles for the Study of Thomas More (1977), 104–118; and John Guy, The Public Career of Sir Thomas More (1980), 26–30.]
  18. (L). From a letter of  Vives to Cranevelt, Bruges, 25 October [1525]. Louvain MS.II.86 [fol.106]; De Vocht LC Ep. 167/11–15, p.457–58 and nn. [L'Univers 371. Vives announces More's appointment as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and the death of his predecessor Sir Robert Wingfield: Morus factus est Cancellarius Lancastriae; munus est honoris et fructus haud exiguj, quod obtinebat Vinfeldus, qui in Hispania Legatus interijt; hoc demum est legatum obire. Accipiet in singulos annos supra mille et quingentos angelatos; questuram resignabit alterj.]
  19. (Rogers 141) (E). From Wolsey to Thomas More, London, [c.October 1525]. BL MS Cotton Titus B.i. fol. 78; calendared in LP 4:#1696, p.754; Rogers #141, pp.321–322. [L'Univers 371.]
  20. First Raid on the London Steelyard of the Hanseatic Merchants, 22 December 1525. [L'Univers 371 and n7; CW 6: 456n2. Made under the pretext of checking on coinage; for a second raid, see 26–27 January 1526.]
  21. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Robert Aldridge, Basle, 25 December 1525. Allen 6:#1656/8–12, p.243; CWE 11:#1656, p.398/11–14. [L'Univers 371. Erasmus writes unto Aldridge, the Proctor of the University of Cambridge, requesting he forward collations of Seneca MSS at Cambridge via More: This letter and Epp 1766 and 1797 show that despite the long hiatus in their surviving correspondence (from Ep. 1220 in June or July 1521 to Ep 1770 of 18 December 1526), More and Erasmus remained in touch (CWE 11, p.398n2). See also Epp. 1766 and 1797. For the life of Aldridge, see ODNB, CE 1:27–28 and intro. to Allen #1656 on p.243]

1526

  1. Marriage of John Clement and Margaret Giggs, ["A Week or So After Epiphany", 1526]. John Leland, Two Latin Masques, edited by Dana F. Sutton (Philological Museum, 2007), online at http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/lelandpomps/ [L'Univers 379; Sullivan 2:224. For dating, see John Guy, A Daughter's Love 168–69, 306. John Leland wrote the Epithalamium Ioannis Clementis Medici, et Margaritae in the couple's honour. After the wedding, they moved into Bucklersbury, where More had lived before moving to Chelsea.]
  2. (*140A = 143) (L). From Thomas More to John Bugenhagen, [c.December 1525–February 1526]. Epistola, in qua. . . respondet literis Ioannis Pomerani (Louvain: John Fowler, 1568); CW 7:1–105; Rogers #143, pp.323–365. [L'Univers 389. The Letter to Bugenhagen: an epistolary tract, first published in 1568. A polemical work responding to the German Lutheran Bugenhagen's Epistola ad Anglos. Not published during More's lifetime. For dating, see CW 7:xxx–xxxiv. For John Fowler's Prefatory Letter see below under 1568.]
  3. Raid on the London Steelyard of the Hanseatic Merchants, 26–27 January 1526. [L'Univers 375; CW 7:xxx–xxxii. For an earlier raid, see 22 Dec 1525; for a printed letter of the German merchants, see 3 March 1526. The Yale editors discuss the possible relationship between the raids on the Steelyard and the Letter to Bugenhagen.]
  4. (142A) (L). From Johannes Eck to Thomas More, Ingolstadt, [c.1 February, 1526]. Herbrüggen #142A, pp.50–54; (L/E) Moreana II:8 (1965):51–58. [L'Univers 375 and n1. Preface to Enchiridion locorum communium adversus Lutheranos (Cologne, 1526).]
  5. (*140B = 168 redated) (E). From <John Palsgrave> to Thomas More, [c.Beginning of February 1526]. PRO S.P. Henry VIII §55, pp.12–13; Rogers #168, pp.403–405. [Marc'hadour redates this to 1526, see L'Univers p.377; Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 93; see also SL #11, p.83n2;. More mentions Palsgrave in both Allen #499 and #502 in c4 and 15 December 1516. For the life of Palsgrave, see CE 3:46–47 and ODNB.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Polidore Vergil to Erasmus, London, 17 February 1526. Allen 6:#1666/16–19,26–27 p.261; CWE 12:#1666/18–22,30–31, pp.35–36. [L'Univers 377. Polidore writes: Your opponents have spread a rumour throughout England that you and your writings have been condemned in Paris. It is so persistent that everywhere people have been approaching our friend More and Zacharias [Deiotarius] and myself, along with other friends of yours to ask if there was any truth in this distressing tale. . . . Out of his charity and to please you, More has become my very good friend. For other references to More about this period see CWE, Epp 1271 n21, 1385 n1, 1656 n2, 1766 n10 (cf. 1666n.6).]
  7. Vives Third Visit to England, February–May 1526.
  8. (Rogers 142) (L). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, London, 22 February [1526]. Louvain MS.II.97 [fol.118]; De Vocht LC Ep. 177, pp.481–82; Miller 46–49; Rogers #142, pp.322–323; SLTM #46, pp.136–37; Galibois 82–83. [L'Univers 377. Autograph letter, except for address.]
  9. (G). Den Wirdigen und vursichtigen heren Burgemeysteren und Raitmänen der stat Coelln... (Köln, M. von Neuss, 1526)[3 March, 1526]. (British Library C. 18 e. l. 94). [L'Univers 376n2; USTC 501905; ESTC S103569. See M.E. Kronenberg, A Printed Letter of the London Hanse Merchants (3 March 1526), Publications of the Oxford Bibliographical Society ns 1 (1947): 25–32; Carl S. Meyer Thomas More and the Wittenburg Lutherans, Concordia Theological Monthly 39 (1968): 246–56; Paul Akio Sawada, Thomas More und die Hanse, 1526, Thomas Morus Jahrbuch 1984/85 98–100.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  Vives to Cranevelt, London, 13 April 1526. Louvain MS.II.102 [fol.123]; De Vocht LC Ep. 185/33–35, p.496 (see also n. to 185/34). [L'Univers 379 and n4. Saluebis a Moro nostro, et filiabus facundissimis et faecundissimis, nam duae pepererunt iam, tertia gerit vterum. Amitiés de notre cher More, ainsi que de ses filles, non moins fécondes qu'éloquentes; 2 entre elles sont déjà mères de famille, la 3e attend un bébé. De Vocht's note refers to Vives comments about Margaret Roper in his 1534 De Conscribendis epistolis.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Wolsey, Basel, 25 April 1526. Allen 6:#1697/73–77, p.324; CWE 12:#1697/81–/85, pp. 169–170. [L'Univers 379. Erasmus writes: Your Eminence should give my Colloquies to someone to read who knows both Greek and Latin — I shall not suggest Thomas More or Cuthbert Tunstall for they are both friends of mine, though both are the sort of friends who put the truth first. But give the book to somebody who is not obviously biased in my favour or against me. (See also n.10 on p.167)]
  12. More gives an Oration to the French Legates at Greenwich, 28 April, 1526. Hall 2:64–65; online (under the wrong year) at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/1525Hall.pdf [See Olivares Merino I:105–106.]
  13. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to John Longland, Basel, 30 April 1526. Allen 6:#1704/–3, pp.332–33; CWE 12:#1704/2–4, p.188. [L'Univers 381. Erasmus writes: Reverend bishop, all the generous gifts you decided to lavish on me have been duly delivered. I received the ten angels through More and got another ten last year.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Franz van Cranevelt, Bruges, 2 June, [1526]. Louvain MS.II.111 [fol. 133]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 191/14–20 and n. to l.17, pp.505–506. [L'Univers p.381; Sullivan I:255 and I:271. Fevynus accuses More of being responsible for the mistreatment of De Praet by Wolsey in Feb. 1525. De Vocht thinks that More was probably not to blame. For Louis de Praet, see CE 2:41–42; and the letter of Fevynus to Cranvelt on 9 April 1525, De Vocht LC Ep. 150a–d, pp.411–413 and ll.28–30 on p.416.]
  15. (E). Wolsey to Henry VIII, Hampton Court, 11 August [1526]. St.P. I/1:#94, pp.169–71; calendared in LP 4:#2388, p.1066 (without mention of More). [Wolsey has had a long discourse with [the French] ambassador touching the treaty [of 8th August 1526]. After much discussion it is now concluded in a better form thenne was conteyned in the minutes therof lately declared, and sent unto Your Highnes by Sir Thomas More (p.169)]
  16. (E). From Secretary Knighte to Wolsey, Winchester, 21 August [1526]. St.P. I/1:#95, pp.172–73; calendared LP 4:#2420, p.1084. [L'Univers 383. As for the copy of Luthers letter, His Grace knoweth none other, but that Sir Thomas More hath hit.]
  17. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, Basel, 29 August 1526. Allen 6:#1740/20–25 and nn. to ll.20,22, p.392; CWE 12:#1704/20–25 and n9, p.312. [L'Univers 385, 387. Erasmus tells Pieter Gillis that there is a painter on his way to England to seek his fortunes, who will visit Gillis (and Quentin Metsys) on the way in Antwerp. Holbein had arrived in England by 18th December, see Allen 6:#1770/71–74, p.442; CWE 12:#1770/77–79 and n11, p.417, where More promises to help Holbein. Marc'hadour suggests that Holbein spent over a month with Pieter Gillis c.nov.]
  18. (E).Turkish Invasion of Hungary and the Battle of Mohács, 29 August 1526. Dialogue of Comfort (1534–1535) [L'Univers 384 and n4. CW 12:cxvi–cxxxi, 8/2–3, (190/10–29), and nn. on pp.338, 409–10; for references to Buda, see CW 12:124/15, 192/23 and n. on p.386.]
  19. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Franz van Cranevelt, Bruges, 5 September 1526. Louvain MS.II.116 [fol. 138]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 201 /17–22, pp.529. [L'Univers p.385; Sullivan I:255 and I:271: Brixius, the rival of More, has produced a little book from the Greek of Chrysostom translated into Latin . . . I congratulate More who has had such an erudite adversary. I congratulate the world which has produced such distinguished men.]
  20. Lord Darcy, Sept. 1526. PRO; calendared LP 4:#2527, pp.1125. [L'Univers 385: More, ce mois, touche des honoraires d'un Lord Darcy.]
  21. (E) (Rogers 145). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Stony Stratford, 21 September [1526]. BL MS Cotton Caligula B.vii. fol. 69 [67?]; Ellis II.i.82; calendared LP 4:#2500, p.1115; Delcourt XX, pp.352–54; Rogers #145, pp.368–370. [L'Univers 385. Autograph letter. For the ordering of Ep. #144, 145, 146, see Moreana 35:135/136 (1998): 93.]
  22. (E) (Rogers 144). From Wolsey to Thomas More, [29 September 1526]. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §39, pp.106–107; St.P. I/1:#96, pp.173–175; calendared LP 4:#2445, p.1092; Rogers #144, pp.365–368. [See Marc'hadour, L'Univers 385 and Moreana 35:135/36 (1998): 93 for dating.]
  23. (E). From Knighte to Wolsey, Ampthyll, 30 September [1526]. St.P. I/1:#97, pp.176–77; calendared LP 4:#2536, pp.1128–29. [L'Univers 385. Pleasith it Your good Grace to understond, that Sir Thomas More beyng at this tyme absent, bi the Kinges commaundement, to thentent that he shulde vew certayn landes of the Duchye of Lancastre, as Daventre, Higham Ferez,and other, his servaunt arripved [sic] here, with letters from Your Grace unto the sayde Sir Thomas, upon Thursday laste; whiche I wolde not presume to see, dowtyng of Your Graces pleasure, but dyd send immediatly the sayde servaunt unto his master, and yesterday Sir Thomas Moore countremaunded his servaunt with the sayde letters, wyllyng me to exequute that, that Your Grace commaunded hym to doo (p.176).]
  24. (E). From Knighte to Wolsey, Ampthyll, 1 October [1526]. BL Titus, B. 1.305; St.P. I/1:#98, pp.177–78; calendared LP 4:#2541, p.1132. [L'Univers 385. This day received Wolsey's letters sent to Sir T. More, dated from the More, 29th ult. . With the same was . . . a precept for the proclamation touching coins. . . . Expects Sir T. More tonight. If he should not come, will show the proclamation to the treasurer (Fitzwilliam) (LP).]
  25. (E) (Rogers 146). From <Wolsey> to Thomas More, [8 October 1526]. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §39, pp.210–211; calendared LP 4:#2535, p.1128; Rogers #146, pp.370–371. [See Marc'hadour, L'Univers 385 and Moreana 35:135/36 (1998): 93 for dating. Marc'hadour comments: C'est peut-être à cette lettre que répond Knight le 11.]
  26. (E). From Knighte to Wolsey, Ampthyll, 11 October [1526]. BL Vit. B. VIII. 138; St.P. I/1:#100, pp.181–183; calendared LP 4:#2558, p.1137; cf. Rogers intro. to #146, p.371. [L'Univers 385. Your letters to More, dated Hampton Court, the 8th, [reached us?] on the 9th; and as More was gone to London, I opened the packet (LP). Aftyr this, I shewed unto His Highnesse the hole effect of Your Graces letter sent unto Mr. More, wherein he commendyd gretely your cownsel in that, that the Pope shuld in no wise departe from Rome, but there to fortifye hymselve (p.182). The King agreed to give 30,0000 ducats to Pope Clement VII. Marc'hadour suggests: More est peut-être occupé à Londres à éditer la lettre de Luther et la réponse d'Henry VIII.]
  27. (L) (Rogers 147). From Henry VIII to Tunstall and More, Westminster, 19 November [1526]. PRO Pat. C.66.649; Rymer XIV.192; Rogers #147, pp.371–372. [L'Univers 387.]
  28. (L). From a letter of  Robert Aldridge to Erasmus, [Cambridge, c December 1526]. Allen 6:#1766/88–100, pp.435–36; CWE 12:404/100–405/107. [L'Univers 379, 381. Aldridge writes: As you requested, I sent the book with the collations [of MSS of Seneca] to Master Thomas More on 11 May and pressed him to forward it as rapidly as possible. He had promised to do so when I visited him at Easter [1 April], when he received me most graciously, as you would expect from someone of his kindly and obliging nature. I realize of course that my reception owed much to you, for he was aware that you and I have long been on close and familiar terms. Please commend me to him when next you write. That would please me very much. See also Erasmus' letters to Aldridge, Epp. 1656, and 1797 n.5.]
  29. (L) (=Rogers 148). From Thomas More to Erasmus, Greenwich, 18 December [1526]. Wrocław, MS. Rehd. 254. 112; LB App. 354; Allen 6:#1770, pp.441–443 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1770.pdf); CWE 12: #1770, pp.414–19; SL #38, pp.161–165; SLTM #47, pp.138–42; Érasme et More #44, pp.195–203; Moreana 29: 111/112 (1992): 103–110 (complete facsimile reproduction). [L'Univers 381. Autograph Letter. More mentions receiving two letters from Erasmus, and also reading one that Erasmus sent to Tunstall. None of these three letters is extant.]

1527

  1. (L). Erasmus' First Will, Basel, 22 January, 1527. Allen 6:503–506; CWE 12:544/77–545/85. [L'Univers 391 and n1. Erasmus leaves six copies of his projected Complete Works to English recipients: Let them leave twenty carefully bound sets made up of individual volumes (or parts), and when the work is complete send: one set to the archbishop of Canterbury [William Warham]; the second to Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London; the third to Thomas More, English baron; the fourth to John [Longland], bishop of Lincoln, the fifth to Cambridge to be deposited in Queen's College, in the library of that college; the sixth to John [Fisher], bishop of Rochester. . . .]
  2. (L) (Rogers 149). From Thomas More to Henry VIII, Westminster, 23 January [1527]. Rogers #149, pp.372–373; —. PRO Pat. C.66.649; Rymer XIV.192. [L'Univers 391.]
  3. The Will of Sir John More, Knight, 26 February 1527. Partly edited by Margaret Hastings in Essential Articles 101–103. [L'Univers 391. Sir John More died in 1530.]
  4. (L). From Fisher's De veritate corporis et sanguinis Christi, March, 1527. De veritate corporis et sanguinis Christi in eucharistia. . . adversus Iohannem Oecolampadium (Cologne: P. Quentell, March 1527), Proem to Book I fol. D1v; [See Moreana 4 (1964): 63. Fisher writes about those who have written against Luther: E quibus Thomas Morus, equus auratus, moribus et ingenio candidissimus, neque minori praestans eruditione, tametsi negotiis regis et regni grauissimis, occupatus sit.]
  5. (E) (Rogers 150). From Thomas More to the University of Oxford, Richmond, 11 March [1527]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol.79v; Rogers #150, p.374; SL #39, pp.165–166. [L'Univers 393. Answered by Ep. 151.]
  6. (E) (Rogers 151). From Thomas Moscroffe, Oxford, c. 12 March [1527?]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 79v; Rogers #151, pp.374–376. [L'Univers 393. Answering Ep.150.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  Pedro Juan Olivar to Erasmus, Valladolid, 13 March, [1527]. Allen 6:#1791/61–64, p.475; CWE 12:#1791/65–68, p.482. [L'Univers 393 and n.3. Olivar writes: But everyone knows that Longueil, in his ambition to be a Ciceronian, developed a number of affected mannerisms. They [Some Italian critics of Erasmus] will not allow that any Tramontane can have success in poetry. To this I have countered with an epigram or two of Thomas More's.]
  8. Letter of Augustino [Scarpinello], Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, 19 March, 1527. Sforza Archives, Milan; CSP Venice 4:#70, pp.39–40; cf. Hall 2:81–82. [L'Univers 393 and n.4. The Magnifico Salamanca and his two colleagues sent by the King of Bohemia had audience of his Majesty at Greenwich on the 14th. One of them [John Faber] delivered a public oration after the German fashion. He set forth the genealogy of the Turk [Solyman II.], and his power; the peril which thus threatened the Christian commonwealth; the calamity which had befallen the kingdom of Hungary, and its loss, through the forays of the Turkish garrisons in Belgrade and other places. Recourse was therefore had to the King of England, as Defender of the Faith, and kinsman of the King of Bohemia [and Hungary]. The reply on behalf of his Majesty [made by Sir Thomas More] purported that he had never ignored the power of the Turk, and therefore of late years, in the midst of victory over his enemies, he abstained from pursuing them, and, ceding many of his rights, made peace. That having done so, he laboured incessantly to pacify the other Christian Princes; it seeming to him that this was the only way to meet such danger. That the loss of Hungary, both by reason of the public detriment and that incurred personally by King Ferdinand, grieved and grieves his Majesty as becoming, nor before that loss did he fail expressing his readiness to give assistance; so that if all men, and especially those whom it most concerned, had done their utmost, Hungary would not have been lost. In the next place he considered the recovery of that realm to be beyond the forces of him, the King of England, even if united with those of any other sovereign; and that the undertaking required a confederacy of all the Christian powers, which, so far as he could comprehend, was impeded solely by the Emperor; wherefore the King of Bohemia should apply to his brother alone, and exhort him to this union, and at length to desist from such obstinate prosecution of that hatred which he bears his enemies; and that he should content himself with the numerous kingdoms which God had given him, and respect those of his neighbours; together with many other expressions to this effect, uttered in accordance with the candour and integrity of his Majesty of England. John Faber later became bishop of Vienna, and was the recipient of Erasmus's important letter in 1532 on More's resignation (Allen #2750 below). For the life of Johannes Fabri, see CE 2:5–8. The fall of Hungary to the Turks would later provide the setting for More's major prison work A Dialogue of Comfort in Tribulation (1534–35). For the Turkish invasion of Hungary and the Battle of Moh´cs, see entry for 29 August 1526 above.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Robert Aldridge, Basel, 24 March, 1527. Allen 6:#1797/12–16, p.481; CWE 12:#1797/15–18, p.500. [L'Univers 393; Sullivan I:327. Erasmus writes: Thank you for the Seneca . . . If you would suggest how I might repay you, your kindness would not be lost on a thankless creature. I have commended you most warmly to Thomas More. CWE notes: This letter is not now extant, but the reference is further evidence that More and Erasmus corresponded more frequently in this period than the small number of extant letters would indicate (12:500n5).]
  10. (L) (=Rogers 152). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Basle, 30 March 1527. Copenhagen MS G.K.S. 95 fol. 249; Allen 7:#1804, pp.5–14 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE1804.pdf); CWE 13: #1804, pp.9–28; Érasme et More #45, pp.203–218. [L'Univers 393. Autograph rough draft. Answering Ep. 148. I will finish the Hyperaspistes, and if it is not safe to publish it, I will send it to you by my own servant (CWE 13: #1804/311–12, p.27. For the influence of More on the writing of Erasmus' Hyperaspistes, Part II, see CWE 76:lxxvii–lxxxiv.]
  11. Holbein More Family Portrait, before 21 April 1527? [cf. Roper 108–109. Although the original painting does not survive, a number of copies were made, and Margaret Roper also sent Holbein's original cartoon drawing to Erasmus in Basel in 1528. On 5 September 1529, Erasmus wrote to Margaret Roper, praising the family cartoon, see Allen 8:#2212/1–13, 26–36, p.274; CWE 16:#2212/**–**, p.***; translated in Reynolds, Margaret Roper 54–55. See also Allen #2233 for Margaret Roper; John Guy, A Daughter's Love 176, 308–309 and Lisa Jardine Erasmus, Man of Letters (1993): 30–31. See also Robineau's Fr/E double translation.]
  12. Vives Fourth Visit to England, April–June 1527.
  13. 153 (L). Henry VIII to More and Others, Westminster, 25 April 1527. PRO E.30.1468; Rymer XIV.225; Rogers #153, pp.376–379. [L'Univers 395.]
  14. 153.A (L). Note from Norfolk, Suffolk, Rochford, Fitzwilliams and More, Westminster, 30 April 1527. Léonard, Receuil des Traités de Paix, p. 259; Herbrüggen #153A, pp.55–58; briefly calendared in LP 4:#3081, p.1383. [L'Univers 395.]
  15. The Sack of Rome, 6 May 1527. CW 6:370/28–372/20, and App.C, pp.773–77; cf. LP 4/2: #3114, 3122, 3147, 3160, etc. [L'Univers 394 and n3,395.]
  16. (L). From a letter of  Germain de Brie [Germanus Brixius] to Erasmus, Paris, 10 May, 1527. Allen 7:#1817/64–94, p.58; CWE 13:#1817/63–91, pp.114–115. [L'Univers 395 and n.5; Sullivan I:131 (24 line Summary). As far as pertains to More, what else, I ask you, can I write to you now than what I have constantly testified even in published writings, that I in no wise shrink from his friendship even though without cause he has seriously offended me,—you principally being the agent and as it were rectifier with whose will indeed I cannot honorably disagree. For my attraction towards you, indeed my love for you, has such weight with me that everything that seems to you good to do seems to be both right and true. Therefore you have arranged the restoration of friendship between More and myself. For I shall follow where you lead as one who even otherwise has a spirit inclined toward the friendship of More and and especially at this time in which the desire to visit that island through an occasion of this kind repeatedly comes to me—a thing in which I see our King Francis is in wonderful agreement with King Henry of England. And on this journey unless some misfortune deprive me of it, I have fully determined to turn aside and greet you and More (whose influence I hear is extraordinary and very important with both the King and the Cardinal) and freely to join this right hand with his right hand, the Muses clearly inviting me to do this. For I am so far from thinking that I shall estrange and offend More that I have complete confidence that, visiting Britain, I shall enjoy the man, the worshipper and friend of the Muses and Graces, for all things as a faithful interpreter and benevolent friend unless perhaps he should wish to belie and falsify his nature, described graphically to me by many men. In the event, More and Brie never met: More did not visit Paris and Brie never visited England.]
  17. (L). From a letter of  Nicholas Leonicus to Reginald Pole, Padua, 10 May 1527. Vatican MS Rossiano 997; paraphrase in Cardinal F. A. Gasquet, Cardinal Pole and his Early Friends (London: G. Bell, 1927), p.95. Full view at Hathi-Trust. [No edition of the Latin text. L'Univers 395; Sullivan 2:225–226. What kind of a man is this Lupset of yours? Because when some months ago he came hither to accompany you to France, he promised to carry my news to the bishop of London [Tunstall], and further he added some silly jokes to the sober notes of More, which he sent me. Is this the way to treat me?]
  18. 153.B (L) Henry VIII to More and Stephen Gardiner, Westminster, 26 May 1527. PRO E.30/1319, fols. 1–2; Herbrüggen #153B, pp.59–62.
  19. 154 (L). From Guillaume Budé to Thomas More, Paris, 25 June [1527?]. Epistolae 1531, fol.138–138v; Rogers #154, pp.379–380; (Fr.) Garanderie 64–66; Delaruelle #172, pp.236–37 and n.1 on p.237. [L'Univers 397. Delaruelle does not give a year date, but points out that the ideas are similar to those in Ep.156.]
  20. More's Fifth Diplomatic Mission to the Continent, Amiens, July–September 1527. [More with Wolsey at Amiens to ratify the peace treaty with France.]
  21. 155 (L). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, Calais, 14 July [1527]. Louvain MS.II.158 [fol. 182]; De Vocht, LC Ep. 242, pp.617–20. Miller 50–53; Rogers #155, pp.155–156; SL #40, p.167; SLTM #48, pp.142–43; (Fr.) Galibois 83–84. [L'Univers p.397. Autograph Letter.]
  22. (L). From a letter of  John Fevynus to Frans van Cranevelt, Bruges, 21 July 1527. De Vocht, LC Ep. 243/42–45, pp.623–624. [L'Univers p.397 and CW 6:456n2. More is in the retinue of the British Idol [Wolsey]; and there indeed the man belongs; was he not the first to intercept Praet's letters to the Emperor In comitatu est Morus, bonus ad eam rem author! Nam is primus interceperat Pratensis ad Caesarem litteras. Fevynus is still blaming More for the events of Feb. 1525, see De Vocht LC #191. More accompanied Wolsey on his voyage to France to meet with Francis I to attempt to show that Henry VIII's marriage to Catherine was not valid.]
  23. (L). From a letter of  Franz van Cranevelt to Erasmus, Mechelin, 26 July, 1527. Allen 7:#1850/1–12, pp.112–13; CWE 13:#1850/2–12, pp.222–23; cf. De Vocht LC Ep.293, p.711 (Summary). [L'Univers397; Sullivan 1:225. De Vocht: Cranevelt has received a letter from More [evidently Ep. 242] through Erasmus' amanuensis [no doubt, Nicolas Cannius]; he avails himself of the opportunity to write to Erasmus through whom he has been blessed with so great a friend. He mentions Wolsey's mission to France, and hopes that it will procure honour to the Cardinal and to More, who accompanies him, and security to the threatened territories of Flanders; he wishes that King Henry's marriage should not be invalidated after so many years, and that man should not separate what God has united.]
  24. (E). Wolsey to Henry VIII, Amyas [Amiens], 9 August [1527]. St.P. I/1:#128, pp.235–53; calendared in LP 4:#3337, p.1511–13. [Wolsey Was met by the French king and a great train, a mile and a half from Amiens; was lovingly received by him, bonnet in hand, and presented to the king of Navarre (LP): the Frenche King saluted my Lord of London [Cuthbert Tunstall], my Lord Chamberlain [William Sandys], Master Comptroller [Henry Guildford], the Chaunceler of the Duchy [Thomas More] (p.237).]
  25. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to John Cochlaeus, Basel, 25 August, 1527. Allen 7:#1863/3–5, pp.145–46; CWE 13:#1863/5–7, p.279. [L'Univers 399; Sullivan I:327: I rejoice that you have made a friend of More.]
  26. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Alfonso Manrique de Lara, Basel, 26 August, 1527. Allen 7:#1864/13–17, p.147; CWE 13:#1864/14–18, pp.281,283. [L'Univers 399; Sullivan I:327: Lee knows that attacking me is distasteful to the best of his compatriots, the king, the Cardinal, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, Thomas More . . .]
  27. 156 (L). From Guillaume Budé to Thomas More, Paris, 1 September [1527]. Epistolae 1531, fol.138v–139; Rogers #156, pp.381–383; Garanderie 66–68; Delaruelle #161, pp.220–22. [L'Univers 399. Budé's last surviving letter to More. More's letter to Budé (beginning of August?) is not extant.]
  28. Vives Fifth Visit to England, October 1527–April 1528. [L'Univers 404, 406.]
  29. 157 (L). From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, [1527?]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 82; Rogers #157, pp.383–385. [After More's return from Calais, 24 September 1527? (cf. L'Univers 400).]
  30. Henry VIII first speaks to More about his Great Matter, Oct. 1527. Rogers #199/54–58, p.493; SL #53, pp.206–207; SLTM #62, p,214, etc. [L'Univers 401. Sir, upon a time at my coming from beyond the sea, where I had been in the King's business, I repaired as my duty was 55 unto the King's Grace being at that time at Hampton Court. At which time suddenly his Highness walking in the gallery, broke with me of his great matter.]
  31. In the Supplication More mentions the last two dear years of Famine, 1527–29. Supplication of Souls (Sept. 1529): CW 7:121/16–122/5 and n. to 121/20 on p.330; Gottschalk 80–81 and Nugent 227; see Rogers #171/19–20, p.416 and CW 6:468. [L'Univers 403.]

1528

  1. Cochlaeus takes part in a disputation with with Protestant theologians in Bern, 7–26 January 1528. L'Univers 405; Rogers n. to #162/10, p.395.]
  2. (Fr). From the Bishop of Bayonne to Francis I, London, 6 February 1528. Bibl. Nat. MS. 5,499, p. 46; calendared in LP 4: App.:1528–1530, #147, p.3137. Is asked by Wolsey to mention that the King has the greatest possible desire to see Budé, your master of requests, for a few days, and have a literary conversation with him, from the great esteem he has for him. Promised to write, and said he was sure that none of Francis' servants, great or little, would object to obey him, but he must not be surprised if Budé was some time in coming, owing to his age and illness.]
  3. 158 (L). From the University of Oxford, [After 11 February 1528]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 87; Rogers #158, pp.385–386. [L'Univers 405 and n2.]
  4. 159 (L). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Basel, 29 February 1528. Allen 7:#1959, p.338; CWE 14:#1959, p.89; DeMolen 160–61; Mangan II, p.279; Érasme et More #46, pp.218–224. [L'Univers 407.]
  5. 160 (L). From Cuthbert Tunstall to Thomas More, [London], 7 March 1527/8. Burnet IV.13–14; Rogers #160, pp.386–388. For an English translation, see English Historical Documents, Vol. V: 1485–1558, Ed. C. H. Williams (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1967) 828–29. [L'Univers 407 and n4.]
  6. 161 (E). From Thomas More to Wolsey, Windsor, 16 March [1528]. BL MS Cotton Galba B.v. fol. 134; Ellis I.i.98, pp.297–304; St.P. I/1:#140, pp.284–287; Delcourt XXI, pp.354–58; Rogers #161, pp.388–394. [L'Univers 407. Autograph letter. With directions from the King respecting the negotiations with Spain.]
  7. (E). Gardiner and Foxe to Tuke, Orvieto, 23 and 27 March 1528. PRO; LP 4/2:#4090, #4103, pp.1808, 1812. [L'Univers 407 and n5. (#4090) One of their servants is now in great danger from the wetting,—a young man, learned in physic, Greek and Latin, whose death would be a great loss. We suppose ye know him well. His name is Richard Herde. He was wont to resort much to me, Steven Gardiner, there, and sometime dwelled with Master Chancellor of the Duchy (More). Master Gregory says that in summer the south wind brings pestilence here from a river within a mile of the city. (#4103) Richard Herde died on Lady Day [25 March], to our great discomfort, as we had great confidence in his learning and experience in physic [medicine]. Hyrde was part of the English Embassy to the Pope about Henry's divorce.]
  8. 162 (L). From Thomas More to John Cochlaeus, [1528.]. Epistola Nicolai Pape 1536, fol. Dd; Jortin II.700; Rogers #162, pp.394–396; SL #41, pp.167–169; (Lines 1–10, 13–15: Tres Thomae 73,88; Hallett 57 [52–53], 69 [65]). [L'Univers 405n1 and 415. More praises Cochlaeus for his part in the disputation of January 7–26, see Rogers #162/10–15, p.395 and SL #41, p.168. See also Allen 7:#1988 from Erasmus to John Cochlaeus, 3rd April 1528.]
  9. 163 (L). Redated after Herbrüggen (1997) to 1522, see *106B above.
  10. From Bell to Wolsey, Tittenhanger, 7 July [1528]. St.P. I/1:#156, pp.310–312; calendared in LP 4:#4476, p.1959. [L'Univers 409. In the aftermath of the death of William Compton, the under-treasurer, the king desires the rest of Compton's offices to be stayed; among others, the office of Furnesse, which he intends for Mr. Treasurer (Fitzwilliam) and Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy (More), as joint patentees.]
  11. From Hennege to Wolsey, Amptell, 4 August [1528]. St.P. I/1:#165, pp.323–324; calendared in LP 4:#4604, p.2005. [L'Univers 411. Master Chauncelour of the Duchie, unknoweyng to the Kynges Highnes, hathe lettin the herbage, pannage, and waters, with the other commodities at Kelyngworth, which the King was myndid I shuld have, to one Wyggeston; wherwith His Highnes is not content, as well anenst Master Chauncelour for lettyng of them . . .]
  12. From a letter of  Erasmus to Charles Blount, Son of Lord Mountjoy, Basel, 13 August, 1528. Allen 7:#2023/19–20, p.441; CWE 14:#2023/23–24, p.257. [L'Univers 411; Sullivan 1:327: In a dedication to his augmented Adages, Erasmus refers to the daughters of More as a true choir of the Muses.]
  13. From a letter of  Erasmus to Jan Laski, Basel, 27 August, 1528. Allen 7:#2033/26–29, p.454; CWE 14:#2033/30–32, p.281. [L'Univers 411; Sullivan 1:327–328: In England the great have taken me up, the king, the queen, the Archbishop of Canterbury [Warham], More, and Tunstall.]
  14. From a letter of  Erasmus to Vives, Basel, 2 September, 1528. Allen 7:#2040/1–2, 43–45 and nn., pp.471–72; CWE 14:#2040/3–4, 47–49, pp.307,309 and nn19–20. [L'Univers 411; Sullivan 1:328; and Essential Articles 544 and n25 on p.669. If you have nothing of Seneca except what was annotated Aldridge [cf. Allen #1656, #1797] in the manuscript which has been for rather a long time at More's, do nothing. We have others very different . . . I had entrusted the Moor with my letter to Queen Katherine [Nigro commiseram epistolam], but unsealed and enclosed [in the letter to More Allen 1804], giving him the responsibility to send it or not. Erasmus' letter to Katherine is not extant.]
  15. From a letter of  Erasmus to Germain de Brie, Basel, 21 September, 1528. Allen 7:#2052/4–5 and n., p.501; CWE 14:#2052/6–7, p.355 and n3. [L'Univers 413; Sullivan 1:328: Is it true that More has come to Paris? have you seen him? The rumour Erasmus had heard was false, see LP 4:#4579, App. 196, 198–199. More returned to the continent for one final diplomatic mission in July– August 1529.]
  16. From a letter of  Erasmus to Haio Hermann, Basel, [c.1 October, 1528]. Allen 7:#2056/8–10 and n., p.506; CWE 14:#2056/10–11, p.363 and n5. [L'Univers 413. I don't know what Manuscripts Vives saw, unless perhaps it was yours or one that was collated by a friend of mine [Aldridge] at the home of Thomas More.]
  17. From a letter of  Vives to Erasmus, Bruges, 1 October, 1528. Allen 7:#2061/11–12, p.512; CWE 14:#2061 /3–4, 47–49, pp.307,309 and nn19–20. [L'Univers 413. At More's house I did not see any edition of Seneca that had even a single correction.]
  18. Vives Sixth and Last Visit to England, November 1528.
  19. (*163A) (L). From Thomas More to Frans van Cranevelt, Chelsea, 8 November [1528]. Louvain University Library Hs. R.D.1, fol.220; HL 44 (1995): 77–78; Miller 12–15; Herbrüggen 1997 167–72; SLTM #50, p.144; (Fr.) Galibois 75–76. [Ep. 48a/49(116) in new Cranevelt bundle. Autograph letter.]
  20. (164) (L). From John Cochlaeus to Thomas More, Mainz, 11 November 1528. Chronicon diuinum plane opus (Basle: H. Petrus, March 1529), fol.155; Rogers #164, pp.396–400. For digital copy see USTC. [USTC 649934; L'Univers 413. Preface to an edition of Cassiodorus Chronicon, printed along with other chronicles. Answered by Ep. 165. For the life of Johannes Cochlaeus [Dobneck], see CE 1:321–22; intro. to Allen 7:#1863,p.144; and intro. to Rogers #162, pp.394–95. For the Correspondence between More and Cochlaeus, see Rogers/Herbrüggen #162, #164, #165, 182B (= #166), #184, #185, #189 and Correspondence: Letters to and from John Cochlaeus. For Cochlaeus's Defence of More after his death, see The Immediate Aftermath of More's Death.]
  21. Seventh Edition of Erasmus's and More's Translations of Lucian, and an Edition of Erasmus's Adages, Lugduni [Lyons]: Sebastian Gryphius, 1528. [CW 3/1:lxv–lxvi; Gibson #85; L'Univers 415.]

1529

  1. (a) Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, [Before 25 October], 1529. Repertories 8.39; Harpsfield p.314 and n. to 73/6 on p.330; Reed, Early English Drama p.155. [The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster came in person to recommend for the post of sword-bearer, his servant, Walter Smith, who had been with him eight or nine years. For Walter Smyth, see 23 March 1525]
            (b) (E). Roper 23/5–24/5 and n. on p.114 and intro. on p.xlii; Harspsfield 72/25–73/n24, and n. to 73/6 on p.330. [Chambers in his commmentary to Harpsfield argues that Water-bailly is a mistake for sword-bearer, both of which were gentlemen attendant on the Lord Mayor, and that this story refers to Walter Smyth. See also Reed, Early English Drama p.155.]
  2. (L). From a Letter of John Cochlaeus to Erasmus, Dresden, 13 March 1529. Allen 8:#2120/74–75 and n., p.83; CWE 15:#2120/76–77, p.130. [L'Univers 419; Sullivan I:206: Thanks Erasmus for revising his dedication of Cassiodorus to Thomas More.]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Juan de Vergara, Basel, 24 March 1529. Allen 8:#2133 /106–107, p.108; CWE 15:#2133/113–114, p.167. [L'Univers 419; Sullivan I:328: Thomae Mori domus nihil aliud quam Musarum est domicilium. [The house of More is nothing other than a domicile of the Muses.]]
  4. 165 (L). From Thomas More to John Cochlaeus, [March–April? 1529?]. Epistola Nicolai Pape 1536, fol. Ddv; Jortin II.700–701; Rogers #165, pp.400–401. [L'Univers 413n8. Answering Ep. 164.]
  5. 166 (L). Redated to 1530, see 182B.
  6. 167 (L). From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, Oxford, [1529?]. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 92v; Rogers #167, p.402; —. [L'Univers 433.]
  7. 168 (E). Redated to 1526, see 140B.
  8. *168A (E). The Messenger's Letter of Credence, [London, before June 1529]. CW 6:24–26. [Fictional Prefatory Letter to A Dialogue Concerning Heresies (June 1529).]
  9. *168B (E). The Letter of the Author, [London, before June 1529]. CW 6:26–27. [Fictional Prefatory Letter to A Dialogue Concerning Heresies (June 1529).]
  10. More's Sixth and Final Diplomatic Mission to the Continent, Cambrai, July–August 1529. [More at Cambrai for the negotiations leading to a peace treaty between France, Spain, the Holy Roman Empire, and England.]
  11. 169 (L). Commission to Tunstall, Knight, More, Hacket, London, 30 June 1529. BL MS Cotton Galba B.ix. fol. 207; briefly calendared in LP 4:#5744(?), pp.2545–46; Hackett #127, pp.274–77; Rogers #169, pp.406–408. [L'Univers 421.]
  12. 169B (L). Commission to Tunstall, Knight, More, Hacket, London, 30 June 1529. BL MS Cotton Galba B.ix. fols. 209–210; briefly calendared in LP 4:#5744(4), p.2546; Herbrüggen #169B, pp.67–69.
  13. 169C (L). Commission to Tunstall, Knight, More, Hacket, London, 30 June 1529. BL MS Cotton Galba B.ix. fols. 210v–212; briefly calendared in LP 4:#5744(5), p.2546; Herbrüggen #169C, pp.70–72.
  14. 169D (L). Commission to Tunstall, Knight, More, Hacket, London, 30 June 1529. Herbrüggen #169D, pp.73–74; —. BL MS Cotton Galba B.ix. fols. 215–216v; PRO S.P. 1/236, fol.90; LP Add. Vol I, pt. i.648 (pp.***).
  15. 169E (L). Commission to Tunstall, Knight, More, Hacket, London, 30 June 1529. BL MS Cotton Galba B.ix. fols. 217–219v; briefly calendared in LP 4:#5744(1), p.2546; Herbrüggen #169E, pp.75–77.
  16. 169F (E). Fragment of Instructions to the Ambassadors at <Cambrai> [London, c. 30 June 1529]. BL MS Caligula D.xi. fols. 14–14v; LP 4:#5818, p.2599; Hackett #128, p.277; Herbrüggen #169F, pp.78–79.
  17. 170 (E). Tunstall, Hacket, <More> to Henry VIII, [Cambrai, 2 August 1529]. BL MS Cotton Caligula D.xi. fol. 71; LP 4:#5822, pp.2601–603 (in part); Hackett #129, pp.278–85; Rogers #170, pp.408–415. [L'Univers 423.]
  18. 171 (E). Tunstall, More, Hacket, to Henry VIII, Cambrai, [c.4] August [1529]. BL MS Cotton Caligula D.xi. fol. 10; LP 4:#5824, pp.2605–2606 (partially abridged); Hackett #130, pp.285–88; Rogers #171, pp.415–418. [L'Univers 423.]
  19. 172 (E). Tunstall, More, Hacket, to Henry VIII, Cambrai, 5 August 1529. BL MS Cotton Caligula D.xi. fol. 8; LP 4;#5830, pp.2611–12 (partially abridged); Hackett #131, pp.289–91; Rogers #172, pp.418–420. [L'Univers 425n6.]
  20. 172A (L). Note of Tunstall, More and Hacket to Francis I, Cambrai, 6 August 1529. Herbrüggen #172A, pp.79–84; summary in LP 4:#5832, p.2613.
  21. 173 (E). Tunstall, More, Hacket, to Wolsey, Cambrai, 10 August 1529. PRO S.P. 1. (Henry VIII) §55, pp.46–47; calendared LP 4:#5840, p.2614; Hackett #132, pp.291–92; Rogers #173, p.421. [L'Univers 425.]
  22. (E). From a Letter of  Hackett to Tuke, Cambrai, 11 August 1529. Hackett #133, pp.292–93; R.O. S.P. 1: §55, pp.52–53; summary in LP 4:#5843, p.2615. [L'Univers p.425. yf I had not had the secours of my Lord of London is [Tunstall's] table and som tymys with Master More, I had not aben able to sawe [save?] the Kyng my master is honnor, nether my nown as his pore orrator . . . As for any tedynges that we hawe in this partys my forsayd Lord of London an Master More sall schow your M<astership> at length of all owr ocorenttes here to this tyme (pp.292–93).]
  23. (L). From a letter of John Cochlaeus to Henry VIII, Dresden, 26 August 1529. H.E.G. Rope, Two Unpublished Letters of John Cochlaeus, Historical Bulletin XXXI: 32–39. [L'Univers 425 and n8; Sullivan I:206. Praise of More: Bene vale Rex florentissime, Princeps fortunissime, Domine clementissime et haud temeritatem meam condona bonitati patroni mei nomine Thomae Mori, cuius virtutes plurimas vehementer amo et suspicio. See also Rogers #164.]
  24. 174 (E). From Thomas More to Lady [Alice] More, Woodstock, 3 September [1529]. BL MS Cotton Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 4; English Works p.1419; Rogers #174, pp.422–423; SL #42, pp.169–171; SLTM #51, pp.145–46; TMSB, pp.180–81; (Fr.) Moreana 30:113 (1993):17–26. [L'Univers 427.]
  25. (Allen #2211 = Rogers #175) (L). From Erasmus to Thomas More, Freiburg, 5 September 1529. Copenhagen MS G.K.S. 95, fol. 229; Froude p.369; Allen 8:#2211, pp.271–273 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2211.pdf); CWE 16:#2211, pp.35–40?; Érasme et More #47, pp.224–228. [Autograph rough–draft. Answered by Ep. 178.]
  26. (Allen #2212 = Rogers #176) (L). From Erasmus to Margaret Roper, Freiburg, 6 September 1529. Allen 8:#2212, p.274; (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2212.pdf); CWE 16:#2212, pp.40?–42 (partially quoted in Moreana 53/203–204 (2016): 318); E.E. Reynolds, Margaret Roper 53–54 (partial); Robineau, trans., (Fr. & E.) Moreana III:12 (1966):36–39. [L'Univers 427; Sullivan I:328. What joy to receive all of you by the grace of the pen of Holbein. Answered by Ep.179. See also Holbein's Picture, April 1527.]
  27. (Fr). Margaret of Austria to certain silversmiths, [Brussels 24 September 1529.] Lille MS Chambre des Comptes B2351 fol.409rv; Rogers Hackett #134, pp.293–94; E.F. Rogers, Margaret of Austria's Gifts to Tunstal, More and Hackett after the Ladies' Peace, Moreana 12(1966): 57–60. [See also articles by Henri Meulon under Thomas More's Travels]

Thomas More Becomes Chancellor of England, 25th September 1529


From this point until More's Trial in June 1535, I have retained the table structure of earlier versions of this file, until I have thoroughly revised the earlier entries up til 1529.

 

Number Description, Editions and Comments
— (L). More's Appointment as Chancellor, 25 October 1529. Close Roll 21 Henry VIII m. 19 d.; ***Rymer XIV.349–350; PRO Ref. C/54/398, no.18. [L'Univers 429. Accounts of Wolsey's resignation and More's appointment as the new Chancellor of England. See also E. & J. Birchenough, and G. Marc'hadour, More's Appointment as Chancellor and His Resignation, Moreana 12 (1966): 71–80.]
More's Appointment as Chancellor: Norfolk's Praise of More and More's Reply. Roper 39/4–40/17; Harpsfield 48/23–25, 50/25–52/20 and n. on p.326; Ro. Ba. 65/13–68/3; Cresacre More (1631), Ch.6, ¶4, pp.204–211 (Kennedy pp.101–106). [Cf. Sullivan 2:338. The speeches of More and Norfolk are elaborated in Ro. Ba. and especially in Cresacre More.]
Letter of Eustace Chapuys to Charles V, London, 25 October 1529. William Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V and his ambassadors at the courts of England and France. (London: Richard Bentley, 1850), 293. Online at https://archive.org/stream/correspondencee00bradgoog#page/n313/mode/1up CSP Spain 4/1:#194. Online at http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp289-309 [L'Univers 429. Sullivan I:191: The chancellor's seal has remained in the hands of the Duke of Norfolk till this morning when it was transferred to Sir Thomas More. Everyone is delighted at his promotion because he is an upright and learned man and a good servant of the Queen.]
— (Fr). Memoranda of Sir John Spelman, [26 October 1529]. Spelman I:34. [Brief account of More's appointment as Chancellor (25 October 1529) and his resignation two and half years later on 16 May 1532.]
177 (L). From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, Oxford, [c.27 October 1529]. Rogers #177, pp.424–426; —. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 97.
178 (L). From Thomas More to Erasmus, [Chelsea], 28 October [1529]. Leipzig Library MS (destroyed during WWII); Allen 8:#2228, p.294 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2228.pdf); CWE 16:#2228, pp.77; SL #43, pp.171–172; SLTM #53, pp.147–148; Érasme et More #48, pp.228–235. [Autograph letter throughout. Answering Ep. 175.]
Thomas More's Oration to the Parliament condemning Wolsey, 3 November 1529. Hall II:163–65 (quoted in Harpsfield 326–327); online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/1529Hall.pdf; Rolls of Parliament (Guy: C 65/138 m. 1) in Journals of the Lords I:cli (partially quoted in Harpsfield 327 and Guy, Public Career 115); poorly calendared in LP 4:#6043, p.2689; CSP Spain 4/1:#208, pp.323–25 (8th Nov. 1529); online at http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp320-336 [L'Univers 430, 431 and n11. See John Guy, Public Career 113–15.]
(E). Debate about Wolsey's Pension, After 26th October 1529. Cavendish 130/24–131/20, and note on 131/3 on pp.243–44 and p.xxi, n1. [Sullivan I:176. After Wolsey's dismissal in a lengthy speech (131/3–20), an anonymous member of the council advocated giving the fallen Cardinal an adequate pension although he never did me good or any pleasure. In his note, Sylvester sees this as a possible reference to More, who is never actually named anywhere in Cavendish's account. Wolsey's pension was actually paid on 18th March 1530, see LP Vol.5, p.318.]
179 (L). From Margaret Roper to Erasmus, [Chelsea], 4 November [1529]. Wrocław, MS. Rehd. 244. 129; ——; Allen 8:#2233, pp.299–300; (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2233.pdf); CWE 16:#2233, pp.86?–88; partially translated in Reynolds, Margaret Roper 54–55; Robineau, trans., (Fr. & E.) Moreana III:12 (1966):40–43 [Transcription of Latin Autograph on p.40]. [L'Univers 431. Margaret Roper's autograph. Answering Ep. 176. Partial facsimile reproductions of beginning in E. E. Reynolds, Margaret Roper (1960) facing p.54; and of end in Moreana 12 (1966): 41. For an autograph letter of More to Erasmus, see Allen #1770 above.]
180 (L). From Thomas More to Conrad Goclenius, Chelsea, 12 November [1529]. Leiden MS B.T. 885; Rogers #180, pp.427–428. [Written by a secretary, with a postscript by More.]
—. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, [After 25 October], 1529. Repertories 8.77; Harpsfield p.314. [The Lord Chancellor of England to have a tun of good wine of red and claret.]
181 (L). From the University of Oxford to Thomas More, Oxford, [1529?]. Rogers #181, pp.428–429; —. Bodleian MS Bodl. 282, fol. 101v. [Written after More became Chancellor.]
John More marries Ann Cresacre, December? 1529. Harpsfield n. to 66/2–3, p.329; cf. LP 5:#318.24, p.149 [June 23rd 1531]. [L'Univers 433. Harpsfield: Information as to Ann Cresacre is available from the inscription on the Burford Priory copy of Holbein's painting of the the family of Sir Thomas More: Johannes Morus Londinensis armiger Thomae Mori et Janae unicus filius aetatis 19 duxit uxorem Annam Cresacrem Eboracensis aetatis 18 anno 21 H. 8, 1529. Ruth Norrington, In the Shadow of a Saint, p.65, suggests December 1529. However, the Burford Priory account may not be completely reliable: we know from other sources, see Anne Cresacre, 1525, that the age difference between the two of them was at least three years. In any case they must have been married by the end of 1530. Their first son was born 8 August 1531 (cf. Roper 112), and John More received a special license to inherit Anne's estates at Bamborough on June 1531 (cf. A Daughter's Love 317).]
(L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Juan de Vergara, [Freiburg, c13 January 1530]. Allen 8:#2253/35–37, p.322; CWE 16:#2253/38–40, pp.125–126. [After telling de Vergera of the fall of Wolsey (cf. #2228), Erasmus reports: The office [of Chancellor] was given, therefore, to Sir Thomas More amid general applause; his elevation gave no less pleasure to all good men than did the fall of the Cardinal.]
(L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Cuthbert Tunstall, Freiburg, 31 January 1530. Allen 8:#2263/31–33, p.344; CWE 16:#2263/33–35, p.[after 127]; Froude 374; DeMolen 172. [L'Univers 437 and n1; Sullivan I:328. Mentions More's promotion to Chancellor: As to More, I am pleased to hear of his promotion. I do not congratulate him personally, but I congratulate Britain and, indirectly, myself.]
— (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to John Botzheim, Freiburg, 3 March, 1530. Allen 8:#2277 /14–16, p.367. CWE 16:#2277/**–**, p.***. [L'Univers 439; Sullivan 1:328. In Anglia omnes amiciciae sunt incolumes. Cardinalis deiectus est, Morus est summus Angliae iudex. [i]n England, all my friendships are intact. The Cardinal has now been overthrown. More is now Lord Chancellor.]
— (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Freiburg, 22 March, 1530. Allen 8:#2287 /7–8, pp.386–387. CWE 16:#2287/**–**, p.***. [L'Univers 439; Sullivan 1:328: I rejoice for the king and kingdom but not for More.]
182 (E). To Sir John Arundell, Chelsea, 5 April [1530]. Rogers #182, p.430. BL Add. MS 19,398, fol. 41; LP 4.6311 (pp.***). [L'Univers 439. An original.]
182A (L). From the Prior <Thomas Goldwell OSB> and Chapter of Christ Church, Canterbury, to Sir Thomas and Lady More, Canterbury, 23 April 1530. Herbrüggen #182A, pp.84–91. Canterbury Cathedral, Chapter Archives, Register T, fol. 346v. Letter of Confraternity. For facsimile and English translation see C. Jenkins. Sir Thomas More. A Commemoration Lecture... Canterbury Papers 5. Canterbury: 1935. Facing page 21 and p.29. [L'Univers 439.]
182 AAAA* (E). From Thomas More to George Gylidforde [Guildford], Westminster, 8 July [1530]. PRO STAC 2/29/64; Herbrüggen, Moreana 20:79/80 (1983):36,40. [Holograph.]
. Publication of Frederick Nausea's Tres Evangelicae Veritatis Homiliarum Centuriae. Cologne: Peter Quentell, August 1530. Sig. A2v. [See Moreana no. 4 (1964): 64–65. In his Dedication, Nausea praises recent English authors: ex Anglia regem serenissimum Heinricum VIII, Ioannem episcopum Roffensem, Thomam Morum, Rhossaeum (i.e. More again), Io. Pouelum (Edward Powell), Guilliemum Meltonum (William Melton). John More translated Sermon No.36 from the "Second Century" into English in 1533.]
— (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Germain de Brie, Freiburg, 5 September, 1530. Allen 9:#2379/208–12, 218–26, pp.35–36. [L'Univers 445; Sullivan 1:328: Three references to More in connection with his role in the quarrel between Dorp and Erasmus, the quarrel between Lee and Erasmus, and the quarrel between Brie and More. (Sullivan). Add translation of lines 218-226 from CW 3/2:571–72.]
182B (L). From Thomas More to Cochlaeus, [November 1530]. Epistola Nicolai Pape, 1536, Fol.Ddv; Jortin II.701; Rogers #166, pp.401–402; (Lines 1–9: Tres Thomae 74; Hallett 57 [53]). [Redated from 1529, see Herbrüggen #182B, p.92. Partial translation of Lines 1–9 (out of 30) from Hallett: I beg you, my dearest Cochlaeus, by our mutual love to believe that none of my friends' letters for many years has been so acceptable to me as that lately received from you. Of the many reasons for this I will mention the two most important ones. First, then, because I perceive in your letter your deep affection for me. It was not indeed unknown to me, but now it is more clear than ever before, and gives me the most explicit delight. To say nothing of your deserts, who would not be proud to have gained the friendship of so renowned a man? Second, because in your letter you have kept me informed of the doings of Princes, etc.]
——. Thomas More in the London City Records after he entered Royal Service, 1530. Repertories 8.86, 102, 141; Harpsfield p.314. [(a) More signs the ordinances of the London Parish Clerks. (b) Bill of Sir Thomas More for £50. (c) More to have a tun of good wine at Christmas.]
——. (L). From a letter of  Nicholas Leonicus to Reginald Pole, Padua, 8 February 1531. Vatican MS Rossiano 997; paraphrase in Cardinal F. A. Gasquet, Cardinal Pole and his Early Friends (London: G. Bell, 1927), p.116. Full view at Hathi-Trust. [No edition of the Latin text. Sullivan 2:226. May you do all that is great and love your Leonicus and keep him in your mind. Say a word of salutation for me to those illustrious and most revered men, Tunstall, More, and [William] Latimer.]
183 (L). From Erasmus to John More, Freiburg, 27 February 1531. Aristotelous hapanta = Aristotelis summi semper uiri, et in quem unum uim suam uniuersam contulisse natura rerum, opera, quæcunque impressa hactenus extiterunt omnia, summa cum uigilantia excusa. Basel: John Bebel, 13 March 1531. fols. a2–a5 = Allen 9:#2432, pp.133–140. Online at http://www.e-rara.ch/bau_1/content/pageview/114443 [USTC 555012. Preface by Erasmus to 2nd Edition of Aristotle in the Greek, edited by Simon Grynaeus. See also Rogers #196.]
——. More's Comments to Eustace Chapuys, London, 11 April 1531. CSP Spain 4, ii, 114 (#683). [L'Univers 455. More condemns the blindness of Christian Princes who refused in 1531 to aid the Emperor in driving back the Turk. The Chancellor himself complained some days ago to one of my secretaries, in a very piteous tone, of the blindness of those princes who refused to assist Your Majesty against so cruel and implacable an enemy, and upon my secretary observing that perhaps those very princes, seeing Your Majesty engaged in the repulse of the Turk, intended to engage in some undertaking by themselves, or solicit and procure something else, the Chancellor replied that there was no actual danger of that on the part of this country at least, for there were no preparations or power to do so; which statement I really believe to be the fact, since their will is evidently stronger than their power.]
183A (Fr). From Charles V to Thomas More, Brussels, 11 March 1531. Herbrüggen #183A, pp.92–97; cf. (F./E.) Moreana 37:143/144 (2000): 147–150. [L'Univers 455. Facsimile on frontispiece of Herbrüggen.]
— (L) (from Rogers #196). From Simon Grynaeus's Prefatory Letter to John More, [Basel], 1 March 1534. [After 18th March–Before 8th June 1531]. Rogers #196/295–327 [Tres Thomae 80?***; Hallett 63 [58–59]. [L'Univers 454 and n2, 457; Sullivan 2:56–57 (15 line translation). Simon Grynaeus's visit to England in the Spring 1531 to gather manuscripts for his edition of Plato and Proclus, see Rogers #188 and #196 below ***. Partial translation of extract: Your father at that time held the highest rank, but apart from that, by his many excellent qualities, he was clearly marked out as the chief man of the realm, whilst I was obscure and unknown. Yet for the love of learning in the midst of public and private business he found time to converse much with me: he, the Chancellor of the Kingdom, made me sit at his table: going to and from the Court he took me with him and kept me ever at his side. He had no difficulty in seeing that my religious opinions were on many points different from his own, but his goodness and courtesy were unchanged. Though he differed so much from my views, yet he helped me in word and deed and carried through my business at his own expense. He gave us a young man of of considerable attainments, John Harris, to accompany us on our journey, and to the authorities of the University of Oxford he sent a letter couched in such terms that at once not only were the libraries of all the thrown open to us, but the students as if they had been touched by the rod of Mercury accordingly showed us the greatest favour. [mentions the help of John Claymond who gave him some manuscripts of Proclus.] Accordingly, I searched all the libraries of the University, some twenty in number, They were all richly stocked with very ancient books, and with the permission of the authorities I took away several books of the commentaries of Proclus—as many perhaps as could be set up in print within a year or two. I returned to my country overjoyed at the treasures I had discovered, laden with your father's generous gifts and almost overwhelmed by his kindness. (Rogers #196/303–18, 321–27,Tres Thomae 80?, Hallett 63). Erasmus's commendatory letter to More (#196/301) does not survive; nor does More's letter to Oxford (#196/315). For John Harris (#196/314), see 192* below. For the dating of Grynaeus' visit to England, see Allen 9:#2488, #2499, #2502; pp.21–62, 274–75, 278. For the life of Grynaeus, see CE 2:142–46; intro. to Allen 6:#1657, pp.244–45; and intro. to Rogers #196, p.471. ***Mention More's copy of Grynaeus' Novus Orbis at Yale, and Euclid in the Bodleian.***.]
184 (L). From John Cochlaeus to Thomas More, Dresden, 26 April 1531. Fidelis et pacifica commonitio Ioannis Cochlaei, contra infidelem et seditiosam commonitionem Martini Lutheri ad Germanos. (Leipzig: Valentin Schumann, 1531), sigs A1v–A2; H.E.G. Rope, Two Unpublished Letters of John Cochlaeus, Historical Bulletin XXXI: 32–39; Rogers #184, pp.431–432. Available online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek [USTC 657486; L'Univers 455; Sullivan I:206–207. Prefatory Letter to More.]
184B (E). <Thomas Goldwell OSB>, Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, to Lord Chancellor <More>, [Canterbury, c. beg. of May, 1531]. Canterbury Cathedral, Chapter Archives: Christ Church Letters 1: 61; Moreana IV:15/16 (1967):241–47. [Holograph draft by Goldwell.]
185 (L). From Thomas More to John Sinapius, Chelsea, 2 May [1531]. Epistolae in librum octauum topicorum Aristotelis, Simonis grynaei commentaria doctissima. Adiectae sunt ad libri calcem selectiores aliquot eiusdem s. Grynaei epistolae. (Basel, Johann Oporinus, 1556). fol.145; Rogers #185, pp.432–433; Online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10170661_00145.html [USTC 665983; L'Univers 455. More thanks Sinapius for a lost epigram addressed to More. Grynaeus has told me a lot about you.]
. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor, London, 6 June 1531. CSP Spain 4, ii, 178 (#739). [cf. CE 1:294. A German doctor residing at Basle, Simon Grineus by name, and one of Erasmus' friends, has been in London these last few days. He came here in company with a printer of the said Basle, for the purpose of finding old manuscripts to set up in type. The King has caused him to argue this divorce question with three or four of his principal doctors and shewn him the book lately printed on the subject. Grineus, as it would appear, has pronounced it to be of very little value or efficacy, and offered to the King the opinion of the doctors in the district where he himself resides, which offer the King has willingly accepted, and given him money in advance to defray all expenses.—London, 6th June, anno[15]31. This is the first mention of Erasmus in Chapuys' correspondence, for Chapuys' later relationship with Erasmus, see CE 1:293–95.]
185A (L). From John Cochlaeus to Thomas More, Dresden, 29 June 1531. Venerabile Collegio Inglese: Scrittura 6. N. 4; John H. Pollen, S.J., Johannes Cochläus an König Heinrich VIII von England und Thomas Morus, Die Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte XIII (1899): 42–49; H. E. G. Rope, Two Unpublished [sic] Letters of John Cochlaeus, Historical Bulletin [St. Louis University, MI] 25 (1951): 32–39; Herbrüggen #185A, pp.97–106. [L'Univers 457 and n3; Moreana 139/140 (1999): 83–84. MS Letter of Cochlaeus to More.]
186 (E). From Sir John Lowther to Thomas More, Carlisle, 16 October 1531. PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §68, pp.20–21; Rogers #186, pp.433–435. [L'Univers 459.]
(E). Thomas Elyot, The Boke Named the Gouernor. London: Thomas Berthelet, 1531. ***–***. Edited by H.H.S. Croft. London: K. Paul, Trench & Co., 1883. [Sullivan I:313. Possible More reference: Certes, I haue knowen men of worshippe in this realme, which durynge their yongth haue dronken for the more parte water. [Of whome some yet lyveth in great auctoritye, whose excellencie as well as sharpnesse of wytte as in exquisite learnynge is all redy knowen throughe all Christendom.] (Croft II:343–44 and note): The allusion here intended is undoubtedly to Sir Thomas More, who at this time was in his fifty-first year, and of whom we are told by another contemporary writer that, When he was a young man he used and delighted in drinking of water; his common drinke was verie small ale, and as for wine, he did but sipp of it, and that onlie for companies sake or for pledging his friends. In his other work, entitled the Castel of Health, the author repeats the observation in the text. He says, We have sene men and women of great age, and stronge of body, whyche neuer, or very seldome, dranke other drynke than pure water. Fo. 33, b. ed. 1561. Croft also adds: The passage within brackets has been omitted in all the subsequent editions, and was probably suppressed in consequence of the disgrace and execution of Sir Thomas More. The reference to More only drinking water is found in Allen 4:#999/***–***, p.**; CWE 7:#999/63–67, p.19 and Harpsfield 142/9–13, following Erasmus.]
187 (L). From Jerome Perbonus (Girolamo Perbono) to Thomas More, Oviglio, [1531? or 1532?]. Ouiliarum opus luculentissimum & elegantissimum Hieronymi Perboni marchionis Incisae ac Ouiliarum domini in libros XXVI divisum. Milano, a Vincenzo Meda sumptu auctoris & Giovanni Antonio da Legnano, 1533. Epist. lib. 3, fol.iii; Rogers #187, pp.435–437. [USTC 847469; L'Univers 473.]
— (E). From The confutacyon of Tyndales answere, Part I, Spring 1532. CW 8/1:176/8–179/17, 185/8, and nn. on pp. 8/3:1525–30, [More defends poetry and Erasmus.]
— (L). More's Resignation as Chancellor, 16 May 1532. Close Roll 24 Henry VIII m.24 d.; PRO Ref. C/54/401, no.16.; Moreana 12 (1966): 74–80; Roper 51/7–52/13; Harpsfield 58/9–60/16, and nn. on pp.326–28. [L'Univers 467 and n1. Account of More's resignation and the giving of the Great Seal to the new Chancellor Thomas Audeley. For other accounts of More's resignation, see Spelman I:34 (above under More's appointment).
188 (L). Thomas More to Erasmus, Chelsea, 14 June 1532. Allen 10:#2659, pp.31–34 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2659.pdf); SL #44, pp.172–177; SLTM #54, pp.149–154; Érasme et More #49, pp.235–242. [L'Univers467 and n.2. Announcing More's resignation as Chancellor. More refers to Simon Grynaeus's recent visit to England in Allen 10:#2659/97–100 and n., see also Ep.2459, 2487–8, 2831. Marc'hadour thinks that Erasmus may have suppressed some personal details: Erasmus publie la sienne [Allen #2659] dès 1533, mais en l'amputant, semble-t-il, des détails personnels. The letter was delayed for several months in Saxony, perhaps with Cochlaeus, see Érasme et More 235n13.]
189 (L). Thomas More to John Cochlaeus, Chelsea, 14 June 1532. Epistola Nicolai Pape 1536, fol. Dd3; Jortin II.701–702; Rogers #189, pp.438–439; SL #45, pp.177–178; (Excerpt, Lines 16–28: Tres Thomae 200; Hallett 79 [73–74]). [L'Univers467 and n.2. Marc'hadour notes that in his 1538 Scopa (see below), that Cochlaeus says this is the last letter he received from More and that the bearer George was his nephew. Marc'hadour suggests that he was also the bearer of Rogers #184, dated 1531, from Cochlaeus. Cochlaeus had a nephew Nicolaus Wolrab, who became a Lutheran but this can't be the same person.]
Death of William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, 23 August 1532. [L'Univers 468 and n3.]
(L). Simon Grynaeus publishes a revision of Ficino's Latin translation of Plato, Basel, August 1532. Online at https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=Bh9DAAAAcAAJ [USTC 678373. Grynaeus seems to have planned to dedicate this edition to Thomas More, but Erasmus dissuaded him: Postremo decreuerat Platonem ab ipso multis locis deprauatum Moro dicare, et fecisset, ni dissuasissem (Allen #2878/21–22, p.317). Instead, Grynaeus dedicated his 1534 edition of the Greek text of Plato to John More (see Rogers #196).]
Thomas Cranmer succeeds Warham as Archbishop of Canterbury, 1 October 1532. [L'Univers 470 and n5.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to John Choler, Freiburg, 5 October 1532. Allen 10:#2728/28–33, p.116. [L'Univers 471; Sullivan I:328: More has resigned. The Lutherans are jubilant and bruit it about that he is in disgrace and that his successor has released forty evangelicals arrested by him.]
— (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Quirinus Talesius, Freiburg, 31 October 1532. Allen 10:#2735/10–13, 38–40, pp.123–124; Hillerbrand 269. [L'Univers 471; Sullivan I:328. Brief mention of More's second wife, Dame Alice, and of More's resignation as Chancellor of England. In marrying a widow you have done as did More and I think not without happiness. More has implored thr king for permission to resign; in keeping his post he would have given the impression of appriving the king's repudiation of Katherine (Sullivan). See Moreana 12 (1966): 44–46 and CE 3: 306–307 for biographies of Talesius.]
190 (E). Thomas More to John Frith, Chelsea, 7 December [1532]. CW 7:229–58; Rogers #190, pp.439–464; SLTM #55, pp.154–82 (modernized by Russell Shaw). [L'Univers 471 and n4. The Letter to Frith: an epistolary tract. A polemical work responding to the writings of the young English reformer John Frith.]
(E). Friar Risby talks to More about Elizabeth Barton, c25 December 1532. Rogers #197/40–69 and nn., pp.481–82; Last Letters #3, pp.37–38 and nn. on pp.138–39. [L'Univers 473.]
— (L). From Erasmus to John Faber, Freiburg, end of 1532. Allen 10:#2750, pp.135–139 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2750.pdf); Hillerbrand #2750/1–108, pp.270–273; Thomas Bridgett, Life and Writings of Sir Thomas More (1891): 246–48 and Sullivan I:329–30 (following Bridgett). [L'Univers 473; Sullivan I:329–30. Letter to John Faber (later Bishop of Vienna) on More's resignation as Chancellor–See also Rogers #188 above.]
— (E). John More to the Christian Reader, [1533]. Moreana 14 (1967): 45–47. [Prefatory Letter to John More's Legacy of Prester John, a translation of Damião de Góis' [Goes] Legatio Presbyteri Ioannis (August 1532). For the Life of Gois, see CE 2:113–117.]
(L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Freiburg, 5 February 1533. Allen 10:#2761/3–9, p.151. [L'Univers 477; Sullivan I:330: Many of my letters fell into the hands of Bebel last spring. One addressed to More has finally reached him. Others and important ones intended for Warham and Longland have disappeared.]
(L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Freiburg, 7 February 1533. Allen 10:#2763/7–8, p.153. [L'Univers 477. Rogo vt hanc epistolam cures bona fide perferendam ad Thomam Morum quam potes celerrime.]
(E). Friar Rich talks to More about Elizabeth Barton, c25 February 1533. Rogers #197/70–119 and nn., pp.482–84; Last Letters #3, pp.38–39 and nn. on pp.139–40. [L'Univers 479. Presumably, More met with Elizabeth Barton at Syon Abbey not long afterwards, see below.]
— (E). John More to the Christian Reader, [March–April?, 1533]. Moreana 2 (1964): 18–19. [Prefatory Letter to John More's A Sermon of the Sacrament of the Aulter, a translation of a sermon by Friedrich Nausea (Graue), later Bishop of Vienna. See entry for August 1530.]
— (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Jan Laski, Freiburg, 21 March 1533. Allen 10:#2780/20–49, p.180; —. [L'Univers 479 and n2. On More's resignation. Covers some of the same ground as Erasmus' earlier letter to John Faber (#2750).]
— (E). From More's Apology (c13 April 1533). CW 9: 116/29–120/33 [Chapter xxxvi], and nn. on pp.362–68. [cf. L'Univers 479. More addresses at length the charges that he tortured heretics, see also R.W. Chambers Saga, pp.14f, and More pp.274f (1963:262–70). For modernizations of this passage, see The Essential Thomas More 231–34 and William Joseph Walter, Sir Thomas More: A Selection from his Works (Baltimore: Fielding Lucas Jr.; Philadelphia: Barrington and Haswell, 1841), 234–38, online at http://books.google.com/books?id=0VMeAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA234. For the whipping and stocking of criminal offenders as a common form of punishment in the early modern period, see Shakespeare's King Lear (***) and Henry Fielding's Joseph Andrews (***).]
192 (E). From Thomas More to Elizabeth Barton, Chelsea, Tuesday [Spring-Summer? (Before 11th August) 1533]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 380; BL Arundel 152, fol. 298; Burnet 5.436–437; Rogers #192, pp.464–366; SL #47, pp.183–185; SLTM #57, pp.188–91; cf. Last Letters #3, pp.41–42 and notes on pp.141–142. [More's letter to the "Nun of Kent", included in More's Letter to Cromwell, March? 1534 (cf. Rogers #197, but not reproduced there in Rogers' edition.]
191 (L). Thomas More to Erasmus, Chelsea, [June? 1533]. Allen 10:#2831, pp.258–261 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2831.pdf); SL #46, pp.178–183; SLTM #56, pp.182–88; TMSB pp.305–310; Érasme et More #50, pp.243–249; Bridgett, Life of More, pp.248–52 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/More%20to%20Erasmus.pdf). [L'Univers 481 and n4. See also CW 3/2: #258 (pp.270–272) for edition of More's verse epigraph. More's last surviving letter to Erasmus.]
Elizabeth Barton is questioned by Cranmer but released 11 August 1533. [Diane Watt, Elizabeth Barton, ONDB; cf. L'Univers 481. Presumeably, More's meeting with Elzabeth Barton at Syon Abbey, his letter to her (Rogers #192), and her response to More's messenger all happened before this point.]
(L). From a letter of  Sir William FitzWilliam to Thomas Cromwell, Byfleet, 3rd July [1532 or 1533?].*** Stat. Pap. Off. Misc. Corresp. 2 Ser. xi. fol. 71; Ellis III.ii.218, pp.277–278. [Orig. Gives details of an interview with More, asking Fitzwilliam to speak or write to Cromwell on More's behalf. Mentions More's resignation from the Chancellorship.]
(L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Bonifacius Amerbach, [Freiburg], 31 August 1533. Allen 10:#2865/27–28, p.298 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE2865.pdf). [L'Univers 483; Sullivan I:330: I am sending you the epitaph which Thomas More affixed to his tomb. I would like to publish it.]
193 (L). A "ghost", now identified by Allen (#2870) [12 Oct. 1533] as a letter from Erasmus to Desideratus Morellus, see also Herbrüggen Moreana XX:79/80 (1983):41,n.2.
(L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Viglius Zuichemus [Wigle Aytta], Freiburg, 18 November 1533. Allen 10:#2878/15–27, pp.316–317. [L'Univers 485; Sullivan I:330: More, Tunstall and other men of erudition feel an antipathy toward Grynaeus. He extorted recommendations from me which I gave but grudgingly. I admonished him against all talk of sects in England . . . I know More and Tunstall are against them. Recently I warned Grynaeus not to write familiarly to those who abhor his dogmas.]
(E). Cromwell's Remembrances, c14 and c26 January [and June] 1534. (a) BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 419; (b) PRO; (c) BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 422; (d) BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 459; (e) PRO (June); calendared in LP 7:#48, #50, #52, #108, #923.xxxvi; pp.20, 22, 23, 41, 351. [Sullivan I:230. (a) To remember my lord chancellor for his end; (b) Eftsons to remember master Moore to the King; (c) To speak with the King for More's end for the breach of the prison of Evylchester, and for the end of them of the attaynt in Surrey.; (d) Effsoons to remember master Moore to the King.; (e) Sir Th. More.]
194 (E). From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, Chelsea, 1 February [1533/34]. English Works p.1422; calendared in LP 7:#149, p.61; Rogers #194, pp.466–469; SL #49, pp.189–191; Last Letters #1, pp.31–33 and notes on pp.131–34; SLTM #58, pp.191–95.
195 (E). From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, Chelsea, Saturday [February–March] 1533/34. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 385v; English Works p.1423; calendared in LP 7:#265, p.112; Rogers #195, pp.469–470; SL #50, p.192: Last Letters #2, pp.34–35 and notes on pp.134–35; SLTM #59, pp.195–96.
196 (L). From Simon Grynaeus to John More, [Basle], 1 March 1534. Platonis opera 1534, fols. I2–I5 (online at https://books.google.com/books?id=WfJCAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA1); Rogers #196, pp.470–480; (Excerpt in Tres Thomae 80?, 235; Hallett 63 [58–59], 110 [101–102] = Rogers #196/303–18, 321–27, 328–346). [USTC 661590. Preface to the 2nd Edition of Plato in the Greek, with Proclus, edited by Simon Grynaeus (Basle: Valderus, 13 March 1534). In Ep. 2878 Erasmus tells Viglius that he intervened to prevent Grynaeus dedicating his Plato to More Allen n. to 10:#2659/97–100, p.33. See also Rogers #183, for Erasmus' dedication of his Preface to John More for Grynaeus' second edition of Aristotle (Basle, March 1531). For Grynaeus' visit to England, see first excerpt from Stapleton/Hallett above. Second passage from Stapleton: To you, who by the right of your father's virtues are the heir to all that his good deeds have effected, it was necessary that I dedicate these works of Proclus, which are full of admirable teaching and have been published by our labour indeed, but by the benefits I have received from your family. I hope too that while on the one hand your name will be an ornament to my books, on the other hand they may be of considerable use to you, conversant as I know you to be with all these serious questions, both by your long intercourse with your father and by the company of your highly cultured sisters. Enthusiasm for learning has carried you and your sisters—a prodigy in our age—to such heights of proficiency that no difficult question of science or philsophy is now beyond you. To minds so appreciative of all that is beatiful, what can be more suited than this author whose skill is unrivalled in clearness and exposition, depth of treatment and breadth of view? (Hallett).]
197 (E). From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, [March? 1534]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 376; BL Arundel 152. fol. 296; calendared in LP 7:#287, pp.118–21; Burnet 5.431–439; Rogers #197, pp.480–488; SL #51, pp.193–201; Last Letters #3, pp.36–44 and notes on pp.136–144; SLTM #60, pp.197–206.
198 (E). From Thomas More to Henry VIII, Chelsea, 5 March [1534]. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 176r–177v (facsimile of fol. 176v–177r available at http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/henryviii/greatmatter/lastletter/); PRO S.P. Henry VIII, §82, p.254; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv; fol. 383; English Works p.1423; Ellis I.ii.117, pp.47–52 (from PRO copy); calendared in LP 7:#288, pp.221–22; Delcourt XXII, pp.358–60; Rogers #198, pp.488–491; SL #52, pp.202–205; Last Letters #4, pp.45–47 and notes on pp.145–146; SLTM #61, pp.206–210. [The Cleopatra and PRO copies are both autographs, Cleopatra was the one that was sent. Royal is a copy of the earlier draft in PRO which Rastell used as the basis, with alterations, for English Works.]
199 (E). From Thomas More to Thomas Cromwell, Chelsea, 5 March [1534]. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 144; BL Harleian 283, fol. 120v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol.386; English Works p.1424; calendared in LP 7:#289, pp.222–25; Rogers #199, pp.491–501; SL #53, pp.205–215; Last Letters #5, pp.48–56 and notes on pp.146–155; SLTM #62, pp.210–222. [Cleopatra is a corrected copy that More signed and sent to Cromwell. Harl. differs only in spelling. Royal is a copy of More's draft used by Rastell as the basis, again with alterations, for English Works.]
. Sir Thomas More. Depositions [by Elizabeth Barton]. PRO; calendared in LP 7:#290, pp.225–226. [The depositions are rather garbled and also mutilated.]
. Oath of the Act of Succession, 1534. Journals of the House of Lords I, 82 (used in Trial); Documents Illustrative of English Church History, ed. Henry Gee and William John Hardy (London: MacMillan, 1896), LVI. The Second Act of Succession, A.D. 1534, 26 Henry VIII cap.2, pp.244–247 (used in SLTM); Trial pp.42–43; SLTM App.II.4, pp.319–20. [There seem to be several different versions of the oath.]
192* (E). From Thomas More to John Harris, Willesdon, Sunday, [First Week of April, Easter Sunday 5th April? 1534]. Oxford, MS Bodley 431, fols. 148–149; SL #48, pp.185–188. [L'Univers 491 and n5. Rogers discovered this after she published her Correspondence. To More's personal secretary, shows that the Treatise on the Passion was at least partially written before More's imprisonment. For the Life of John Harris, see Rogers n. to #196/314, p.479, De Vocht LC intro. to Ep.115, pp.311–12 and L. Antheunis, Note sur John Harris, secrétaire privé du chancelier Thomas Morus (1510(?)–1579), Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 33 (1937): 534–50. Rogers (SL pp.185–86) suggests January–April 1534 and in a note on p.188 further suggests that More may have gone there to visit the pilgrimage church of Our Lady of Willesdon. Marc'hadour suggests c.mars, which he revises to early April in CW 6/2:486, in the last week of his freedom we find him writing from Willesdon to his secretary. For Thomas More and Willesdon, see Frank Mitjans, Thomas More’s Veneration of Images, Praying to Saints and Going on Pilgrimages, Thomas More Studies 3(2008): 67–68 http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/tmstudies/DCH_Mitjans.pdf. In L'Univers, Marc'hadour also suggests that the Treatise to receive the blessed Body of the Lord dates des premiers mois de 1534.]
200 (E). More is Interrogated at Lambeth Palace, 13 April 1534. Roper 73/16–74/12.
200 (E). Thomas More to Margaret Roper, [Westminster Abbey, 13–17 April 1534]. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol.81v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol.398; English Works p.1428; [Partial Latin trans. in Tres Thomae p.282]; Rogers #200, pp.501–507; SL #54, pp.215–223; Last Letters #6, pp.57–61 and notes on pp.155–61; SLTM #63, pp.222–228; TMSB pp.311–15. [L'Univers 493. Thomas More's account of his first interrogation, see also commentary by Elizabeth McCutcheon in Trial by Jury, 94–100. McCutcheon points out that In contrast to his usual letters, there is no salutation or mention of an addressee, no closing, no signature in the copy as we have it, which makes it more like a report or memorandum. There is no date, either (98). Rogers suggests Tower of London, c17 April 1534; Marc'hadour, however, following E.E. Reynolds (see Moreana 2 (1964): 78 and Trial by Jury p.98 and n24) suggests that it was written before More entered the Tower, while he was in the temporary custody of the Abbot of Westminster. Reynolds writes: My suggestion is that this letter was probably written during More's detention under the Abbot of Westminster from 13 to 17 April. It is a full account of the proceedings before the Commissioners at Lambeth on 13th April. More would know how anxiously his family would await news of him, so in this interval of comparative freedom, he sat down to give them a cheerful account of what had happened. The letter as we have it, may be incomplete; it leaves off without any greeting; perhaps a sheet was lost. The letter, however, would not have been sent until after More's imprisonment in the Tower of London on the 17th April, see note to Rogers #201.]
Sir Richard Cromwell, Thomas Cromwell's nephew escorts More to the Tower of London, 17 April 1534. Roper 74/13–75/7; Harpsfield 169/30–170/7 and n. on p.346. [L'Univers 493.]
201 (E). Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, [c17 April 1534]. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 84v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 393v; English Works p.1430; [Latin trans. in Tres Thomae p.291]; Rogers #201, pp.507–508; SL #55, pp.223–224; Last Letters #7, pp.62–63 and notes on pp.161–62; SLTM #64, pp.229–230. [L'Univers 493 and Moreana 2 (1964): 78. Rastell notes: A letter writen with a cole i.e. piece of charcoal. E.E Reynolds writes that Rogers #201 was a note hastily written as soon as possible after More's arrival in the Tower, and before he had permission to use pen and ink. . . . The mood of 201 is completely different [from 200]; it is a brief note of complete resignation to whatever might lie ahead. Rogers suggests: April–May? 1534; However, if Reynolds and Marc'hadour are correct then the tentative date that Rogers assigned to #200, should be assigned to #201 instead. John Guy (A Daughter's Love 233–34) suggests that Rogers #200, and #201 were among at least two letters smuggled out of the Tower of London, by More's servant John a Wood. For John a Wood, see Roper 75/8–17 and Harpsfield 170/15–23 and n. on p.346.]
— (E). From Cranmer to Cromwell, Croydon, 17 April [1534]. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 181; BL MS Harleian 283, fol. 120; calendared in LP 7:#499, p.201; Strype Memorials 693–94; Cranmer 2:#105, pp.285–286; cf. Macklem 179 and 244,n.5 and Moreana 34 (131/132): 46–48. [L'Univers 492; Sullivan 1:225 (summary). Cotton Cleopatra is the original letter. Cranmer suggests that More and Fisher be allowed to swear to the Act of Succession without the preamble. Moreana includes a facsimile of the original letter.]
— (E). From Cromwell to Cranmer, [17 or 18 April 1534]. PRO S.P. 1/83, fols. 88–89; calendared in LP 7:#500, pp.201–202; Merriman 1:#71, p.381; online at https://archive.org/stream/lifeandletterst02merrgoog#page/n376/mode/1up Slavin #18, pp.42–43; cf. Macklem 179–180 and 245,n.6. [L'Univers 492; Sullivan I:230. Henry VIII insists that More and Fisher must swear to the preamble to the Act of Succession as well as the Act itself.]
— (L). From a letter of  Juan Luis Vives to Erasmus, Bruges, 10 May 1534. Allen 10:#2932/28–32, p.384; calendared in LP 7:#635, p. [L'Univers 493. The times are difficult, and one can neither speak nor be silent without danger. Vergara, his brother Tovar, and other learned men have been arrested in Spain, and in England, the bishops of Rochester and London and Thomas More (LP). Erasmus' letter of 5 Jan. that Vives is replying to, is not extant.]
After a little more than a month Margaret Roper is given permission to visit her father. Roper 75/18–76/22. [L'Univers 493.]
202 (E). Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, [c20 May 1534]. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 84v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 394; English Works p.1431; [Latin trans. of first half in Tres Thomae p.292]; Rogers #202, pp.508–509; SL #56, pp.224–226; Last Letters #8, pp.64–65 and notes on p.163; SLTM #65, pp.230–32. [L'Univers 493. Responding to a lost letter of Margaret Roper. Answered by Ep.203. See also Wegemer Moreana 52:199–200 (2015): 51–52.]
203 (E). From Margaret Roper, [End of May? 1534]. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 85v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 454; English Works p.1432; [Latin trans. extract in Tres Thomae p.220]; Rogers #203, pp.510–511; Last Letters #9, pp.66–67 and notes on pp.163–65; SLTM #66, p.232–34. [L'Univers 493. Answering Ep.202.]
204 (E). To All His Friends, Tower of London, [End of May or June? 1534]. SL #57, pp.226–227. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 86; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 1; English Works p.1432; Rogers #204, p.511; Last Letters #10, p.68 and notes on p.165; SLTM #67, p.234. [L'Univers 493.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Freiburg, 11 June 1534. Allen 11:#2944/11–12, p.4. [L'Univers 495. Tell me news of England. I don't have anyone I trust to send there.]
(L). From a Letter of Nicholas Olah to Erasmus, Augsburg, 25 June 1534. Allen 11:#2948/5–6, p.10. [L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:330. More is still in prison as is Fisher and not without danger, as it appears.]
(L). From a Letter of John Choler to Erasmus, Augsburg, 25 July 1534. Allen 11:#2953/25–45, p.16. [L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:198,330. In response to a lost letter of Erasmus, Choler writes an encomium to More: Posterity will bear witness to the innocence of More, the foremost genius on earth and to the cruelty of the king.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Freiburg, 30 July 1534. Allen 11:#2955/16–17, p.19. [L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:330: An Englishman has reported at Louvain that More has been released. That would be too wonderful. I cannot believe it.]
205 (E). Alice Alington to Margaret Roper, 17 August [1534]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 402r; English Works p.1433; Rogers #205, pp.511–513; Last Letters #11, pp.69–71 and pp.165–66; Gottschalk 195–197; SLTM #68, pp.235–38; TMSB pp.316–18. [L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:14. From More's step-daughter to Margaret Roper reporting some veiled criticisms (in fable form) of More by the new Lord Chancellor (Sir Thomas Audley) (cf. R.W. Chamber's comments in Harpsfield clxii). Answered by Ep.206. First Part of the Dialogue of Conscience.]
206 (E). Margaret Roper to Alice Alington, [August 1534]. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 86v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 404; English Works p.1434; Rogers #206, pp.514–532; Last Letters #12, pp.72–89 and pp.166–76; Gottschalk 197–219; SLTM #69, pp.239–61; TMSB pp.318–35. [L'Univers 495. A literary dialogue about the length of Plato's Crito between Thomas More and Margaret Roper in the form of a letter, partlyanswering Ep.205. It is now generally believed that the letter was composed jointly by More and Margaret, cf. R.W. Chamber's comments in Harpsfield, p.clxii, and John Guy, A Daughter's Love, pp.238–242. Together with Rogers #205, sometimes called the Dialogue of Conscience.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to Justus Decius, Freiburg, 22 August 1534. Allen 11:#2961 /87–91, p.33. [L'Univers 495; Sullivan I:330: The three best and most learned men in England are in prison, John Stokesley, the bishop of London, John Fisher, the bishop of Rochester, and Thomas More, the ex-chancellor.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to Guy Morillon, Freiburg, 30 August 1534. Allen 11:#2965/24–27, p.39. [L'Univers 497; Sullivan I:330: You know, I suppose, that the three most learned men in England are in prison, the bishop of Rochester, the bishop of London and the friend I most love, Thomas More.]
207 (E). Thomas More to Dr. Nicholas Wilson, Tower of London, 1534. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.1; English Works p.1443; Rogers #207, pp.532–533; SL #58, pp.227–28; Last Letters #13, p.90 and note on pp.176–77; SLTM #70, p.261–62. [For the Life of Wilson, see ODNB and Rogers notes to #200/43, pp.503–504. Wilson's letters to More (cf. also Ep.208) are not extant.]
208 (E). Thomas More to Dr. Nicholas Wilson, Tower of London, 1534. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.1v; English Works p.1443; Rogers #208, pp.533–538; SL #59, pp.228–234; Last Letters #14, pp.91–96 and notes on pp.177–181; SLTM #71, pp.262–68.
209 (E). From Margaret Roper to Thomas More, 1534. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 98; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol. 454v; English Works p.1446; Rogers #209, pp.538–539; Last Letters #15, pp.97–98 and notes on p.181; SLTM #72, pp.269–70. [Answered by Ep.210.]
210 (E). From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, [September/October, Before 3 November] 1534. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 98v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.453v; English Works p.1446; Rogers #210, pp.540–544; SL #60, pp.234–239; Last Letters #16, pp.99–103 and notes on pp.182–84; SLTM #73, pp.270–76. [Answering Ep.209. For the dating of this letter, see Wegemer Moreana 52:199–200 (2015): 46n2.]
211 (E). From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, 1534. Bodleian MS Ballard 72, fol. 101v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.422v; English Works p.1449; Rogers #211, pp.544–547; SL #61, pp.239–242; Last Letters #17, pp.104–107 and notes on pp.184–85; SLTM #74, pp.276–79.
. Act of Supremacy (Act of Recognising Henry VIII as the Supreme Head of the Church in England) (Nov.–Dec. 1534). The Statutes of the Realm 12 vols. (London 1810–28) 3:492; Trial by Jury App. I.1, pp.137–38; SLTM App.II.5, pp.321.
. Act of Treasons: 26 Henry VIII (Nov.–Dec. 1534). The Statutes of the Realm 3:508–509; Trial by Jury App. I.2, pp.138–40; SLTM App.II.7, pp.323–24 (partial).
(L). From a Letter of John Choler to Erasmus, Augsburg, 10 December 1534. Allen 11:#2983/55–60,63,109–10 pp.55–57. [L'Univers 499; Sullivan I:198: The King of England is insane with the desire to remarry and because of this More and Fisher have been imprisoned. . . . Report to me about the doings in England. . . .I yearn to know how these tragic affairs will be concluded.]
212 (E). From Lady More to Henry VIII, [c. Christmas 1534]. BL MS Arundel 152, fol. 300v; BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv, fol.440; Bruce Archaeologia 27 (1838): 369–70; calendared in LP7:#1591, p.192; Rogers #212, pp.547–549; Last Letters #18, pp.108–109 and notes on p.186; SLTM #75, pp.280–81 (from Bruce); Sullivan 2:336–37 (partial). [L'Univers 499 and n10; Sullivan 2:336–37. Arundel MS is the original. See also Lady More's Letter to Cromwell (#215) below.]
(L). Étienne Dolet. Dialogus, de imitatione Ciceroniana adversus Desiderium Erasmum Roterodamum, pro Christophero Longolio. Lyon: S. Gryphius, Spring 1535. [11 Nov. 1534] For digital copies, see USTC. [USTC 146891; Gibson 255; L'Univers 497 and n8, 503; Sullivan 1:285. Dolet sent the MS to Gryphius on 11 Nov. 1534 (see Marc'hadour). In this Dialogue, Morus is a straw man for the Erasmian position. For Dolet's Life, see CE 1:395–96. For Erasmus' responses see Allen #352, #3130. See also Dolet's 1536 Commentarium Linguae Latinae below.]
213 (E). From Thomas More to Master <Stephen> Leder, Tower of London, Saturday, 16 January 1534/35 [1535]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 435; English Works p.1450; Rogers #213, pp.549–550; SL #62, pp.243–244; Last Letters #19, pp.110–111 and notes on pp.186–87; SLTM #76, pp.282–83. [L'Univers 503. Master Leder has been identified by Seymour B. House as Stephen Leder, Vicar of Ware, cf. Last Letters, note on pp.186–87. According to House, Leder died on February 6, 1535, three weeks after More sent his letter. Stephen Leder was the eldest brother of Oliver Leder, son of Thomas Leder, see http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1509-1558/member/leder-oliver-1497-1557.]
(L). From a Letter of Bonifacius Amerbach to Erasmus, Basel, 5 February [1535]. Allen 11:#2991/9–13, p.66. [L'Univers 503; Sullivan I:15: I hear of the calamity of More with heavy heart.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to Bonifacius Amerbach, [Freiburg], 18 February [1535]. Allen 11:#2996/3–7, p.71. [L'Univers 503; Sullivan I:331: More, still in the Tower, is treated with somewhat less rigor. His wife and children have access to him. Fisher is in like case but has no family.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Freiburg, 21 February [1535]. Allen 11:#2997/61–67, p.73. [L'Univers 503. I have not written anything to More or Fisher since I heard they were in prison. Although I am not in the habit of writing to my English friends anything which cannot be read by all. So dismiss this anxiety from your mind (quare pone istam solicitudinem). Margaret Mann Phillips comments: This remark can only mean that for [Erasmus] to write to either More or Fisher might worsen their position, and this is what Schets is advising him against (Moreana 39 (1973):100). Schets' letter of December 1534 is not extant.]
(L). From a Letter of Erasmus to Piotr Tomiczki, [Freiburg], 28 February [1535]. Allen 11:#3000/40–43, p.79. [L'Univers 503; Sullivan I:331: Still in prison are that good and learned man John, bishop of Rochester, and that unique star of England, Thomas More, but a short while ago the chancellor of the king.]
(L). More's Note on Perjury composed in the Tower, 1534–35. CW 6:Appendix B, pp.761–769, edited by Richard S. Sylvester. [Facsimile of BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol.437v (reduced) facing p.768. In the Royal MS, it follows Rogers #213 and precedes #217; in the first MS Arundel 152 version (fols. 293rv), it follows a copy of More's Indictment and precedes Rogers #214; and in the 2nd Arundel version (fol.300) it follows Rogers #197 and precedes #212.]
214 (E). From Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, 2 or 3 May 1535. BL MS Arundel 152, fol. 294r–295v? (facsimile of 294r online at http://blogs.bl.uk/digitisedmanuscripts/2016/07/the-execution-of-sir-thomas-more.html, click on facsimile image to enlarge); BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 427v; English Works p.1451; Rogers #214, pp.550–554; SL #63, pp.244–248; Last Letters #20, pp.112–115 and notes on pp.187–89; SLTM #77, pp.284–89; TMSB pp.343–46; Trial by Jury App.I.4, pp.142–44, 100–102. [Account of More's Second Interrogation, 2–3 May, 1535.]
—— (L). A godly instruccion, written in latyne . . . .1534 [1535?]. (EW 1557) Quod pro fide mors fugienda non est. (Opera Omnia 1565). EW 1557 pp.1421[1405]–1408; CW 13: 209–213; CW 14/1: 629–645. [Some of the material from the H gathering of the Valencia MS (see next item) was published in a rearranged form possibly made by More himself but more likely an editorial assemblage in EW 1557 together with an anonymous English translation. (The Latin text was reprinted in the Louvain 1565 Opera omnia). See CW 14/2: 743–745 and CW 13: cxlv–cxlvii. Rastell dates this work to 1534. According to Martz and Sylvester in Thomas More's Prayer Book, In Professor Miller's opinion, the final gathering of the Valencia MS. was almost certainly written before the earlier gatherings (1969: xxxi,n2). In CW 14/2, Miller states that: the last gathering was only adventitiously added to the seven gatherings containing the De Tristitia, and the internal evidence shows no organic relationship between the last gathering and the De Tristitia (pp.743–744).]
—— (L). De tristitia tedio pavore et oratione christi ante captionem eius Matthaei 26 Marci 14 Lucae 22° Ioannis 18°. [late Spring 1535 (Before June 12th?)]. (Autograph MS) Patriarca (Royal College of Corpus Christi), Valencia, MS in the Chapel of Relics; CW 14/1: 1–625; (Mary Basset's translation); EW 1557 1350–1404; CW 14/2: 1075–1165. [The Yale edition includes a facsimile of the autograph MS in Barcelona, together with a modern English translation by Clarence H. Miller. For the date and circumstances of composition of the MS, see CW 14/2: 737–45. Seymour House dates the De tristitia to the late spring of 1535 after [More] was certain he faced the challenge of martyrdom rather than life in prison (Moreana 45:174 (2008): 35). The text of the De tristitia is followed by a series of folios (gathering H (pp.627–691) containing a pastiche made up of sentences and short paragraphs by More interspersed throughout the scriptural catena which comprises the last gathering (H) of the Valencia Holograph (CW 14/2: 743). See also previous item.]
—— (E/L). Prison Poetry, 1534–1535. [After May 4, 1535?] EW 1557, p.1432 (1433); Roper 81:/15–82/7; Harpsfield 180/10–181/10 (and n. on p.348); Ro. Ba. 224/16–226/9; (Stapleton Tres Thomae ch.16, end of chapter (p.***); (cf. CW 3/2: #278, pp.302–303, p.67, and nn. on p.424) CW 1:44–46, xxxi–xxxii, cxvii–cxx, nn. on p.208; http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Fortune_Poems.pdf. (E/Fr.) Germain Marc'hadour, ed., Poèmes anglais: édition bilingue, trans. André Crépin (Angers: Éditions Moreanum, 2004), 147–155. [Roper and Harpsfield only include the text of Lewis the Lost Lover; Ro. Ba. adds Davy the Dicer; Harpsfield includes the first four lines of CW 3/2: #278, dated by Fowler to 1532; and Stapleton translates More's two rhyme royal stanzas into Latin verse (quoted by Marc'hadour (2004): 148–49). According to Edwards: though there is little to warrant Ro. Ba.'s addition of the Davy the Dicer to it, . . . it is reasonable to suppose that one [stanza] was written not long after the other (p.xxxii).]
215 (E). Lady More to Thomas Cromwell, May 1535. Howard, A Collection of Letters, 1753, p.271; calendared in LP 8:800, p.301; Cresacre More (ed. Hunter) 1828, p.373; Rogers #215, pp.554–555; Last Letters #21, pp.116–117 and notes on p.189; SLTM #78, pp.289–290. [L'Univers 505; Sullivan 2:336 (partial quotation).]
. Sir Thomas More, 3 June 1535. PRO SP 2/R, fols. 24–25; calendared in LP 8:#814, p.309; Trial by Jury App.I.5, p.145 (from LP); cf. Harpsfield 175–76; and Rogers intro. to #216, p.555. [This document gives More's answers to questions put by Thomas Audley, Lord Chancellor, and others, 3 June 27, Henry VIII.]
216 (E). Thomas More to Margaret Roper, [Tower of London, 3 June 1535]. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 431; English Works p.1452; Rogers #216, pp.555–559; SL #64, pp.249–253; Last Letters #22, pp.118–22 and notes on pp.190; SLTM #79, pp.290–96; TMSB pp.347–51; Trial by Jury App.I.6, p.145–48, 102–106. [L'Univers 507. Account of More's Final Interrogation, 3 June, 1535.]
— (E). Interrogations of the Tower Servants, 7–11 June 1535. PRO SP 1/93, fols. 52–62; calendared in LP #856, pp. 326–331; Trial by Jury App. I.8, pp.150–57 (adapted from LP). [L'Univers 507. Deals mainly with Fisher, but also with the letters exchanged by Fisher and More, with brief mentions of the aid offered to them both by Antonio Bonvisi.]
— (E). Report of Conversation between Sir Thomas More and Sir Richard Rich, Tower of London, 12 June 1535. PRO S.P. 2/R, fols. 24–25 [New foliation 21–22]; (mentioned in LP 8:#814, 2, ii, p.309); E. E. Reynolds, Trial 166–67 and The Field is Won (London: Burns & Oates, 1968), App.II:385–86, etc.; Trial by Jury App.I.9, pp.157–59. [L'Univers 507. This text is badly damaged; Trial by Jury includes a modernized version with the lacunae conjecturally filled, based in part on the Indictment. The document confirms most of the details of Rich's perjury as reported by Roper. The document seems to be incomplete and does not include More's reply.]
— . Tower Interrogation of Fisher, 12 June 1535. BL Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fols. 165–167v [Bruce gives fol. 169]; Summary in LP 8:#858, pp.331–32; Bruce #6, pp.95–99; Lewis 2: pp.407–13; Reynolds Fisher 267–270 (276–80 rev. ed.); Trial by Jury App. I.10, pp.159–63 (modernization of Lewis). [L'Univers 506. Deals mainly with the letters exchanged by Fisher and More. The record of the interrogation is in the hand of John ap Rice the notary with Fisher's signature at the bottom of each page.]
—. Tower Interrogations of Fisher and More, 14 June 1535. PRO SP 6/7, fols. 5–9; St.P. I/2:#31–#32, pp.431–436 (full text); Summary in LP 8:#867 (i–iv), pp.340–42; Reynolds Trial 101–104; Fisher 284 (rev. ed.); Trial by Jury App. I.11, pp.163–65 (adapted from LP). [L'Univers 506, 507. Full text given in St.P. I/2:#31–32; detailed summary in LP 8:#867 and Trial by Jury App. I.11.]
— (E). Cromwell's Remembrances, c18 June 1535. BL MS Titus B.1, fol. 475rv; calendared in LP 8:#892, pp.353–54; The King's Good Servant, facsimile on most of the front page on Inside Front Cover, and also #245, p.126; and also David Starkey, Henry VIII p.159, #157; Trial by Jury App. I.13, pp.167–68 (mostly from LP). [Sullivan I:230. The day before More's trial. In the hand of a clerk with occasional interlinear additions in Cromwell's own hand. Cromwell's Remembrances to be remembered at my next going into court were a series of notes extending over many years. *** ]
  1. (L/E) (Rogers 217). From Thomas More to Antonio Bonvisi, Tower of London, [c18 June or earlier] 1535. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 438; English Works p.1455; Basle (1563) p.494; Jortin II.702–704; Rogers #217, pp.559–563; SL #65, pp.253–256 (from EW1557), also available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/More%20to%20Antonio%20Bonvisi.pdf; McCutcheon (see note), pp.55–56; Last Letters #23, pp.123–26, and n. on pp.190–91; SLTM #80, pp.296–99; TMSB, pp. 182–84 (both from McCutcheon). [L'Univers 507. English Works, Rogers and Last Letters give Latin text followed by William Rastell's English translation. For a commentary, see Elizabeth McCutcheon, The Apple of my Eye: Thomas More to Antonio Bonvisi—A Reading and a Translation, Moreana 71/72 (1981): 37–56 (Online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/moreana/Moreana71-72pages37-56.pdf). For a life of Antonio Bonvisi [Buonvisi], see ODNB; Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani vol.15 (1972), pp.295–99, online at http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/antonio-buonvisi_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/; McCutcheon's article cited above; Rogers intro. to #34, pp.87–88; and C. D. Ford, Good Master Bonvisi, Clergy Review ns 27 (1947): 228–35. For the dating see L'Univers 507 and McCutcheon, p.50n1.]
  2. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Basel, 18 June 1535. Allen 11:#3025/3–9, p.142. [L'Univers 507; Sullivan I:331: Rafaele Maruffo visited me on his return journey to his native land [Genoa] from England where he had lived for many years. He told me much of England but nothing of death. Fisher has lost his sight in prison. Concerning More he fears he cannot escape execution. The king has conceived such ire against him that he has confiscated all his goods.]
  3. Henry VIII's Order to Publicize the Guilt of Fisher and More, June 25th, 1535. BL MS Cleopatra E.vi, fol. 214; Burnet 6: 106–109; calendared in LP 8:#921, p.362 and Preface, p.xxxix; Trial by Jury App. I.14, pp.169–71. [Fisher had been executed on 22nd June, but More's trial did not start until the next day!]
  4. (E). Sermon of Simon Matthew, Prebendary of St. Paul Justifying the Condemnations of More and Fisher, 27 June 1535. Published as A sermon made in the cathedrall churche of Saynt Paule at London, the XXVII. day of June, Anno. 1535. by Symon Matthewe. London: Berthelet, 30th July 1535. [STC 17656; ESTC S102306; Boswell #429 (includes 25 line quote referring to More and Fisher see also quote in Zeeveld below); Gibson #407; Sullivan Sup.74–75. Part of Cromwell's propaganda campaign to justify Royal Ecclesiastical Sumpremacy, including condemnations of More and Fisher, preached after Fisher's death, but while More's trial was still in progress. See W. Gordon Zeeveld, An Apology for an Execution, Essential Articles, pp.199–201.]
  5. (L). The Indictment of Sir Thomas More, Westminster, 28 June 1535. Harpsfield App.III:267–76. For English translation, see English Historical Documents, Vol. V: 1485–1558. Ed. C. H. Williams (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1967) 483–87; Trial by Jury App.I.16, pp.175–85 (Latin from Harpsfield; English translation by H. A. Kelly).
  6. (E/L). More's Trial, June 26 to July 1, 1535 (Bag of Secrets). PRO KB 8/7, part 3; calendared in LP 8:#974,pp.384–35; Trial by Jury App. I.15, pp.172–75 (based on LP, with translation of Latin Text by H.A. Kelly). [L'Univers 507. More was sentenced to be hung, drawn, and quartered, though in the event, his sentence was commuted to beheading.]
  7. More's Trial, Roper's Account, 1 July, 1535. Roper ***, etc. Add also the Guildhall and Pole's Accounts. [L'Univers 507.]
  8. (Fr). Report of Sir John Spelman, 1 July 1935. (Fr/E) Spelman I:58; Trial by Jury App.I.18, pp.195. [Brief account of More's trial in Law French by one of More's Judges. The immediately preceding cases on pp.57–58 deal with the trials of Fisher and the Carthusians. See also E. E. Reynolds, One of Thomas More's Judges, Moreana 54 (1977): 27–29.]
  9. (E). A devout prayer, made by Sir Thomas More Knight, after he was condemned to die . . ., 1–5 July 1535. EW 1557 1417–19; CW 13: 228–31, nn. on pp. 314–15; Marc'hadour, Thomas More's Last Prayer, Praying with Saint Thomas More (Angers: Moreanum, 1998), 57–70; Marc'hadour, (E./Fr.) Prions avec Saint Thomas More (Angers: Moreanum, 1997), 112–144; Available online in PDF Format at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/A%20DEVOUT%20PRAYER.pdf
  10. (E) (Rogers 218). Thomas More to Margaret Roper, Tower of London, 5 July 1535. BL MS Royal 17.D.xiv. fol. 426; English Works p.1457; [Latin trans. in Tres Thomae p.334]; Rogers #218, pp.563–595; SL #66, pp.256–258. Last Letters #24, pp.127–28 and notes on pp.191–94; SLTM #81, pp.299–300. [L'Univers 509. The last letter of More before his death on 6 July 1535.]
  11. Execution of Thomas More, 6 July 1535. On More's Last Words before his execution, see TMSB 357–58; Trial by Jury, pp.107–108. [Univers 509.]

After More's Death (7th July–End of 1535

  1. A Rumour of More's Death reaches Charles V, 9th July 1535. [L'Univers 509: Une gazette envoyée d'Anvers à Charles Quint, en italien[?], contient la rumeur que le Roi d'Angleterre a fait coupe la tête à Th. More (De Prada [1962], p358).] [***Get Documentation***]
  2. Eustace Chapuys, 11 July 1535. See Moreana 52:199/200 (2015): 219 LP 8:#1019, p.*.
  3. (Fr). The Paris News Letter, Paris, [Before 23 July?] 1535. Harpsfield App.II:255–66 (base text Bibliothèque nationale, MS fr.2981); English trans.: LP 8:#996, pp.394–96 (see note below); The Essential Thomas More, 294–98 (from BN, MS fr.2981); SLTM, Appendix III.1, pp.325–28 and TMSB pp.352–55 (both reprinting LP #996). calendared (from the Spanish translation) in CSP Spain 5/1:#180. [Account of More's trial and execution in French translated from the Latin of the Guildhall Report (see above). The English translation in LP #996 is based on one of the Paris Manuscripts dated 4th August [not fr. 2981, which doesn't have the final note], the corrupt french text in Castelnau's Memoirs (1731 ed.; cf. Harpsfield 254), and the Spanish translations.]
  4. (L). Letter of P[hilipp] M[ontanus] to Casper Agrip[pinus], Paris, 23 July 1535. Published as Expositio fidelis de morte D. Thomae mori & quorundam aliorum insignium virorum in Anglia. Hieronymus Froben & Nikolaus Episcopius, [c.end of August?] 1535. [USTC 655683] online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10200209_00003.html; Allen 11:App.XXVII, pp.368–378 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/Appendix27.pdf); partially calendared (from Basel 1563 edition) in LP8:#1096, pp.429–30. [L'Univers 509 and n1; Sullivan I:337–38. The Expositio Fidelis was formerly attributed to Erasmus, but the attribution is no longer accepted. First published by Froben (Basle: 1535). The Contents are as follows: 1) Lines 1–28, An introductory paragraph followed by a brief topography of London; 2) Lines 29–211 contain a Latin translation (possibly via German) of The Paris News Letter; 3) Lines 211–286, A summary account of the trials and executions of the Carthusians, Richard Reynolds and Bishop John Fisher; 4) Lines 287–460, Some reflections on the events, especially on the death of More, including the comment: I would have liked the King to show less severity, and the victims not to defy the storm openly (Trial 5). Marc'hadour comments 23 juil.: date (peut-être fictive) de l'Expositio Fidelis. Erasmus did not know about More's death until c25th August, see #3036 below, so he can't be the author if the date is correct. There is no indication of when the Expositio was published though presumably it was some time no later than the publication of Erasmus' Ecclesiastae at the end of August 1535. It would be strange though if it had been printed by Froben without Erasmus' knowledge, which makes me suspect that it was probably published about the same time as the Ecclesiastae. For Philippus Montanus, see CE 2:448–49. Nothing is known about the recipient of the letter. The Basel 1563 edition of More's Lucubrationes changes the name to Gilbertus Cognatus (Gilbert Cousin), who was Erasmus's amanuensis in Basel, but who left Erasmus's service shortly afterwards, and who may have seen the Expositio through the press. The roles of recipient and sender are also reversed which is clearly impossible. For Gilbert Cousin, see CE 1:350–52.]
  5. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor, 25th July 1535. Wien. Rep. P.C., Fasc. 229 1/2, No. 39; calendared in CSP Spain 5/1:#183 [See Moreana 52:199/200 (2015): 219. I did likewise write to Your Majesty [in an earlier letter which doesn't survive] that in addition to three more Carthusians, executed in the same barbarous and cruel way as the former, two holy and virtuous martyrs, such as the cardinal bishop of Rochester, and Messire Morus, once High Chancellor of this kingdom, had been beheaded, to the great sorrow and regret of all classes of society here.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Conrad Heresbach to Erasmus, Dusseldorf, 28 July 1535. Allen 11:#3031/15–20, pp.196–197 [L'Univers 509. The main focus of the letter is the fall of Munster. Heresbach responds to a lost letter of Erasmus on 22nd July in which Erasmus laments the loss of his friends (cf. Allen #3041/161–70 below): Amicorum autem iacturam, quam deploras, partim furibundae quorundam tyrannidi . . . partim temporum horum perfidiae ac infelicitati imputare conuenit.]
  7. Letter of Bishop of Faenza [Rodolfo Pio de Carpi] to M. Ambrogio, 29th July 1535. Vatican Archives; BL Add. MS. 8715, f. 101 b; calendared in LP 8:#1141, p.446. [ Francis [I] spoke to him about More's death, and of the King's [Henry VIII's] iniquity, as clearly as possible. It would seem, as the cardinal [Jean] of Lorraine affirms, that he wishes for an occasion to declare against him. Saw tears in his eyes while he was telling what More said; of which the Grand Master [of Francis I's Household: Anne, Duc de Montmorency] has given him a copy, and he [de Carpi] has had it translated into Italian. The Italian translation commissioned by the Papal Nuncio, de Carpi, does not survive unless it same as the one included in Cardinal Schömberg's Letter of August 12th below. For the Life of Rodolfo Pio de Carpi, the nephew of one of Erasmus's Catholic critics Alberto Pio de Carpi (d.1531), see Wikipedia.]
  8. At Rome, the Papal Secretary of Paul III, Ambrogio Ricalcati, speaks to Pier Paolo Vergerio about the Execution of More, 5 August 1535. [***Need Documentation***: 107 Baroni, p. 239?] [L'Univers 509. For the life of Pier Paolo Vergerio the younger, see CE 3:387–88.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Conrad Goclenius to Erasmus, <Louvain> 10 August 1535. Basle MS., Goclenii Epistolae 9; Allen 11:#3037/92–113, pp.196–197, and intro. on pp.193–94; rpt. without attribution in Cochlaeus' Epistolae Nicolai Pape, 1536, fols. Cc iiiiv–Dd1, under the title Passio Episcopi Roffensis et Thome Mori per C. O. [for G.] descripta; translated by Sullivan II:34–35. [L'Univers 509; Sullivan II: 34–35: On July [6], Thomas More was beheaded in Britain, showing no less steadfastness in his trial and execution than Socrates of old, condemned by a most iniquitous decree of the Athenian senate. A few days before him the Bishop of Rochester was killed, against whom the wrath of the king blazed more violently for no other reason than that he had been appointed by the Pontiff to the College of Cardinals. But listen to what surpasses all savagery. His head, placed on a pole, was exposed for many days to the eyes of all but, it was attested, it not only did not decompose but even became an object of veneration. When this caused excitement it was soon removed from its place. And in order that there might not be anything in the case of More's head by which the populace might be religiously aroused, hear now a most monstrous deed. The story of Thyestes was renewed and his head only after being macerated by a long boiling so that it would disintegrate more quickly was placed on a pole. Three reasons are given. He refused to swear that he believed in the formula of Luther, that the Pontiff had no right in ecclesiastical affairs but that the king of England was head of the Anglican church, and that his last marriage was valid, the former wife repudiated. A letter was brought, written to Rochester that he would either be the leader or the companion in dying bravely for the truth. He asserted that he himself had done this and had done it rightly. Thus be the sentence of the judge the best man was allotted the end of life which I have described. When I have more information, I shall inform you of everything. The date in the letter reads Sexto Nonas lulii = 2 July; this is clearly incorrect.]
  10. From a letter of  Cardinal Schömberg [Schönberg] to Cardinal Caracciolo, 12th August 1535. Vatican Library, MS Vaticanus Latinus 3922, fols. 35–37; Girolamo Ruscelli, ed., A Monsignor Marino, Card. Caracciolo di Milano [Letter of Cardinal Schomberg to Cardinal Caracciolo of Milan, 12 August 1535.] Lettere di Principi, le quali o si scrivono da Principi ò à Principi, ò ragionan di Principi, libro primo, . . . 3? vols. Venice: Appresso Giordano Ziletti, 1562, rev. ed. 1564. 3rd ed. Venezia, Domenico Farri presso Francesco Toldi, 1573. Vol. 1: fols. 134–136 [misnumbered 139]. 1573 Online at http://books.google.ca/books?id=QkU8AAAAcAAJ&pg=PT335; Thomas Wheeler, An Italian Account of Thomas More's Trial and Execution, Moreana 26 (1970): 33–39; Clarence H. Miller, A Formerly Unknown Italian Translation of the Paris Newsletter Concerning the Trial and Execution of St. Thomas More. ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes, and Reviews 17/3 (Summer 2004): 20–26; briefly calendared (concluding remarks) in LP 9:#82, p.23. [USTC 804218, etc., (1573) 805102; L'Univers 509, 511. Cardinal Schömberg sends an Italian translation of the Paris Newsletter to Cardinal Caracciolo of Milan. The text is essentially the same as that found in MS MS Vaticanus Latinus 3922, apart from differences in spelling and punctuation, except that Schöberg's letter includes some introductory and concluding remarks. Wheeler transcribed the second edition of the Lettere. Miller transcribed the MS Vaticanus Latinus text, but ascribed it tentatively to Pole because he was unaware of Schömberg's letter. Wheeler thinks that Schömberg may simply be reproducing an earlier Italian translation made by the Papal Nuncio, Rudolfo Pio de Carpi before the 29th July, see above, which has not survived (33). In his introductory remarks, Cardinal Schömberg describes More as un huomo tanto da bene, innocente, valoroso e antico amico mio. (cet homme de bien, valeureux, innocent, mon ami de toujours). Schömberg may have met More in May 1524 when he visited England. For Schömberg's life, see entry for May 1524; for his support for Erasmus, see the Letter of Ambrosius von Gumppenberg, dated 21st August 1525 (Allen 11:#3047/40–44 and n., p.213). For the life of Marino Caracciolo, see CE 1:264–65.]
  11. (L/Sp). Tratados varios. Crónica del Rey Enrique de Inglaterra, octavo de este nombre. Iuditium et mors Thomae Mori. Carta de Nicolo Scombrago, Cardenal de Capua al Cardenal Caracciolo de Mil´n en que le da cuenta de la muerte de Tomás Moro gran Chanciller de Inglaterra. [After 12th August 1535.] La Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Mss/6381 (S.XVI), fols. 110–113v [Images 113–117]. Online at http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?lang=en&id=0000111957&page=113 [Hitchcock p.254? Spanish translation of Cardinal Schömberg's letter of 12th August 1535. The translation is preceded by a Latin text: Iuditium et mors Thome Mori, fols. 107–112v [Images 110–113]. The text begins: Thomas Morus nuper regni Bretanici cancellarius . . . (fol.110v) and ends palam protestans, ac denuntians se mori eius fidelem ministrum, imprimis tamen Dei omnipotens (fol.110v), which seems to be a transcription of the Latin account of More's death in Novitates quaedam (rather than the Guildhall MS), see Trial by Jury p.193n33 and fol.109. For another Spanish translation of the Paris Newsletter, see 6th October 1535 below. The Chronicle seems to be the same one as that edited by Mariano Roca de Togores Molíns, available online at https://archive.org/details/crnicadelreyenr00molgoog/ (1874).]
  12. (L). From a letter of  Tielmann Gravius to Erasmus, Cologne, 17 August 1535. Allen 11:#3041/161–170, p.204. [L'Univers 511; Sullivan I:46–47: Gravius vehemently bewails the fate of the Bishop of Rochester and Thomas More, the news of which he presumes has already reached Erasmus to his great sorrow. The Bishop was first led to the place of execution. The heads of both were placed on stakes on London bridge that they might be viewed by the populace. There is naught but fear in that kingdom where for such a cause these good men were done to death. A like savagery was practised against the Carthusians a little while ago. This was told me by Arnold Brinkmann, who while these events took place was in England and witnessed some of them. For the life of Tielmannus Gravius, see CE 2:125–26.]
  13. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus Schets to Erasmus, Antwerp, 17 August 1535. Allen 11:#3042/10–16, p.205. [L'Univers 511. Brief mention of deaths of More and Fisher.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Damião de Góis, Basel, 18 August 1535. Allen 11:#3043 /114–117, p.209. [L'Univers 511; Sullivan 1:331. The king of England rages against certain monks, he has for a long time had More and Fisher in prison, but Erasmus has heard a rumor that they are dead (Rex Angliae saeuit in quosdam monachos, Episcopum Roffensem et Thomam Morum iampridem habet in carcere. Haec nimium vera. Qui e Brabantia veniunt, narrant de vtroque sumptum capitis supplicium: eum rumorem optarem esse vanum).]
  15. (E). From a letter of  Cromwell to Sir John Wallop, Thornbury, 23 August [1535]. PRO S.P. 1/95, fols. 155–162; LP 9.157 (p.113), copies in Longleat House and Bath; Merriman 1:#113, pp.416–420, online at https://archive.org/stream/lifeandletterst00merrgoog#page/n432/mode/2up; Slavin #19, pp.44–50; (excerpt) W. Walters, Sir Thomas More: His Life and Times (1839):360–62; ` [Sullivan I:230; cf. L'Univers 511. Cromwell instructs the English Ambassador to France to justify Henry VIII's doings to Francis I, especially the executions of More and Fisher.]
  16. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Bartholomew Latomus, Basle, 24 August 1535. Allen 11:#3048/48–63, pp.215–216; Hillerbrand #3048/39–97, p.286; DeMolen pp.181–182; Huizinga XXII: 252–53. For Huizinga's translation, see https://archive.org/details/erasmusandtheage22900gut. [Brief mention of execution of More and Fisher: Many French nobles have fled here for fear of the winter storm, after having been recalled.[By the Edict of Courcy] The lion shall roar, who shall not fear? says the Prophet [Amos 3:8]. A like terror has seized the English, from an unlike cause. Certain monks have been beheaded and among them a monk of the Order of St. Bridget [Richard Reynolds] was dragged along the ground, then hanged, and finally drawn and quartered. There is a firm and probable rumour here that the news of the Bishop of Rochester having been co-opted by Paul III as a cardinal caused the King to hasten his being dragged out of prison and beheaded — his method of conferring the scarlet hat. It is all too true that Thomas More has been long in prison and his fortune confiscated. It was being said that he too had been executed, but I have no certain news as yet. Would that he had never embroiled himself in this perilous business and had left the theological cause to the theologians. The other friends who from time to time honoured me with letters and gifts now send nothing and write nothing from fear, and accept nothing from anyone, as if under every stone there slept a scorpion (Huizinga p.252)]
  17. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Christopher of Stadion, Basel, 6 [c25th] August 1535. Ecclesiastae sive de ratione concionandi libri quatuor, opus recens, nec antehac à quoquam excusum. Basel: Hieronymus Froben & Nikolaus Episcopius, 1535. sigs. a2–a3.(USTC 635475) Online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/en/fs1/object/display/bsb10143947_00003.html Allen 11:#3036/63–100 (Fisher), 102–104 (More), p.192; —. English trans. in Erasmus: Spiritualia and Pastoralia: Exomologesis and Ecclesiastes. Edited by Frederick J. McGinness, Translated by Michael J. Heath and James L.P. Butrica, Annotated by Michael J. Heath and Frederick J. McGinness, Contributing Editor Alexander Dalzell Collected Works of Erasmus Vols. 68. 243–245. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015. [L'Univers 509, 511; Sullivan I:317–18; Gibson 270. Preface to Ecclesiastes sive de ratione concionendi libri quattuor. (On Preaching). Panegyric of Fisher and brief praise of More: What cruel adversity is this which has robbed me of my worthiest friends: First William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, next William Mountjoy, then the Bishop of Rochester and Thomas More who had been the highest judge in the kingdom, whose heart was more pure than any snow, whose genius was such as England never had, yea and ever shall have, mother of good wits though England be (Sullivan). The sections on the deaths of More and Fisher were added after the 6th August: Interest in the book was quickened by the Preface, or rather by those paragraphs of it in which Erasmus spoke of the deaths of More and Fisher. These paragraphs—and, indeed, the idea of dedicating the book to Christopher of Stadion—(see 11. 93–7) were, it seems likely, an afterthought. The preface is dated 6 Aug. But as late as 24 Aug. Erasmus was still ignorant that More and Fisher were dead (Ep. 3048). By 26 Aug. he had received the news (Ep. 3049), no doubt from Goclenius' letter of 10 Aug., Ep. 3037 (where see 92n). For Christopher of Stadion's reply of 27th November, see Allen #3073 below. The Ecclesiastes was published by Froben by 1st September. There were also pirated editions published in Antwerp in 1535, and Froben published another edition in 1536 (see USTC).]
  18. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Piotr Tomiczki, Basle, 31 August 1535. Allen 11:#3049/160–64, p.221 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE3049.pdf; Hillerbrand 3049/58–74, 160–64, p.288. [L'Univers 511; Sullivan I:332. Brief mention of execution of More and Fisher: What happened in England to the Bishop of Rochester and to Thomas More, the holiest and best pair of men England ever had, you will find out from a section of the letter which I am forwarding to you [see Ep.3037]. In More I feel as if I had died myself; there was but one soul between us, as Pythagoras says. But such is the ebb and flow of human affairs. Tomiczki refers briefly to Fisher's death in Ep.3066/24–25, written on 25 October 1535, the day before his own death.]
  19. (L). From a letter of  Cromwell to Sir Gregory da Casale, Brumham, [?Beginning of] September 1535. PRO S.P. 1/96, fols. 24v–25; St.P. 7.no.436 (pp.633–636***); calendared at LP 9:#240, p.81. Merriman 1:#122, pp.427–431; online at https://archive.org/stream/lifeandletterst02merrgoog#page/n421/mode/2up cf. Reynolds Fisher 290–291. [Cromwell instructs Casale, a naturalized Englishman and one of the English Ambassadors to Rome, to explain to the Pope the reasons for the executions of More and Fisher, that they were men proved guilty of high treason.]
  20. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Conrad Goclenius, Basle, 2 September 1535. Allen 11:#3052/25–30, p.226 (Available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/Erasmus/EE3052.pdf. [L'Univers 511; Sullivan I:332. Erasmus refers contemptuously to Étienne Dolet's Erasmianus sive Ciceronianus (1535), in which More appears as a character who is a strawman for the Erasmian position: Aleander recently sent me a furious book under the name of Dolet; in it More whom he knew to be in prison is unkindly treated . . . the powerful More is represented as speaking with timidity (Sullivan).]
  21. Reginald Pole writes his Pro ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione Padua, 4th September 1535–30th March 1536. [Contains extensive references to More and Fisher, including an account of More's Trial, see above. ]
  22. (L). From Abbot Whiting to Cromwell, Glastonbury, 9 September [1535?]. Stat. Pap. Misc. Corresp. 2 Ser. xiii.58; Ellis III.ii.244, pp.349–350; ***Check LP etc.*** [Orig. Whiting sends Cromwell the grant under convent seal, of the corrodye which Sir Thomas More had lately held, see above 1 June 1519 above.]
  23. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Louis Ber, Basle, 12 September 1535. Allen 11:#3056/19–21 and n., p.230. [L'Univers 511; Sullivan I:332: I send you two letters out of England by the ambassador of the Emperor [Chapuys] which describe the martyrdoms of Fisher, More, and the learned and noble man, Reynolds The MS rather bizarrely reads Reginaldus Polus, but Allen argues this must be a mistake for Reynolds.]
  24. (L). From a letter of  Conrad Goclenius to Erasmus, Louvain, 28 September 1535. Allen 11:#3061/32–38, p.236; Sullivan II:35. [L'Univers 511; Sullivan II:35. Goclenius mentions his source for Allen #3037: Thomas Theobald related to me the circumstances by which More was condemned to death which I have recently related to you. Meanwhile the affair has been written out at length more exactly. Lest you think I added rashly what I wrote about the more than British savagery on the heads of the dead men, Cornelis de Schepper has narrated it as absolutely certain information. Theobald (or Tybbold) was actually an English government agent, see Allen #3037/114–15 and n., p.197. For Cornelis de Schepper, see CE 3:218–20. See also De Schepper's letter to John Dantiscus on 27 October 1535.]
  25. (E). Simon Heynes to Cromwell, 2 October 1535. PRO; LP 9:#521, p.170. [L'Univers 511. Erasmus is said to have written a book wherein he do sore inveie against the Kynges Highness for the deth of Mr. More; it is not out yet, but it is expected to be sold at next Frankford mart.]
  26. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress Isabel, 6th October 1535. CSP Spain 5/1:#208. [L'Univers 513; Moreana 52/199–200 (2015): 220n35. Dr. Ortiz enclosed a copy of passion and martyrdom of the said More.]
  27. (Sp). La copia de la pasión y martirio de Thomas Mauro enío aquí a V. Maj. [Before 6th October 1535] Archives of Simancas, MS Estado; Leg. 863; Doc. 44. [Hitchcock 254. Imperfect. Attached to a letter from Dr. Ortiz to the Empress Isabel, 6th October 1535, see Moreana 52/199–200 (2015): 220n35. There is another Spanish translation ]
  28. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Leonard de Gruyère, Basel, 12 October 1535. Allen 11:#3063 /16–23, p.238. [L'Univers 513; Sullivan 1:332: My secretary, Gilbert Cousin, will send a copy of Ecclesiastae . . . and information about the new martyrs Committam opus Ecclesiastae Gilberto Cognato, amanuensi meo, si possit ferre onus. Ex eo multa cognoscas licebit, quae non vacat scribere, de Lodouico Bero, de nouis martyribus, et caetera.]
  29. (L). From a letter of  Cornelis de Schepper to John Dantiscus, Lüneberg, 27 October 1535. Henri De Vocht, John Dantiscus and His Netherlandish Friends: As Revealed by Their Correspondence 1522–1546, Humanistica Lovaniensia 16 (Louvain: Librairie Universitaire, 1961), pp.252–53. [L'Univers 513. De Schepper writes about king Henry VIII of England, who murdered Fisher and More, quorum capita perticis affixa moestum populo in ponte Londoniense spectaculum praebuere. Causa mortis: quod nollent eum fateri caput esse ecclesiae Anglicanae et pontificem maximum regni illius: simul quod incestas ipsius nuptias detestarentur. Agit ibidem adhuc Eustathius noster [Chapuys], quem Vulpeculam nosti dictum esse, Oratorem nomine Caesaris, magna cum gratia ordinum omnium, et summa cum prudentia. Ex cuius ad me literis de morte Roffensis et Mori et aliorum factus sum certior. Answered by Dantiscus on 23rd December 1535. For John Dantiscus, besides De Vocht's study, see CE 1:327.]
  30. (L). From a letter of  Paul Volz to Erasmus, Strasbourg, 4 November 1535. Allen 11:#3069/22–23 and n., p.249. [L'Univers 513. Expositiones quatuor Morianae necis, Batto nostro Rhenano inscriptas, quam ocyssime misi. Marc'hadour comments: Est-ce 4 récits différents ou 4 exemplaires du même?]
  31. (L). From a letter of  Viglius Zuichemus [Wigla Aytta] to Erasmus, Spires, 17 November 1535. Allen 11:#3071/23–26, p.251. [L'Univers 513. Everyone laments the death of More.]
  32. (L). From a letter of  Christopher of Stadion to Erasmus, Dillingen, 27 November 1535. Allen 11:#3073/10–20, p.255. [L'Univers 513. Condemns Henry VIII's execution of More and Fisher.]
  33. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Damião de Góis, Basel, 15 December 1535. Allen 11:#3076/18–21 and nn., pp.259–260. [L'Univers 513; Sullivan 1:332. Italice non intelligo, sed curabo vertendum quod vertit Polus. Mitto vicissim historiam bonae fidei; in qua qui ex Anglia redeunt, et actis interfuerunt, negant quicquam esse falsi; nisi quod pauciores Carthusiani fuerunt affecti supplicio. I do not understand Italian but I will see to it that Pole’s translation is translated. In return I am sending him a trustworthy account, in which those who have returned from England and were present at the events claim there is nothing false. . . . Erasmus thanks Damião de Gois for having sent him an account in Italian supposedly translated by Reginald Pole about the death of More. Erasmus in return is sending a faithful history (historiam bonae fidei)) in Latin, perhaps the Expositio Fidelis (see Allen's notes). The Italian account is probably that of Cardinal Schömberg (See 12th August 1535). Pole did write an account of More's Trial in Latin, see ***., published in Pro ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione (Rome: 1539?), but there is no evidence that he translated it into Italian. For Gois' reply of 22 December giving details of Fisher's death (#3078 and #3079), see Fisher's Correspondence.]
  34. Glaubwirdiger bericht von dem Todt des Edlen Hochgelerten Herrn Thome Mori, und anderer herlicher Menner in Engellandt getödtet, durch ein Epistel eynem güten freundt zügeschickt auss Latein in Teutsch vertholmetschet. Translated by Gregorius Wickgramm. With Epistle Dedicatory to Friderich von Hadstat, Regent of the king of the Romans in Upper Alsace, dated Colmar, 22 Dec. 1535. Freiburg im Bresgau: Johannes Faber aus Emmich, 1535. Online at http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0007/bsb00076481/images/ [USTC 659908; Hitchcock p.256; Gibson 423. LP 8: #996; Trapp–Herbrüggen 255; BL 697, c.43. Translated from the Latin of the Expositio Fidelis.]
  35. (L). From a letter of  John Dantiscus to Cornelius de Schepper, Löbau, 23 December 1535. Henri De Vocht, John Dantiscus, pp.257–58. [L'Univers 513: Miserandum interitum Thomae Mori & Fisher quis non perhorrescat ac doleat! Contingit illis hoc quod multis prius Sanctis et bonis viris pro veritate varijs supplicjs et necibus affectis! Atqui tyrannus iste Dei judicium et justiciam non, imprime cum pellice et adultera, suisque complicibus, euadet! Quae in bis Pontifex Regi meo scripsit, mitto tibi exemplum. Dominus Deus dabit Carolo Caesari nostro flagellum contra hunc publicum adulterium, et optimorum virorum truculentissimum occisorem!]
  36. Beschreybung des urtheyls und todts, weiland des Gross Cantzlers in Engenlandt, Herrn Thomas Morus, Darumb das er desselben Reichs Ratschlag und newen Statuten nit hat wöllen anhangen. Auss einem welschen truck verteutscht. Nürnberg: haer. Friedrich Peypus, 1535. [USTC 616128; Hitchcock p.254; Gibson 423; Sullivan I:78; BL 1202, c. 33(1). Translated from the Paris Newsletter.]
  37. (E). A Letter sent to Dame Katheryn Manne from Dan John Bouge, 1535. PRO; Gairdner, James, ed., English Historical Review 7 (1892): 712–15; Nugent 547–49. [Sullivan 1:113. Reminiscences of More and Fisher.]
  38. Richard Sampson. Oratio de dignitate et potestatis regis London: Thomas Berthelet [1535?]. [STC 21681; ESTC S104672; Gibson #509; L'Univers 498n12; Sullivan 4:13; Boswell #570. A defence of Royal Supremacy. See W. Gordon Zeeveld, An Apology for an Execution, Essential Articles, p.204. According to Zeeveld, Sampson's Oratio represented the official position on the divorce and Sampson had not written against Fisher and More at all (204). For the life of Sampson who had served with More on the 1515 Utopian embassy, see Allen #780. Cochlaeus' 1536 Defensio (see below) attacks Sampson's Oratio extensively. As does Reginald Pole, see Pole's Defense of the Unity of the Church (see Index to Dwyer's translation).]

1536

  1. Death of Catherine of Aragon at Kimbolton, 7 January 1536. [L'Univers 516.]
  2. (L). From a letter of  Damião de Góis to Erasmus, Padua, 26 January 1536. Allen 11:#3085/17–24, p.270. [L'Univers 517; Sullivan 2:37: I am grateful to you for your report of the death of Thomas More. It was a gift most grateful to us. Your friends, however, of which you have many learned ones marvel that you have not written much more concerning the deaths of such dear and intimate friends. Some say the mention you made of in the Preface to Ecclesiastes concerning him and the fate of Fisher was not worthy of such men.]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Eustace Chapuys to Erasmus, London, 1 February 1536. Allen 11:#3090 /29–41, 88–90, pp.276–277. [L'Univers 517; Sullivan 1:191: A long letter in which he tells of the death of Queen Catherine, sanctissimae feminae, and says that he knows Erasmus still mourns the deaths of Warham, Rochester, More, Mountjoy and others.]
  4. Cochlaeus, John. Defensio Clarissimorum virorum Ioannis Fischeri Episcopi Roffensis et Thomae Mori Baronis et Cancellarii Angliae / Adversus Richardum Sampsonem Anglium. per Ioannem Cochlaeum. Antiqua et insignis epistola Nicolai Pape .i. ad Michaelem Imperatorem Augustum ante annos DC data . . . Lipsiae: Ex officina Melchioris Lottheri, [27 February] 1536. X4–cc1. Excerpt in Stapleton [from Sig.Bbiiii–Cci: Quid vero aut laudis aut favoris . . . . & praecingit fune renes eorum, just before Cochlaeus's letters to/from More: Fragmenta quarumdam Thomae Mori Epistolarum], Tres Thomae 354–55; Hallett 221–22 [198–99]. Available online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. (Digital Copies available through USTC.) [USTC 611907; Gibson #139; Shaaber M216; L'Univers 517; Sullivan I:205–206 (25 lines translated from Stapleton); Boswell #570. Contains numerous passages in defense of More and Fisher. Also attacks Sampson's 1535 Oratio (see above). See W. Gordon Zeeveld, An Apology for an Execution, Essential Articles, pp.204–205.]
  5. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Gilbert Cousin, Basel, 11 March 1536. Allen 11:#3104/16–23, p.296. [L'Univers 517; Sullivan 1:332–33: England is still in the grips of death and terror. Cromwell is second only to the king in power. . . Only Thomas Bedyll dared to write to me and Eustace Chapuys, the emperor's ambassador, with perhaps too much freedom. I believe the English have not yet seen the Preface to my Ecclesiastes.]
  6. Dolet, Étienne. Commentarium Linguae Latinae Tomus Primus. Lyon: S. Gryphius, 20/22 April, 1536. I: 473–75. For digital copies, see USTC. [USTC 147027; Gibson 254; Sullivan 1:285; L'Univers 519. It is dedicated to Francis I and has a Preface to Guillaume Budé in which he says More was as happily gifted with literary talent, as he was unhappy in his unjust and unfortunate fate and deplores his execution. However, Dolet continued to attack Erasmus. For the passages dealing with More in the Commentarium and Book IV of Dolet's 1538 Carmina, see Emile V. Telle, Étienne Dolet et Thomas More. Moreana 36 (): 33–38.]
  7. Novitates quaedam ex diversorum praestantium epistolis desumptae, de sanctorum in regno Angliae persequutione ac martyrii constantia. Ioannis Roffensis Episcopi ac Cardinalis, Thomae Mori quondam regii cancellarii nonnulorum aliorum . . . Breue Apostolicum ad Regem Rhomanorum Ferdinandum contra hanc crudelitatem. Tria epigrammata lepidissima Pasquilli, etc Doctoris cuiusdam sacrae theologiae. Cologne, 24 April 1536. [1535?] [BL 4902.aaa.29 and G.11693; Wolfenbüttel (De), Herzog August Bibliothek; USTC 678649; Gibson 441; L'Univers 519, 523 and Moreana 1 (1963):78. See J. Duncan M. Derrett, ed. Neglected Versions of the Contemporary Account of the Trial of Sir Thomas More. Bulletin of the Institute for Historical Research 33 (1960): 202–23.]
  8. Arrest of Ann Boleyn, Accused of Adultery and Incest, 2 May 1536. [L'Univers 518.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus Schets to Erasmus, Antwerp, 8 May 1536. Allen 11:#3119/1–13, p.321. [L'Univers 521. Reports the arrest of Ann Boleyn and the charges of adultery and incest.]
  10. Zanobio Ceffino, Stanza di Zanubio Ceffino Fiorentino Sopra l'Eresia del Re d'Inghilterra e sopra la Morte di Tomasso Moro Gran Cancellaro. Turin: 11 May, 1536. Edited by Alberto Castelli, Un poemetto inedito del Secolo XVI in onere di San Tommaso Moro. Aevum (April-Sept; 1938): 225–52. [L'Univers 519; Sullivan I:179; Gibson 229. The poem consists of 94 octaves (8 line stanzas) or 752 lines.]
  11. Execution of Ann Boleyn at Tower Hill, 19 May 1536. [L'Univers 518.]
  12. Reginald Pole sends a Manuscript copy of Pro ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione to Henry VIII, 27 May 1536. [L'Univers 518. According to Dwyer: The original manuscript of the De unitate [is] preserved in the Rolls House, London (342, cf. xvi–xvii). The publication date of first edition is given variously as 1536–1539.]
  13. (L). From a letter of  Gilbert Cousin [Cognatus] to Erasmus, [?Nozeroy], [c30 May 1536]. Allen 11:#3123/83–88, p.329. [L'Univers 519; Sullivan I:222: Death will reunite you with your patron, Archbishop of Canterbury [Warham], Thomas More, John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, William Mountjoy, and the rest of your friends so your sorrow should not last for ever.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Erasmus Schets, Basel, 1 June 1536. Allen 11:#3125/1–2, p.331. [L'Univers 521; Sullivan I:333: Responding to Schets' letter of May 8 (#3119): If only these things [the Boleyn adulteries and Incests] were brought to light before they murdered such wonderful men.]
  15. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Conrad Goclenius, Basel, 28 June 1536. Allen 11:#3130/17–19, p.337. [L'Univers 521; Sullivan I:333: Dolet is not content to attack me but sets upon my friends. In his furious Dialogue More is assailed.]
  16. (E). From a letter of  Thomas Elyot to Thomas Cromwell, (Autumn) After 2 July 1536. BL Cotton MS. Cleopatra E.IV, fol.260; The Boke of the Governor, ed. by H.H.S. Croft, I:cxxix–cxxxiii; Studies in Philology 73:5 (1976): #11, pp.30–33. [L'Univers 523; cf. Sullivan 313. I therefor besieche your goode lordship now to lay a part the remembraunce of the amity betwene me and sir Thomas More which was but Vsque ad aras, as is the proverb, consydering that I was never so moche addict unto hym as I was unto truthe and fidelity toward my soveraigne lorde, as godd is my Juge (p.31 and p.32n5). See Croft, I:cxxxii for an explanation of Elyot's use of the proverb usque ad aras. ]
  17. Von der Vorurteilung und Tode, etwan des Grossen Cantzlers von Engeland Herr Thome Mori darumb das er dem Rathschlag un[d] Newem Gesetz desselbigen Koenigreichs nicht hat zufallen oder anhangen woellen. Nicht unwirdig das umb desselben Mannes besonder tapfferkeit und bestendigkeit willen von jederman gelesen werde. Aus dem Welschen ins Deutsch gebracht. Erfurt, Matthes Maler, 1536. [USTC 703700] and Dresden, Wolfgang Stöckel, 1 July 1536.[USTC 703701] [Hitchcock p.254; L'Univers 521; Gibson 423;. Guildhall, Cock Library [USTC 703701]. Translated from the Paris Newsletter. Marc'hadour dates the Dresden edition to July 1 1536.]
  18. Death of Erasmus, Basel, 11–12 July 1536. [L'Univers 521.]
  19. (L). Beatus Rhenanus to Hermann von Wied, Schlettstadt, 15 August 1536. Preface to Origenis opera (Basel: Froben, 1536), sigs.a2–a4. Allen I:55; Nichols I:24 Olin 50 (1540). For digital copy, see USTC. [USTC 681736; Boswell #199; L'Univers 528. More listed among Erasmus's English friends: Patronos ac Moecenates habuit Henricum a Bergis episcopum Cameracensem, Guilielmum Montioium, atque omnium liberalissimum Guilielmum Vuaramum, archiepiscopum Cantuariensem, Angliae primatem, cuius in libris suis saepe mentionem facit; amicos, in Britannia loannem Coletum, Grocinum, Latumerum, Linacrum, Thomam Morum; Antuerpiae Petrum Aegidium, Conradum Gochlenium Louanii. His patrons were Henry of Bergen, Bishop of Cambrai, William Mountjoy, and William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of England, the most liberal of all, who is often mentioned in his books. His friends were John Colet, Grocin, Latimer, Linacre, and Thomas More in England; Peter Gillis at Antwerp; and Conrad Goclen at Louvain. See also Beatus Rhenanus' Letter to Charles V, I June 1540.]
  20. (L). From a letter of  John Antoninus to Erasmus, Krakow, 9 August 1536. Allen 11:#3137/22–26, p.346. [L'Univers 521; Sullivan I:23 and 333: An expression of gratitude for the faithful report he gave of the death of More in the Expositio Fidelis which he calls a precious gem.]
  21. (L). Janus Secundus [Jan Nicolai Everaerts], Naenia in mortem clarissimi viri Thomae Mori, 1 September 1536. [A 163 line poem on the death of Thomas More. Falsely attributed to Erasmus on first publication; a second edition in December 1536 includes the correct attribution. For bibliography, see Poetry About Thomas More: Janus Secundus.]
  22. Ein glaubwirdige anzaygung des tods Herrn Thome Mori unnd anderer treffenlicher männer inn Engelland geschehen im jar M. D. xxxv. Augsburg, Heinrich von Augsburg Steiner, 1536 Online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10199485.html [USTC 643649; Hitchcock p.256; Gibson 423, Morison-Barker 601 and p.41, Trapp-Herbrüggen 256, BL 699, g.36. Translated from the Latin of the Expositio Fidelis. Gibson: this edn. has a woodcut on t.p., & one at end representing More's execution.]

1537–1540

  1. Reginald Pole. Reginaldi Poli Cardinalis Britanni, ad Henricum Octauum Britanniae Regem, pro ecclesiasticae unitatis defensione, libri quatuor. Rome, Antonius Bladus Asulanus, ca. 1536–37 [1537–1538?]. Facsimile Rpt. Ridgewood, NJ: Gregg, 1965. Rpt. Strasbourg, excudebat Wendelin Rihel, 1555. For digital copy of 1555, see USTC. [USTC 850087, 690309; Gibson 469; L'Univers 526 (under 1538). There is no exact agreement on when the edition was published but the manuscript was finished by May 27th 1536 (see above), when Pole sent a copy to Henry VIII.]
  2. Richard Moryson (Morison), Apomaxis Calumniarum . . . Ricardi Morysini (London: Berthelet, 1537). Online at Google Books. [L'Univers 525; Sullivan 2:347–48; Boswell 468; Gibson 432; STC 18109; ESTC S104284. Answering Cochlaeus' Defensio; answered by Cochlaeus' Scopa. Morison goes to great lengths to justify the execution of More. See W. Gordon Zeeveld, An Apology for an Execution, Essential Articles, pp.205–211. The Dedication to Cromwell is dated .1538. 12. calendas Julii (20th June?), but the year must be a mistake.]
  3. Cochlaeus, Johannes. Scopa Joannis cochlaei Germani, in araneas ricardi morysini angli Leipzig: Nikolaus Wolrab, March 1538. Online at http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10987143_00004.html [USTC 692598; L'Univers 526; Sullivan I:207; Gibson 238. Replying to Moryson's Apomaxis. Several pages devoted to the trial and martyrdom of More. Includes verses in honour of More and Fisher.]
  4. Beatus Rhenanus, Life of Erasmus, to Charles V, Schlettstadt, 1 June 1540. Preface to Erasmus' Opera omnia (Basel: Froben, 1540) Allen I:56–71; Olin 47–66; Nichols I:25–37 (abridged). [USTC 678376; L'Univers 528. Four references to More, see Allen I: 59/84,92, 62/224, 70/529–30; Olin 50 (2ce), 54, 64; Nichols I: 33,36 (last 2 references). See also Beatus Rhenanus' Letter to Hermann von Wied, 15 August 1536.]

Include selected references to More from 1540 to at least until 1559.

  1. Publication of The Chronicle of John Hardyng, London: Richard Grafton, January 1543. (2 editions) [L'Univers 531; CW 2:xvii. Contains first editions of More's History of Richard III.]
  2. Death of Margaret Roper, Christmas 1544. Roper xlii; John Guy, A Daughter's Love, p.270.
  3. Publication of Edward Halle's The Vnion of the two noble and illustre famelies of Lancastre & Yorke London: Richard Grafton, 1548 and 1550. [L'Univers 537; CW 2:xvii–xviii. Contains More's History of Richard III. Also includes numerous mentions of More, some quite hostile, in his account of Henry VIII's reign. ]
  4. Qualis Uxor Deligenda. [1515?, 1518? [1550]] (a)De generibus ebriosorum et ebrietate vitanda, jocus quodlibeti erphurdien. lepidissimus. [by Jacob Hartlieb] . . . item de meretricum in suos amatores, et concubinarum in sacerdotes fide [auctore Paulo Oleario] (Worms: Gregorius Comiander [Hofmann], n.d. [1550??]), sigs. M2–M3. One of the Worms, Gregor Hofmann [Comiander], 1550 editions is available online at Google Books. [CW 3/2: #143, pp.180–192, and n. on pp.371–72; L'Univers p.223 and Gibson #360, p.217; Sullivan 2:89. De generibus was first published in 1515, but the editions of 1515 and 1516 do not include More's poem. This edition has no date, but both Marc'hadour and Gibson date this edition to 1515 (but see Moreana 1 (1963):72). Charles Clay Doyle suggests 1518?, see CW 3/2, Appendix D: #2, p.710. However, more recent research give's Hofmann's floruit as 1542–1552, see http://thesaurus.cerl.org/record/cni00029275. The text in De generibus is identical to that in the 1518 edition. USTC lists three editions by Gregor Hofmann, published in 1550 (USTC 629888–629890). See CW 3/2: 371–72, which states that it may well have been reprinted from 1518. See also Urceus, 1519.]

1553–1558

  1. Death of Winifred Clement, daughter of John Clement, and Wife of William Rastell, 17 July 1553. [Moreana 1 (1963): 80.]
  2. Mary Tudor becomes Queen, 19 July 1553. [L'Univers 542.]
  3. First Publication of A Dialogue of Comfort Against Tribulation (London: Tottell, 18 November 1553), edited by Willian Rastell. [L'Univers 542.]
  4. (L). Polydore Vergil. Anglica Historia (1555) XXVII.60 (Lat. / Eng.) and Denys Hay, 334/6–11. [Brief reference to deaths of Fisher and More.]
  5. Heywood, Ellis. Il Moro d'Heliseo Heivodo Inglese. All'illustrissimo Cardinal Reginaldo Polo. Fiorenze, appresso Lorenzo Torrentino, July 1556. [USTC 835718; Shaaber H205; Gibson 350; Sullivan 2:106–107; L'Univers 546 and Moreana 1 (1963): 71. A fictional dialogue set at Chelsea involving Thomas More, dedicated to Cardinal Pole. Ellis Heywood (1530–2 October 1578) was the sole son of John Heywood, who was married to Joan Rastell, the daughter of John Rastell and Elizabeth More.]
  6. (E). Cardinal Pole's Speech to the citizens of London, in behalf of religious houses, [London, 1556–1557?] Strype, Memorials Vol. 3, Part 2, No. LXVIII, pp.482–510, esp.491–93. Online at https://archive.org/stream/ecclesiasticalme32stry#page/482/mode/2up [The beginning is missing. See also next item. Pole refers to More's views on Papal primacy and praises More and Fisher.]
  7. (E). Roper's Life of More, not long before 1557. [L'Univers 547n1; Boswell #555 (includes text of Preface, p.266). For dating see Roper p.xlv and n4, and pp.73/16–20, 84/10–11, 99/13–14. Roper served as a source for Harpsfield, see next item. Not printed until 1626.]
  8. (E). Nicholas Harpsfield, Epistle Dedicatory to Master William Roper, 1 January, 1557. Harpsfield pp.3–6 and nn. on pp.297–298. [L'Univers 547. For dating of Harpsfield's Biography, see Harpsfield, p.xxi, p.3/1–5, and n. on p.297 and p.100/15–20 and n. on p.335. Not printed until 1932.]
  9. (L). Pedro de Soto's Resumé of More's opinion on Papal Primacy and Praise of More and Fisher, [Antwerp, 1557]. Pedro de Soto, Defensio catholicae confessionis, et scholiorum circa confessionem, illustrissimi ducis Wirtenbergensis nomine editam, adversus prolegomena Brentii, (Antwerpiae, apud Martinum Nutium sub Ciconijs. Anno Salutis. M. D. LVI [1557]), sigs. K7–K8, pp. 79, 79v, 80 (Ch.78 Testimonio martyrum Angliae, B. Mori auctoritas vicarij Christi confirmatur, et probatur fundamentum Ecclesiae); edited and translated by Clarence M. Miller in CW 14/2: Appendix B, 1067–1073. [USTC 404280. Miller suggests that the source of De Soto's acount of More's opinion on Papal primacy might well have been Reginald Pole or Antinio Bonvisi (see Pole's sermon above). For De Soto's role in bringing the autograph manuscript of De Tristitia, which he received as a gift from Queen Mary, to Barcelona, Spain, and thus preserving it for posterity, see CW 14/2: pp.696–97, 707–708, 716–722. For More's views on Papal primacy, see also CW 5:760–74 and CW 8:1294–1315, and More's Letter to Cromwell, March 1534 above.]
  10. Mary Roper Basset translates Thomas More's De Tristitia, Before April 1557. CW 14/2: 1077–1165. [CW 14/2: 717–18, 732–735; cf. L'Univers 548n1. Miller suggests that the autograph MS was in the possession of Margaret Roper and then Mary Basset before it was given to Fr. Pedro de Soto to take to Spain, but that the Latin MS that Mary Basset then translated into English was not the autograph.]
  11. (E). [William Rastell?] The prynter to the gentle reader, [London, April 1557]. The Workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght, sometyme Lord Chancellour of England, wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge (edited by William Rastell,) (Printed at London at the costes and charges of Iohn Cawod, Iohn VValy, and Richarde Tottell. Anno. 1557), fol.QQ7v (p.1270); CW 14/2:1077–78; St. Thomas More's History of the Passion, translated from the Latin by his Grandaughter Mistress Mary Bassett, edited by Philip E. Hallett (London: Burns Oates & Washbourne, 1941), available online at http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/docs/Sadness%20Christ%201.pdf#page=9. [?Rastell's Preface to Mary Basset's (More's Grandaughter's) english translation of De Tristitia, included in EW 1557, QQ7v–VV2v (CW 14/2: Appendix C, pp. 1075–1165.]
  12. (E). Dedicatory Letter of William Rastell to Queen Mary, [London, April 1557]. The Workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght . . . (edited by William Rastell,) (London: Iohn Cawod, Iohn VValy, and Richarde Tottell, 1557), ¶.ii–¶.iiv. [L'Univers 547; Boswell #447 (includes transcription, pp.219–20).]
  13. George Cavendish composes the Life of Wolsey, 4 November 1554–24 June 1558. [Cavendish xxvi–xxvii.]
  14. Death of Mary Tudor and Cardinal Pole, 17 November 1558. [L'Univers 548.]
  15. Death of Antonio Bonvisi in Louvain, 7 December 1558. [L'Univers 548.]
  16. Composition of Early Life of Fisher, 1553?–1558? [Check Van Ortroy and cross-reference to Fisher. Also add the Rastell Fragments.]

1559 and After

  1. (E). Thomas Stapleton. A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste against M. Fekenham, Louvain, 1567. Louanii: Apud Ioannem Foulerum. An. 1567. Ch.6, fols. 37–38. Quoted in Boswell #602, pp.279–80. [ESTC S117788; STC 23231; Boswell #602. Another reference to More's views on Papal Primacy, see Pole and De Soto, 1557 above.]
  2. (L). John Fowler to Philip II, King of Spain, Louvain, 14 December 1568. Doctissima D. Thomae Mori clarissimi ac disertiss. viri Epistola, in qua . . . respondet literis Ioannis Pomerani . . . (Louvanii, ex officina Joannes Foulerus, 1568), fols. *iii–*iiiiv; CW 7:8–11 and nn. on pp.273–74. [Prefatory Letter to first edition of More's Letter to Bugenhagen (1525–26). Includes also two epigrams by More (cf. CW 3/2: #278, pp. 302–303, and others on fols. *iv– *iiv.]
  3. (E). John Fowler to Lady Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, Antwerp, 30 September, 1573. A dialogue of cumfort against tribulation . . . Now newly set foorth, with many places restored and corrected by conference of sundrie copies. (Antwerpen, apud Joannes Foulerus [John Fowler], 1573) *2–*7v; CW 12. Appendix B: Prefatory Matter to the 1573 edition, pp.483–91. [Dedicatory Letter for Fowler's edition of the Dialogue of Comfort addressed to one of Queen Mary's former Ladies in Waiting, Prefatory Letter To the Reader, and an epigram by Fowler. For Fowler's epigram, see also Boswell #455, p.221 and Sullivan Sup:43.]
  4. Deaths of William Roper (4 January), John Heywood (After May), and Ellis Heywood (2 October), 1578. [Moreana 1 (1963): 71.]

 

The Letters and Papers of St. John Fisher (A Calendar)

For a chronology, see C.N. L. Brooke, et al. Appendix 2: Fisher's Career and Itinerary, , Humanism, Reform and the Reformation: The Career of Bishop John Fisher Ed. B. Bradshaw and E. Duffy, (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, ), 235–49.

  1. Birth of John Fisher in Beverley, Yorkshire, 1469. [Some older lives list his birth date as 1459.]
  2. Becomes Batchelor of Grammar, aged 14, Cambridge 1483. [L'Univers, p.58; Fisher p.6.]
  3. John Fisher takes his B.A. in 1488. [L'Univers, p.70; Fisher p.6.]
  4. John Fisher takes his M.A. in 1491 and becomes a fellow of Michaelhouse. [See ***Add note from Rex, p.13 and n. on pp.206–207.]
  5. Papal dispensation to take priestly orders while under canonical age, June 1491. [See A. H. Lloyd, Early History of Christ's College, Cambridge, p.391, cited by Reynolds, Fisher, p.6.]
  6. John Fisher ordained priest, Aged 22, 17 December 1491. Archbishop Rotherham's Register, as cited by Reynolds, Fisher (1973), p.6. [L'Univers p.76. 17 Dec. 1491. Presbiteri. Mr. Joh. Fysher artium M. Socius domus sive hospicii Sancti Michaelis Cantibrig. ad titulum societas sue. (cited by Reynolds).]
  7. John Fisher becomes Senior Proctor of Cambridge for the academic year, [c.Oct.] 1494–[c.Oct.], 1495. [L'Univers, p.85; Rex, Theology of Fisher, pp.6,13. Fisher makes the acquaintance of Lady Margaret Beaufort, mother of Henry VII, at this time.]

1500–1510

  1. Fisher becomes a Doctor of Theology, 5 July 1501. [L'Univers, 112.]
  2. Fisher is made Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, 15 July 1501. [L'Univers, 112.]
  3. Fisher preaches the Funeral Sermon at the death of Queen Elizabeth of York, 23 February 1503. [L'Univers 123.]
  4. Warham consecrates Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, 24th November 1504; and two days later he became a member of the King's Council; he had already been elected of the University of Cambridge, [L'Univers 130; Reynolds, Fisher (1973):25–28.]
  5. (L). Polydore Vergil, Anglica Historia, (1555). [Before 1509]. Polydore Vergil, XXVI.51 (Lat. / Eng.) (Denys Hay, 145*). [Margaret Beaufort vigorously fosters learning at the urging of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, a man of great learning, grace, and integrity.]
  6. (L). Latin Oration before Henry VII [Cambridge, ] See Fisher Early Works
  7. (E). The Seven Penitential Psalms or Fruitful Sayings of David [ and or ]. See Fisher Early Works.
  8. Death of Henry VII, 21 April 1509. [L'Univers 160.]
  9. (E). Sermon on the Death of Henry VII () See Fisher Early Works.
  10. Death of Margaret Beaufort, 29 June 1509. [L'Univers 162.]
  11. (E). Funeral Sermon for Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby () Fisher Early Works

1511–1514

  1. (L) (Rouschausse #1). From Erasmus to Fisher, Cambridge, [September–October, 1511]. Allen 1:#229, pp.469–470; CWE 2:#229, pp.172–173; Rouschausse #1, pp.40–41; (Fr) Moreana 23 (1969): 43–44. [L'Univers 179. Preface to Erasmus' translation of St. Basil's Commentary on Isaiah. First surviving letter to Fisher. On Fisher's relationship with Erasmus and their correspondence, see CE 2: 36–39 and Allen 1: #229, p.469.]
  2. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Colet, Cambridge, 13 September [1511]. Allen 1:#227/17–19, p.467; CWE 2:#227/21–25, pp. 170–171. [Refers to Fisher as patron and the translation of St. Basil (see Allen #229 above).]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Colet, Cambridge, 29 October [1511]. Allen 1:#237/9–16, p.477; CWE 2:#237/12–20, p.183. [L'Univers 179. Fisher is unenthusiastic about the Basil translation and thinks Erasmus is trying to polish up a previous version rather than translating from the Greek.]
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 11 November [1511]. Allen 1:#240/53–55, p.484; CWE 2: #240/60–62, p.193. [Refers to a lost letter to Fisher, see introduction to Allen #242, p.485.]
  5. (L) (Rouschausse #2). From Fisher to Erasmus, London, [18] November, 1511. Allen 1:#242 (pp.485–486); CWE 2: #242, pp.196–197; Rouschausse #2, pp.42–43; (Fr) Moreana 23 (1969): 44; Reynolds Fisher 40–41; Nichols II:#255, p.75. [First surviving letter of Fisher to Erasmus.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 26 November 1511. See More's Correspondence.
  7. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Antoon van Bergen, London, 6 February [1512]. Allen 1:#252/1–8, p.498; CWE 2:#252/3–10, p.213. [Fisher has invited Erasmus to attend the opening of the [Fifth] Lateran Council, but unfortunately Erasmus received the invitation too late to make arrangements. Praise of Fisher. See also Allen #253, 254 and 334 below.]
  8. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Robert Guibé, London, 8 February [1512]. Allen 1:#253/12–17, p.500; CWE 2:#253/15–20, p.214. [Praise of Fisher again. For Robert Guibé, see CE 2:149, and intro. to Allen 1:#253, p.497.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Halsey, London, 8 February [1512]. Allen 1:#254/3–6, p.501; CWE 2:#254/4–7, p.215; Nichols II:#243, p.59. [Praise of Fisher again. For Thomas Halsey, see CE 2:161 and intro. to Allen #254, p.501.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Colet, [Landbeach?, near] Cambridge, 31 October [1513]. Allen 1:#278/18–22, p.537; CWE 2:#278/21–26, p.260. [L'Univers 199. Erasmus refers to his Latin translation of Matthew's Gospel which he has lent to Fisher.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Hammes Castle, 8 July 1514. Allen 1:#295/25, p.564; CWE 2:#295/29–30, p.293; Nichols II:#289, p.138; DeMolen 75. [Erasmus mentions the gift of a gold coin from Fisher.]
  12. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johann Reuchlin, [Basel, August 1514]. Allen 1:#300/6–8, 26—35, p.4; CWE 3:#300/8–10, 29–31, p.7; Nichols II:#294, pp.156–57. [Both Fisher and Colet wish to read Reuchlin's Defensio (Tübingen: 1513). For the life of Reuchlin, see CE 3:145–150 and Allen 1:#290, p.555.]

1515

  1. (L) (Rouschausse #3). From Fisher to Erasmus, [Rochester?], February, 1515. Allen 2:#324, pp.49–51; CWE 3:#324, pp.62–63; Rouschausse #3, pp.44–45; (Fr) Moreana 23 (1969): 45; Nichols II:#315, pp.176–77. [L'Univers 213. Fragments quoted in a letter from Erasmus to Reuchlin, Basel, 1st March 1515 (#324)].
  2. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Raffaele Riario, Cardinal of San Giorgio, London, 15 May 1515. Allen 2:#333/19–21, p.69; CWE 3:#333/20–23, pp.86–87; Nichols II:#319, pp.191–92. [All the English bishops think highly of Erasmus, especially Ruthall and Fisher. See also CWE 3: #332, p.85, n.14 (Allen 2:#332/12–13, p.68).]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Dominico Grimani, London, [15 May] 1515. Allen 2:#334/90–94, p.76; CWE 3:#334/95–100, p.96. [Erasmus had planned to go with Fisher to Rome in 1512 (two years is an error), but Fisher had been suddenly recalled — See Allen #253–54 above.]
  4. (L) (Rouschausse #4). From Fisher to Erasmus, Halling, [May, 1515]. Allen 2:#336, p.90; CWE 3:#336, pp.110–111; Rouschausse #4, pp.46–47; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 45; Nichols II:#336, p.207. [L'Univers 217.]

1516

  1. (L) (Rouschausse #5). From Erasmus to Fisher, Saint-Omer, 5 June [1516]. Allen 2:#413, pp.244–246; CWE 3:#413, pp.293–296; Rouschausse #5, pp.46–51; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 46–47; Nichols II:#400, pp.269–71.
  2. Fisher to Reuchlin, London, [Before 30 June 1516?, probably 1515]. Johann Reuchlin, Illustrium Virorum Epistolae, (Hagenoae: Anshelm, 1519), sig.s.3.r (cited in Rex p.221n61); in MGH ?v50,3 and v70?. Online at Google Play. [Richard Rex, who dates this letter to 1515 thinks it was Fisher's first letter to Reuchlin: Ioannes Roffensis Episcopus, Clarissimo Ioanni Reuchlin, London, [c1515]: Saluus sis Reuchline charissime. Doleo plurimum literas eas quas ad me dederas periisse. Ne grauerris itaque precor, ad nos scribere iterato. Sum enim ex tuis fautoribus unus, & fortassis non minus quamquam(?) quotidie assidet lateri tuo, neque minus mihi molestum est hoc iniuriatum negocium, quod Fratres isti facessunt tibi, quam qui tui amaatissimus est. Quamobrem te precor, optime & eruditissime Ioannes, digneris nos aliquarum tuarum literarum participes facere, ne frustra uideamur nobis hunc nostrum amorem in te colocasse, & foelix Valeas. Ex Londino Angliae. See Allen ***.]
  3. (L) (Rouschausse #6). From Fisher to Erasmus, Rochester, [c.30 June] 1516. Allen 2:#432, pp.268–269; CWE 3:#432, pp.324–325; Rouschausse #6, pp.50–51; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 47–48; Nichols II:#416, pp.292–93.
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Rochester, 17 August [1516]. Allen 2:#452/1–4, pp.317–318; CWE 4: #452/3–7, p.39; Nichols II:#438, pp.320–21. [Erasmus is staying with Fisher for a few days to teach him Greek.]
  5. (L). From a letter of  Andrea Ammonio to Erasmus, Westminster, [c19 August 1516]. Allen 2:#453/2–5, 19–20, pp.318–319; CWE 4: #453/3–6, 22–23, p.40; Nichols II:#439, pp.321–22. [There are few people as worthy as Fisher of Erasmus' company.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Henry Bullock, Rochester, [22?] August 1516. Allen 2:#456/192–194, p.327; CWE 4: #456/211–214, p.51; Nichols II:#441, p.330. [Praise of Fisher.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Reuchlin, Calais, 27 August [1516]. Allen 2:#457/1–29, 55–57, pp.330–331; CWE 4: #457/1–34, 61–63, pp.55–57; Nichols II:#446, pp.373–74. [Fisher expresses the wish to visit Reuchlin in Stuttgart. Erasmus urges Reuchlin to write to Fisher and Colet. Suggests that Reuchlin's grand-nephew, Philip Melanchthon, go to England and seek Fisher's patronage.]
  8. (L). From a letter of  Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 22 September [1516]. Allen 2:#468/10–11, p.347 (=Rogers #23); CWE 4:#468/13–15, p.80; SL #8, p.77; Nichols II:#457, p.393. [More has heard nothing from Fisher or Latimer. After Erasmus' stay with Fisher in August he evidently wrote to Latimer to ask him to spend time with Fisher at Rochester teaching him Greek, see Allen #481/16–19 and #520 below.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Reuchlin, Antwerp, 29 September [1516]. Allen 2:#471/14–17, 27–28, pp.330–331; CWE 4:#471/16–19, 31–33, pp.85,87; Nichols II:#459, p.395–96. [Both Fisher and Colet venerate Reuchlin. Both are also making progress learning Greek.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 2 October 1516. Allen 2:#474/27–28, p.354 (=Rogers #24); CWE 4:#474/31–33, p.93. [Erasmus has arranged for Warham, Colet, Fisher, Urswick and More (if he wishes) to receive copies of the new edition of Jerome.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 31 October [1516]. Allen 2:#481/16–30, p.371 (=Rogers #26); CWE 4:#482/17–31, pp.114–15; SL #9, pp.78–79; SLTM #10, pp.50–51. [More reports Fisher's delight with Erasmus' New Testament.]

1517

  1. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to John Watson, Brussels, 13 January 1517. Allen 2:#512/25–28, p.430; CWE 4:#512/27–30, p.182. [Apologizes to Watson for missing him on his last visit to England. Erasmus had been detained some days in London waiting to see Fisher.]
  2. (L).
            (b) (L). From William Latimer to Erasmus, Oxford, 30 January [1517]. Allen 2:#520, pp.438–442; Bridgett, Fisher (2nd ed. 1890), 473–74; CWE 4:#520, pp.198–202; Nichols III:#732, pp.236–42. [Latimer apologizes to Erasmus for refusing his and More's requests to spend time teaching Fisher Greek: As to what you write to me so often of the Bishop of Rochester, often of the Bishop of Rochester, you prove your own great love for him, and eager desire to promote Greek studies, when you seek to make that literature familiar to the illustrious bishop, who excels in every kind of learning, and under whose protection not only it will be secure against gainsayers and detractors, but become acceptable and admirable to all Britain. For who would dare to oppose what that bishop defends? Or who will be unwilling to embrace what is known to be pleasing to so great a prelate? I see that for these reasons you and More desire me to contribute my help, and you consider that I am even bound to do this by love of my country. Now I hope and beg, Erasmus, that you will not think me so obstinate or uncivil, or devoid of all humanity, that after the request of such dear friends I should grudge to undertake the explanation of a little book, or refuse a month's labour, for I owe you more than I could repay in many months. And do not think me so imprudent as to be unwilling by so slight a labour to render service to such a man, or to win the favour of a bishop, who, in addition to his singular learning and sanctity has so much authority and influence, and who is, as you write and many declare, and I readily believe, so grateful. Again, do not esteem me so negligent as to let slip such an occasion of forwarding good letters by his means, and through a little labour conferred on him bringing great honour to my country. I am deterred from accepting your honourable proposal by the consideration that I could not in so short a time satisfy the bishop's and your desire; for it is a many-sided and intricate matter, and though laborious rather than difficult, it requires time even for what has to be committed to memory. Don't think I am measuring the talents of others by my own slowness. I have heard from many of the bishop's singular intelligence, and I believe that it is equal to greater efforts than this. You tell me of his wish and ardent desire for these studies, whence I clearly foresee what would be his application. I therefore allow that he would profit as much as can be hoped from a man endowed with excellent talents, very diligent and very eager. Still I cannot think that the profit would be much in so short a time. You seem to hope for great progress; I also think that the progress would be great for the time, but in itself only small. He then reminds Erasmus what masters Grocyn and Linacre had, and yet spent under them ten whole years or more; how he himself (Latimer) after six or seven years' study, was still in many points ignorant ; that Tunstall and Pace had studied still longer; You know how acute More is, how eager is his intellect, and with what energy he follows out whatever he begins — in a word, how like he is to yourself. I will not pursue this subject, for to speak of yourself might seem flattery; yet neither of you, I think, will say that he got through these rough places so quickly as to be able after a month or two to advance without a guide at his own will, since there are so many windings and bye-roads capable of leading astray even the experienced traveller. Therefore, if you wish that the bishop should really advance and profit in these studies, let him summon some learned teacher from Italy, who may be willing to remain with him for some time, until he feels his footing firm and solid, so that he may not merely crawl, but stand erect and walk. (Bridgett 473–474) See also More's Letters to Erasmus: Allen 2:#468/10–11, p.346; CWE 4:#468/12–14 and n., p.80; and #481/16–19, p.371; CWE 4:#481/17–/20, pp.114–115 above.]
  3. (L). From Erasmus to William Latimer, Antwerp, [February 1517]. Allen 2:#540, pp.485–487; CWE 4:#540, pp.258–261; Nichols II:#523, pp.509–512 and Nichols III:#742, pp.253–57; DeMolen 96–98; Hillerbrand #540/22–44, 80–91, pp.107–108. [On Erasmus' continued attempt to find a Greek teacher for Fisher, cf. Allen #520, above.]
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 1 March 1517. Allen 2:#543/22–23, p.495 (=Rogers #35); CWE 4:#543/26–28, p.272; Nichols II:#525, pp.513–15. [Asks whether Warham and Colet still have the same feelings about him and the bishop of Rochester too, about whom I wrote to you lately. Letter not extant.]
  5. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 8 March 1517. Allen 2:#545/1–5, p.496 (=Rogers #36); CWE 4:#545, pp.274/2–6; Nichols II:#527, pp.516–17. [Erasmus has sent some pieces by Reuchlin to Fisher.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Johann Reuchlin to Erasmus, [Tübingen], 27 March 1517. Allen 2:#562/15–29, p.522; CWE 4:#562/18–33, p.303. [Reuchlin is pleased with Fisher's high regard from him. He is sending 2 copies of the De arte cabalistica, one for Erasmus and one for Fisher.]
  7. (L) (Rouschausse #7). From Fisher to Erasmus, Rochester, [c.June 1517]. Allen 2:#592, p.598; CWE 4:#592, pp.396–398; Rouschausse #7, pp.52–53; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 48; Reynolds Fisher 45; Nichols II:#568, pp.569–70.
  8. (L). From a letter of  Colet to Erasmus, London, [c.June 1517]. Allen 2:#593/4–9, p.599; CWE 4: 398/5–12; Nichols II:#586, pp.596–97. [Colet complains that Erasmus sent Reuchlin's De arte cabalistica to Fisher and not to him.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 16 July [1517]. Allen 3:#601/58–59, p.12 (=Rogers #40); CWE 5:#601/64–65, p.18; Nichols II:#579, p.586. [More encloses a bundle of letters, including one from Fisher (Ep. #592).]
  10. (L) (Rouschausse #8). From Erasmus to <Fisher>, Antwerp, 8 September 1517. Allen 3:#653, p.75; CWE 5:#653, pp.104–106; Rouschausse #8, pp.54–55; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 49; Nichols III:#625, pp.41–42.
  11. (L) (Rouschausse #9). From Erasmus to <Fisher>, Louvain, 16 September [1517]. Allen 3:#667, p.91; CWE 5:#667, pp.127–128; Rouschausse #9, pp.56–57; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 49–50; Nichols III:#640, p.71.
  12. (L). From a letter of  Thomas More to Erasmus, Calais, 5 November [1517]. Allen 3:#706/1–3, p.131 (=Rogers #54); CWE 5:#706/2–5, p.188. [I had a letter from you today, together with letters for Colet and the bishop of Rochester, and a pamphlet with them. I will see to it that they are delivered as soon as possible, so that the pamphlet may not lose the charm of novelty. All three letters are lost. For the pamphlet, see Allen #697, #713, etc. below.]
  13. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johann Reuchlin, Louvain, 15 November [1517]. Allen 3:#713/13–14,19–20, p.143; CWE 5:#713/17–18,23–24, p.204; Nichols III:#686, p.149. [My lord of Rochester and Colet are both in splendid health. All scholars and all upright men are your friends . . . . I had the piece (i.e. Pfeffercorn's Streydtpuechlyn, cf. Allen #697/12 and n.) turned into Latin and sent it to the bishop of Rochester.]

1518

  1. (L) (Rogers #57). From Thomas More to John Fisher, [Beginning of 1518?]. See More's Correspondence.
  2. (L) (Rouschausse #10). From Erasmus to <Fisher>, [Louvain, c.5 March 1518]. Allen 3:#784, pp.236–238; CWE 5:#784, pp.323–325; Rouschausse #10, pp.56–61; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 50–52; Nichols III:#752, pp.285–88; DeMolen 110–111.
  3. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Marc Lauwerijns, Louvain, 5 April 1518. Allen 3:#809/133, p.267; CWE 5:#809/151–/153, pp.365–66; Nichols III:#769, p.327; DeMolen 115. [Fisher is among the many princes and bishops who have invited Erasmus to stay with them (cf. Allen 592/22–23, p.598).]
  4. (L) (Rouschausse #11). From Erasmus to <Fisher>, Louvain, 23 April [1518]. Allen 3:#824, pp.291–292; CWE 5:#824, p.396; Rouschausse #11, pp.60–61; (Fr.) Moreana 23 (1969): 52; Nichols III:#782, p.352.
  5. (L) (Rouschausse #12). From Erasmus to Fisher, Louvain, 23 October [1518]. Allen 3:#889, pp.427–428; CWE 6:#889, pp.165–166; Rouschausse #12, pp.62–65; (Fr.) Moreana 24 (1969): 53–54.]

1519

  1. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas More, [Louvain], 1 January [1519]. Allen 3:#908/21–22, p.464 (=Rogers #73); CWE 6:#908/27–28, p.216. [My letter to the bishop of Rochester will tell you part of the story, and I enclose a copy. Apparently an appeal for Fisher's help in his controversy with Edward Lee. The letter to Fisher is not extant. See also Eps. #936 and #937 below.]
  2. (L) (Rogers #74). From Thomas More to John Fisher, [1519?]. See More's Correspondence.
  3. (L) (Rouschausse #13). From Erasmus to Fisher, Antwerp, 2 April 1519. Allen 3:#936, pp.522–525; CWE 6:#936, pp.288–292; Rouschausse #13, pp.64–71; (Fr.) Moreana 24 (1969): 54–57. [L'Univers 277.]
  4. (L). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Erasmus, Richmond, 5 April [1519]. Allen 4:#937, p.234; CWE 6:#937/4–6, p.292. [L'Univers 277. I have read the copy of that tragi-comic story which you sent to our friend More, and what you say about the case is quite right: men of that sort are being swept away by a kind of fatal insanity. Probably the letter to Fisher (an appeal for help against Lee) mentioned at the end of Ep. #908 above.]
  5. (L) (Rogers #75). From a letter of  Thomas More to Edward Lee, 1 May 1519. CW 15:154–56, 178–80; Rogers #75, pp.139–40, 148–49. [More refers at both points to Lee's failure to abide by the judgment of Fisher, to whom he had previously promised to submit the affair of Lee's quarrel with Erasmus.]
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Petrus Mosellanus, Louvain, 22 April 1519. Allen 3:#948/183–187, p.546; CWE 6:#948/190–194, p.316. [England possesses two universities by no means obscure, Cambridge and Oxford. Greek is taught in both, and in Cambridge without disturbance, because the head of the institution is Father John Fisher, the bishop of Rochester, whose life and learning are alike worthy of a divine.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to William Blount, Lord Mountjoy, Antwerp, [15?] May 1519. Allen 3:#965/13–16, p.584; CWE 6:#965/16–/19, pp.362–63. [As for Cambridge University, it has for some time now been adorned with every excellence under the rule of the bishop of Rochester, a man fit from every point of view to play the part of a distinguished prelate.]
  8. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Wolsey, Antwerp, 18 May 1519. Allen 3:#967/152–155, pp.591–592; CWE 6:#967/167–171, p.371. [In fact — and this is the most foolish thing of all — the book lately written by the bishop of Rochester against Lefèvre was suspected of being mine, although the style is so entirely unlike mine and though I fall so far short of that gifted prelate as a scholar.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Polydore Vergil to Richard Pace, London, 5 June 1519. Adagia sacra or Adagiorum Liber (Basil, 1521). Online edition by Dana Sutton at http://www.philological.bham.ac.uk/polyadag/ (Lat. | Eng.). See also Denys Hay, Appendix II: Extract from Vergil's dedication of the "Adagia Sacra" to Richard Pace, 1519, pp.150–51 in The Life of Polydore Vergil of Urbino, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 12 (1949): 132–151. [The Preface is dated 1519 even though the book was not published until 1521. Prefatory letter praising English Humanists including More and Fisher: Hunc sequitur fere passibus aequis Ioannes Fiscerius Roffensis episcopus, qui ubi mutit, ecce subito quidam sanctimoniae odor spirat, ubi hiat, ecce sacrae scripturae nectar fluit ubertim, adeo purus est, adeo divinae literaturae est sciens. Hi sunt inquam duo Anglicae iuventutis bonarum disciplinarum candidatae inclyti duces, quorum alterius Oxoniensis, alterius Cantabrigiensis academia in tutela est. (Following him [Warham] with nearly equal steps comes John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. When he is silent, see what an odor of sanctity he breathes forth! But when he opens his mouth, see how the nectar of Holy Writ comes pouring from it in abundance, he is so pure, so knowledgeable in Holy Scripture. These are the noble presidents of English youth devoted to the study of the goodly arts, since the one of them has the University of Oxford in his safekeeping, and the other the University of Cambridge.) (Dana Sutton)]
  10. (L) (Rogers #83). From a letter of  Thomas More to a Monk [John Batmanson], [March–September (c.July?) 1519]. CW 15: 208/10–11, 268/16–26; Rogers #83, pp.169 191–92; SL #26, pp.125; (Fr.) Moreana 27/28 (1970): 66. [Fisher and Colet both praise Erasmus's edition of the New Testament and strongly encourage others to read it.]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Étienne Poncher, Louvain, 2 October 1519. Allen 4:#1016/17–23, p.73; CWE 7:#1016/21–29, p.81. [Erasmus laments Fisher's quarrel with Lefevre.]
  12. (L) (Rouschausse #14). From Erasmus to Fisher, Louvain, 17 October 1519. Allen 4:#1030, pp.92–94; CWE 7:#1030, pp.102–105; Rouschausse #14, pp.70–75; (Fr.) Moreana 24 (1969): 57–59.
  13. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Lupset, Louvain, 13 December 1519. Allen 4:#1053/17–23, p.73; CWE 7:#1053/2–8, p.149. [Probable reference to a "lost" letter of Fisher's, who is not named, about Erasmus's controversy with Lee.]

1520

  1. (L). From a letter of  Edward Lee to Erasmus, Louvain, 1 February 1520. Allen 4:#1061/58–62, 149–50, 432–36, 692–99, 787–89, pp.160, 162, 170, 177, 179; CWE 7:#1061/69–73, 174–75, 498–503, 800–806, 918–20, pp.173, 176, 184, 191, 194. [cf. intro. to Ep.1100, CWE 7:pp.280–81.]
  2. (L) (Rouschausse #15). From Erasmus to Fisher, Louvain, 21 February [1520]. Allen 4:#1068, pp.191–192; CWE 7:#1068, pp.208–209; Rouschausse #15, pp.74–77; (Fr.) Moreana 24 (1969): 59–60. [Erasmus acknowleges receiving three letters from Fisher (line 5), that are not now extant, cf. CWE 7: intro to #1100, p.281 ,and Ep. 1090 from More.]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Juan Luis Vives, [cJune 1520]. Allen 4:#1111/27–36, p.278; CWE 7:#1111/32–41, pp.307–308. [Fisher on recent changes at Cambridge (and Oxford).]
  4. The Field of Cloth of Gold, 7–24 June 1520. Fisher, Two Fruitful Sermons, English Works, ed. Cecilia Hatt (Oxford: OUP, 2001), intro. 211–215, 217; 227–231; notes on pp.255–56, 259–61, 265, 271. [See Clare M. Murphy, John Fisher and the Field of Cloth of Gold, Moreana 89 (): 5–13. See also More, Field of Cloth of Gold.]
  5. (L) (Rouschausse #16). From Erasmus to Fisher, Louvain, 2 August [1520]. Allen 4:#1129, pp.321–322; CWE 8:#1129, pp.24–25; Rouschausse #16, pp.76–77; (Fr.) Moreana 24 (1969): 60–61.
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johann Reuchlin, Cologne, 8 November 1520. Allen 4:#1155/31–33, p.372; CWE 8:#1155/34–36, p.79. [Fisher has it in mind to visit Reuchlin next summer.]

1521

  1. Fisher's Sermon against Luther at St. Paul's on 12 May 1521.
  2. (L) (Rogers #104). From John Fisher to Thomas More, [May? 1521?]. See More's Correspondence.
  3. (L) (Rogers #105). From Thomas More to John Fisher, [June 1521?]. See More's Correspondence.
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to William Warham, Bruges, 23 August 1521. Allen 4:#1228/1–5, p.567; CWE 8:#1228/3–7, p.284. [Erasmus went to Bruges where Charles V was meeting with Wolsey, accompanied by Tunstall and More (cf. CWE 8: intro. to #1223, pp.268–69), but failed to find Fisher in their company.]
  5. (E). From Richard Sharpe to Dr. Nicholas Metcalfe, Sellyng, Friday [Before the end of 1521?]. Gray 139–142. [Mentions Richard Pace's Latin translation of Fisher's sermon against Luther at St. Paul's on 12 May 1521. Also mentions arrangements to have the English text of the sermon printed. Richard Sharpe was Fisher's chaplain and Nicholas Metcalfe was the Master of St. John's College, Cambridge — Fisher's foundation.]

1522

  1. (L). Prefatory Letter by Nicholas Wilson to the Christian Reader, Cambridge, Kalend. Ianuarii 1521. [1 January 1522]. John Fisher, Contio quam anglice habuit reverendus pater Ioannes Roffensis Episcopus in celeberrimo nobilium conuentu Londini, eo die, quo Martini Lutheri scripta publico apparatu in ignem coniecta sunt, uersa in Latinum per Richardum Pacaeum. Latin translation by Richard Pace. (Cambridge: Siberch, 1521–22). sig. A1v–B3r. [ESTC S111231.]
  2. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Wolsey, Basel, 7 March 1522. Allen 5:#1263/16–20 and n. to l.18, p.27; CWE 9:#1263/18–23, p.39 and n.9 to l.21. [Many letters from me to my friends are in circulation over here, but one especially which I wrote from Bruges to the Bishop of Rochester, the publication of which I regret. I wrote to him in a hurry and somewhat unguardedly, knowing him for a wise man and a good friend, and most discreet. This makes it clear I do not favour Luther's business. No such letter to Fisher is extant. Both Allen and CWE (see notes) think that Erasmus is confusing Fisher with Warham, and that what Erasmus is really referring to is Ep. 1228 to Warham, which had indeed been recently published. See also Ep. 1265.]
  3. (L). From a letter of  Willibald Pirkheimer to Erasmus, [Nürnberg, beginning March 1522]. Allen 5:#1265/20–22, p.30; CWE 9:#1265/20–22, p.43. [There is in circulation at the moment a letter in your name to the bishop of Rochester, which touches openly on Luther and his followers; and this, I fear, will rouse them against you like a trumpet. For the mistaken attribution, see #1263 and note. It is even possible that Erasmus saw Pirckheimer's letter before he wrote his own.]
  4. (E). From Richard Sharpe to Dr. Nicholas Metcalfe, Rochester, 1 July [1522?]. Gray 142–143. [Mentions two articles and the preface of Fisher's Assertionis Lutheranae confutatio].
  5. (E). From Richard Sharpe to Dr. Nicholas Metcalfe, Rochester, 11 July [1522? or 1523?]. Gray 143–145. [Writes to Metcalfe to borrow some books for Fisher.]
  6. (L) (Rouschausse #17). From Erasmus to Fisher, Basel, 1 [September] 1522. Jortin II.494–495; Allen 5:#1311, pp.122–124; CWE 9: 175–177; Rouschausse #17, pp.78–81; DeMolen 136–37; (Fr.) Moreana 24 (1969): 61–62. [BL MS Harleian 6989. fol. 9. Autograph letter throughout except for address in a secretary's hand. The letter among other things was a letter of introduction for Vives who was supposed to be its bearer (40–43, 35–37, see also Rouschausse), though in the event he did not go to England for the first time until May 1523.]
  7. (E). From Richard Sharpe to Dr. Nicholas Metcalfe, Rochester, 20 October [1522?]. Gray 134–135. [Fisher's chaplain writes on behalf of Fisher to the Master of St. John's College, Cambridge, to borrow a MS. of St. Chrysostom from the University.]
  8. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Archduke Ferdinand, Basel, 29 November 1522. Allen 5:#1323/18–23, p.143; CWE 9:#1323/22–25, p.202. [I now have in hand a paraphrase of John which I have been encouraged by many people to attempt, but particularly by the cardinal of Mainz, and by that excellent prelate John, bishop of Rochester in England, a man of incomparable holiness and learning . . .]
  9. (E). From Richard Sharpe to Dr. Nicholas Metcalfe, Rochester, [1522?]. Gray 136–139. [Mentions that Fisher is writing against Luther — probably the Assertionis Lutheranae confutatio.]
  10. (L). From John Fisher to the Pious Reader, [Rochester?] [end of 1522?]. Preface to Assertio Lutheranae confutatio. Apud . . . Antwerpiam in aedibus . . . Michaelis Hillenij [Michael Hillenius Hoochstratanus]. . Sig.A1–A3 (in Cologne edition).

1523–1525

  1. (L). From the Letter of Erasmus to Christoph von Utenheim, Basle, [early January?] 1523. Allen 5:#1332/35–39, p.162; CWE 9:#1332/40–44, p.239. [if Christ grants me the strength, I shall finish a book on the principles of preaching, which I promised long ago and am frequently asked for in letters from that best of prelates, John, Bishop of Rochester, who appeals to our ancient friendship and his unfailing and continual support of me. In the event the Ecclesiastes was not published until after Fisher's death and Erasmus's Preface included a eulogy of Fisher.]
  2. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Archduke Ferdinand, Basel, 5 January 1523. Allen 5:#1333/8–12, p.164; CWE 9:#1333/11–15, p.232. [Preface to Erasmus' Paraphrase of St. John. Again mentions without naming them the authority of great men (i.e. Fisher and the Archbishop of Mainz, cf. Allen #1323/18–23) who encouraged him to make the Paraphrase.]
  3. (L) (Rouschausse #18). From Erasmus to Fisher, Basel, 4 September 1524. Allen 5:#1489, pp.536–538; CWE 10:#1489, pp.368–370; Rouschausse #18, pp.82–85; (Fr.) Moreana 24 (1969): 62–64. [The letter from Fisher mentioned by Erasmus at the beginning is not extant.]
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johannes Oecolampadius, Basel, 25 January 1525. Allen 5:#1538/1–5, p.4; CWE 11:#1538/3–8, p.7. [Fisher listed among a number of important critics of Oecolampadius.]
  5. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Noël Béda, Basel, 28 April 1525. Allen 5:#1571/14–16,48–50, pp.68–69; CWE 11:#1571/15–16,52–54, pp.98,100. [Fisher listed among those Erasmus asked to criticize the 2nd edition of the Novum Instumentum in 1516 (cf. Allen #432). Fisher expressed his gratitude more than once and assured me that he had derived much profit from my work.]
  6. (L) Prefatory Letter of John Fisher to Nicholas West, Bishop of Ely, Rochester, June 1525. Defensio Regie assertionis contra Babylonicam captivitatem (Cologne: Peter Quentell, June 1525), fol.6rv (=Opera Omnia 101); Online at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek [USTC 632189. For the life of Nicholas West, see ODNB and note to Rogers #140/9, pp.319–20.]
  7. (L) Dedicatory Epistle of John Fisher to Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of London, Rochester, June 1525. Sacri sacerdotii defensio contra Lutherum (Cologne: Peter Quentell, June 1525), fol.B2–B4v (not in Opera Omnia ); Online at Google Books. [USTC 691912 and 691910.]
  8. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Noël Béda, Basel, 15 June 1525. Allen 5:#1581/183–85, 296–97, 665–70, pp.92, 94, 103; CWE 11:#1581/197–99(n.18), 332–33, 742–46, pp.137n18, 141, 156–57. [Lee was silenced by his English Friends. Erasmus praises Fisher as a theologian who supports him: Well then, do you not think that John, bishop of Rochester, is a theologian? . . . John, bishop of Rochester, has been pressing me repeatedly for a work on preaching, threatening me, begging and almost compelling me to comply. In this one man you have, if I may say so, three persons — a man of great integrity, a devout bishop, and, unless I am mistaken, a theologian of more than common learning.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Noël Béda to Erasmus, Basel, 12 September 1525. Allen 5:#1609/96–100, p.166; CWE 11:#1609/112–15, p.271. [If my little notes seem somewhat insignificant to you . . . send them to the bishop of Rochester, whom I consider an outstanding theologian.]
  10. (L). From Fisher to Duke William IV of Bavaria, Rochester, 12 Kal. Sept. [20 September] 1525. (L/E) Bridgett, Life of Fisher 114–116; Reynolds Fisher 109–110 (1972: 113–14).

1526–1527

  1. (L) From Fisher to Richard Croke, Rochester, early 1526. St. John's College, Cambridge, Thin Red Book, fols. 49r–50v; Hymers, J. ed., The funeral sermon of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby (Cambridge: Printed at the University Press for J. & J.J. Deighton, 1840), 210–16. [For dating, see Rex p.56 and n.55on pp.220–21.]
  2. (L). From the Prefatory Letter of Johannes Eck to Sigismund I, King of Poland, Idib. Feb. [13th February] 1526. De Sacrificio Missae (Feb 1526). [1562 ed., sig. A5v.] [Eck refers to his visit to England in 1525: adeo vt dum aestate praeterita (tumultibus ac seditionibus per Germania feruescentibus) in Angliam visendi Regis & Episcopi Roffensis gratia traiecissem, nec quidem memoriam Lutheri habitam audivi, nisi in maledicto . . . (When last summer I passed over to England to visit the king and the Bishop of Rochester, though tumults and seditions were raging in Germany, I never once heard the name of Luther mentioned except in malediction) (Bridgett).]
  3. (L). From Erasmus' Hyperaspistes, Part I, Early March 1526. ******
  4. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Martin Luther, Basel, 11 April 1526. Allen 5:#1688/9–12, p.306; CWE 12:#1688/11–15, p.136. [Why, then, did you not use this wonderful deinosis [vehemence, hatred] long ago when you attacked Cochlaeus and the bishop of Rochester? They mention you by name and resort to provocative and abusive language, while in my Diatribe [De libero arbitrio] I made my arguments in a civil manner.]
  5. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Ludwig Baer, Basel, 26 January 1527. Allen 6:#1780/33–35, p.454; CWE 12:#1780/32–34, p.442. [Erasmus writes: There is a whole flood of new books attacking Luther and Oecolampadius; they come from the bishop of Rochester, Jacobus Latomus, Jacob of Hoogstraten, and others.]
  6. (L). From Erasmus' First Will, Basel, 22 January, 1527. Allen XI: 362–365; CWE 12:544/77–545/85. [Erasmus leaves six copies of his projected Complete Works to English recipients: Let them leave twenty carefully carefully bound sets made up of individual volumes (or parts), and when the work is complete send: one set to the archbishop of Canterbury [William Warham]; the second to Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London; the third to Thomas More, English baron; the fourth to John [Longland], bishop of Lincoln, the fifth to Cambridge to be deposited in Queen's College, in the library of that college; the sixth to John [Fisher], bishop of Rochester. . . . See also CWE, Epp.1571:16(and n8), and 1581:332–33 for other Erasmus references to Fisher during this period.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  Johann Von Botzheim to Erasmus, Constance, 2 February 1527. Allen 6:#1782/45–46, p.457; CWE 12:#1782/45–46, p.448. [Botzheim writes: You mentioned books by Latomus, the bishop of Rochester, and others; I hope they enjoy great success. See Ep. 1780.]
  8. (L). From Fisher to Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, Rochester, [Before March] 1527. De veritate corporis et sanguinis Christi in eucharistia. . . adversus Iohannem Oecolampadium (Cologne: P. Quentell, March 1527), fol. C1rv; The Letters of Richard Fox, 1486–1527, Edited by P.S. Allen and H. M. Allen (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1929), #88, 152–156. cf. Reynolds Fisher 12,24 and Macklem 212,n.3. [Prefatory Letter. In the Proem to Book I, Fisher refers to More and to Eck's visit to England in 1525: Joannes Eckius, quem in Anglia vidisse pergratum fuit. (Prooem. of lib. i.), Sig.D1v.]
  9. (L). From Fisher to Wolsey, Rochester, [c.31 May] 1527. PRO S.P. 1.42, fols. 51–51v; Summary in LP 4:#3148, p.1434; (Latin) Nicholas Pocock, ed. Records of the Reformation: The Divorce 1527–1533 (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1870), Vol. 1:#4, pp.9–10; online at https://archive.org/details/recordsreformat06pocogoog); (English) Reynolds Fisher 131–132 (full translation). [L'Univers 394. Autograph letter. On the Divorce issue.]
  10. (E). Wolsey to Henry VIII, Hampton Court, 2 June [1527]. St.P. I/1:#105, pp.189–91; Summary in LP 4:#3147, p.1433 (Fisher not mentioned). [L'Univers 394. And what is the opinion of my Lord of Rochestre therin, Your Highnes shal perceyve by his original letters, which I send unto Your Grace herwith ; though verayly it may be thought, that having som conjecture or smelling of the matier, his said opinion procedith rather of affection, thenne of sincerite of his lerning, or scripture; like as Your Grace, reding the said letter, shal, by your lerning and high wisedom, facyly [facilely] judge and perceyve; drawing and extorting illud, quodcunque solveris, erit solutum, otherwise then, by al lerning and interpretacion of scripture, shuld be ment therby by our Savour Christe. For by that universal soo extended, Papa posset tollere omnia like as at my repaire unto Your Grace, the same shalbe more amply advertised of al the hol ordre and processe, that hath been made in that behaulf, whiche I truste shalbe to your contentacion and pleasour (p.189).]
  11. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Alfonso Manrique de Lara, Basel, 26 August, 1527. See More's Correspondence.
  12. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Alonzo de Fonseca, Basel, 2 September, 1527. Allen 7:#1874/58–59, p.162; CWE 13:#1874/58–59 and n10, p.304. [Erasmus lists among those whose letters regularly reach me here . . . Third is John, bishop of Rochester, who I think is known to you from his writings. Erasmus clearly did not feel the need to publish the letters he received from most of his episcopal correspondents.]
  13. (L). From Erasmus' Hyperaspistes, Part II, September 1527. ******
  14. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Willibald Pirckheimer, Basel, 19 October, 1527. Allen 7:#1893 /81–82 and n, p.217; CWE 13:#1893 /87–88 and n28, p.403. [Erasmus abandoned his plans to write against Oecolampadius after he heard that the Bishop of Rochester and the Parisians had girded themselves for this task.]

Further Revision needed from this point on

  1. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Christopher Mexia, Freiburg, 30 March 1530. Allen 8:#2299/73–77, p.403; CWE 16:#2299/**–**, p.***; Froude 377–78; DeMolen 172. [Some bishops who give gifts are not only wise but also holy like Warham, Tunstall and especially Fisher.]
  2. (L). Epistle from Fisher to Herman Letmatius [Lethmanus, Lethmaet, Lethmaat] / De Charitate Christiana. [Rochester, After 11/12 October 1530]. Epistola D. Ioannis Episcopi ad D. Hermannum Letmatium Goudanum, Doctorem Theologum et decanum ecclesiae D. Virginis, apud Traiectum inferius. De charitate Christiana in Opera omnia (1597), 1704–1707. [A devotional epistolary treatise, published in Opera omnia for the first time. No date given on original letter. For Fisher and earlier unpublished letters to Lethmaet, see Rex 2003: 81,83, 273. For Hermann Lethmaet see CE 2:327–328, and De Vocht, LC intro. to Ep.56, pp.137–39, and MHL 385–90. According to CE 2:327, Herman Lethmaet was made Dean of St. Mary's in Utrecht (Traiectum inferius) on 11/12 October 1530. Other variants on Letmatius' name include: Hermannus Goudanus, Hermannus Gaudanus, and Hermannus van der Goude.]
  3. (E). From Cranmer to Fisher, [early 1534?]. BL MS Harleian 6148, fol. 42v; LP 7:#188, p.76. Cranmer 2:#95, p.279. [Cranmer asks that Fisher admit [William] Devenish to St. John's College, Cambridge.]
  4. (E). From John Fisher to Cromwell, Rochester, 28 January 1534. BL MS Cotton Vespasian F.xiii. fol. 258 [Bruce gives fol.154b]; calendared in LP 7:#116, p.46; Bruce #1, p.89; Macklem 161–162; Reynolds Fisher 200.
  5. (E). From John Fisher to Cromwell, Rochester, 31 January 1534. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fols. 155–155v [Bruce gives fol.161]; calendared in LP 7:#136, p.52; Bruce #2, pp.89–90; Macklem 162–163; Reynolds Fisher 201.
  6. (E). From Cromwell to John Fisher, 27 February 1534. BL Cotton Cleopatra E.iv. fols. 101–104; calendared in LP 7:#238, p.97–98; Burnett IV:195–201; Merriman 1:#68, pp.373–379; Slavin #17, pp.34–41; cf. Macklem 160–161 and Reynolds Fisher 199. [Draft in Cromwell's own hand. Fisher's letter of the 18th is lost but its contents can be inferred from Cromwell's reply. Macklem gives a date between 18 and 28 January 1534, but Slavin and Merriman date this letter to February 1534.]
  7. (E). From John Fisher to Henry VIII, Rochester, c.27 February 1534. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fols. 156–158 [Bruce gives fol.162]; calendared in LP 7:#239, p.98–99; Bruce #3,pp.90–93; Macklem 164–167; Reynolds Fisher 202–204.
  8. (E). From John Fisher to the Lords of Parliament, [Rochester, c.27 February 1534]. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fols. 161–163v [Ellis has fol.166]; calendared in LP 7:#240, pp.99–100; Ellis III.ii.222, pp.289–295; Macklem 167–171; Reynolds Fisher 205–208. [Unsigned and not in Fisher's hand, but endorsed from the Bishop of Rochester, the original (cf. Reynolds Fisher 208,n.1). Original Letter. Fisher defends himself, with respect to the visions of the Maid of Kent.]
  9. Fisher was summoned from Rochester to Lambeth on 13th April and committed the Tower on 17th April 1534
  10. (E). Rowland Lee, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, to Cromwell, 17th April 1534. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 160 [Bruce has fol.165]; Strype's Cranmer, Appendix to Book I, pp.338–39; summary in LP 7:#498, p.201; cf. Macklem pp.183–84 and p.246n12 and Reynolds Fisher (1973), p.253 and note. [Lee reports that Fisher has refused to change his mind.]
  11. (E). From Cranmer to Cromwell, Croydon, 17 April [1534]. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 181; BL MS Harleian 283, fol. 120; Strype's Cranmer, Appendix, to Book I, p.339–40; Cranmer 2:#105, pp.285–286; calendared in LP 7:#499, p.201. cf. Macklem 179 and 244,n.5 and Moreana 34 (131/132): 46–48. [Cotton Cleopatra is the original letter. Cranmer suggests that More and Fisher be allowed to swear to the Act of Succession without the preamble.]
  12. (E). From Cromwell to Cranmer, [17 or 18 April 1534]. PRO S.P. 1/83, fols. 88–89; calendared in LP 7:#500, pp.201–202. Merriman 1:#71, p.381; Slavin #18, pp.42–43; cf. Macklem 179–180 and 245,n.6. [Henry VIII insists that More and Fisher must swear the preamble to the Act of Succession as well as the Act itself.]
  13. (E). From Fisher to Cromwell, Tower of London, 22 December [1534]. BL Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fols. 168–168v [Bruce gives fol.172]; calendared in LP 7:#1563, p.583; Strype's Cranmer, Appendix to Book I, pp.337–38 (partial); Bruce #4, pp.93–94; Macklem 188–189; Reynolds Fisher 244–246; [Autograph letter. Last surviving letter of Fisher.]
  14. (L). A Censure of Bishop Fisher for not Acknowledging the King's Supremacy, After 7 May 1535? BL Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fol. 172 [Bruce gives 178b]; Bruce #5, pp.94–95; cf. Macklem 251,n.21.
  15. (E). See More Calendar for several entries related to both More and Fisher.
  16. See LP Vol.8 for very many references to Fisher.
  17. Interrogatories administered to John Fisher, Doctor of Divinity, Tower of London, 14th June, 1535. St.P. I/2:#31, pp.431–32; calendared in LP 8:#867, pp.340–341 [L'Univers 506. Fourth Interrogatory.]
  18. (E). Trial of Bishop Fisher, 1–17 June 1535 (Bag of Secrets). PRO KB 8/7, part 2; Summary in LP 8:#886, pp.331–32; Reynolds Fisher 287–80 (rev. ed.) (Reynolds quotes the operative part of the long indictment); Trial by Jury App; I.12, pp.165–66 (adapted from LP). [Judgement as usual in high treason, i.e. to be hung, drawn and quartered. Fisher's sentence was commuted to beheading. He was executed on 18th June 1535.]
  19. (Fr). Report of Sir John Spelman, 17 June 1935. (Fr/E) Spelman I:57–58. [Brief report of Fisher's trial in Law French. The preceding report is for the Carthusian Martyrs and the following one for Thomas More.]

After Fisher's Death (See Also After More's Death)

  1. From a letter of  Sir Gregory da Casale to Cromwell, 27 July 1535. PRO; St. P. vii. 618; calendared in LP 8:#1121, pp.439–40. [Deals with the creation of Fisher as Cardinal as a provocation to Henry VIII. Blames the Cardinal of Capua (Schömberg) for Fisher's Promotion. Brief mention of More at end.]
  2. (E). From a letter of  Thomas Bydyll to Cromwell, 28 July, [1535]. BL MS Cotton Cleopatra E.vi. fols.164–164v; Wright's Suppression of the Monasteries, 44; Lewis' Life of Fisher, ii. 352; calendared in LP 8:1125, pp.441–42. cf. Macklem 242–243, n.13. [Bedyll reports on his interrogation of the monks of Sion concerning the circulation of copies of Fisher's Letter to King Henry VIII in 1534.]
  3. (E). From John Friar, Physician, to the Lord Privy Seal, London, 16 August [1535]. Stat. Pap. Off. Misc. Corresp. 2 Ser. xxii.79; Ellis III.ii.242, pp.346–347; Bridgett, (2nd ed. 1890), 467–68; [Requesting payment for his attendance on Fisher during his last illness: My Singular Good Lord, — This shall be to advertise the same, that whereas of late, the Bishop of Rochester, at what time he was sick, required me to look to him, and to give attendance upon him both night and day, promising to recompense my labour and pain, and where(as), after he was departed, all his goods were taken up by Mr. Gostwick, and converted to the King's coffers, so that for 12 days labour and 4 nights' watching, as yet, I have recovered nothing — in so much that, except your Lordship be good to me, I shall both lose my labour, my friend, and also my physic. And, truly, if physicians should take no money for them that they kill, as well as for them that they save, their living should be very thin and bare; therefore, I beseech your good Lordship, as to send to Mr. Gostwick, that I may have some recompense and reward for my pain. And, I beseech your Lordship, it may be so much the more liberal, because it because it shall be the last payment. For, of them that scape, we may take the less, because we hope they shall once come again in to our hands. . . . From London, the 16th August. John Friar, Physician (Bridgett).]
  4. (E). From a letter of  Cromwell to Sir John Wallop, Thornbury, 23 August [1535]. PRO S.P. 1/95, fols. 155–162; LP 9:#157 (p.113); Merriman 1:#113, pp.416–420; Slavin #19, pp.44–50. [Copies in Longleat House and Bath. Cromwell instructs the English Ambassador to France to justify Henry VIII's doings to Francis I, especially the executions of More and Fisher.]
  5. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Bartholomew Latomus, Basle, 24 August 1535. See More's Correspondence.
  6. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Christopher of Stadion, Basle, 6 [c25th] August 1535. Allen 11:#3036/63–100 (Fisher), 102–104 (More), p.192; Bridgett, Fisher (2nd ed. 1890), 467–68; CWE 68: 243–45. [Preface to Ecclesiastes, published after Fisher's death. Erasmus had originally planned to dedicate the book to Fisher: These materials for a work, for so I would rather call them than a work, I had not indeed promised, but in my own mind I had almost destined them for John Fisher, the Bishop of Rochester, a man of singular piety and erudition, with whom I had a very long and close friendship. For it was he, principally, who by his letters urged me to undertake this labour, saying that in the celebrated University of Cambridge, of which he was Chancellor for life, he was founding three colleges, whence might issue theologians not armed for battles of words, but well furnished for preaching the word of God soberly. He himself had a singular gift of preaching, and on this account was very dear to the paternal grandmother of the present king. God had put into her mind a thought above her sex. While other princely ladies bestow rich revenues on the foundation of monasteries, rather (I fear) from vainglory than piety, she on the contrary, while in life and health, gave all her care to that which is most holy, seeking no popular applause, but proceeding almost by stealth. In many places she endowed, with very liberal salaries, preachers fit to announce to the people the philosophy of the Gospel, and to the same end gave over to the Bishop of Rochester a very large sum of money, which he, with the greatest integrity, spent either in the education of preachers or the relief of the poor, not only deducting nothing for himself, but adding more from his own (Bridgett 467–68). For the reference to More and the question of dating, see More's Correspondence.]
  7. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Piotr Tomiczki, Basle, 31 August 1535. See More's Correspondence.
  8. (L). From a letter of  Cromwell to Sir Gregory da Casale, Brumham, September 1535. PRO S.P. 1/96, fols. 24v–25; St.P. 7.no.436 (pp.633–636***); LP 9:#240 (pp.81–82); Merriman 1:#122, pp.427–431; cf. Reynolds Fisher 290–291. [Cromwell instructs Casale, a naturalized Englishman and one of the English Ambassadors to Rome, to explain to the Pope the reasons for the executions of More and Fisher, that they were men proved guilty of high treason.]
  9. (L). From a letter of  Damião de Góis to Erasmus, Padua, 22 December 1535. Allen 11:#3078/30–37, pp.261. [L'Univers 513; Sullivan II:37. Forwards an account of Fisher's death (Allen #3079). Reply to Erasmus' Letter of 15 December (#3076), see More's Correspondence.]
  10. (L). From a letter of  From an Englishman to Damião de Góis, [1535]. Allen 11:#3079/1–32, pp.262–263. [Gives an account of Fisher's death.]
  11. (E). A Letter sent to Dame Katheryn Manne from Dan John Bouge, 1535. PRO; James Gairdner, EHR 7 (1892): 712–15; Nugent, 547–49. [Sullivan I:113. Reminiscences of More and Fisher.]
  12. (E). From a letter of  Thomas Elyot to Thomas Cromwell, 6 March 1536. BL Cotton MS. Cleopatra E.VI, fol.254; Studies in Philology 73:5 (1976): #10, pp.26–29. [As for the warkes of John fisshar, never hadd any of theim to my knowlege except one litle sermone, which aboute eight or nyne yeres passid was translatid into latine by Master Pace; and for that cause I bowght it more than for the author or mater, but where it is I am not sure, for in goode faith I never radd it but ones sens I bowght it (p.27).]
  13. (E). From a letter of  Cromwell to Christopher Mont and Thomas Paynell, 22 March [1539]. BL MS Cotton Vitelius B.xxi. fols. 159ff; calendared in LP ?Vol.14, Part I, #580, pp.226–228; Merriman 2:#300, pp.202–207. [Brief mention of Fisher's execution (p.205) in a letter to Henry VIII's agents at the Protestant courts in Germany.]
  14. (L). From a letter of  Gerard Morinck [Gerardus Moringus] to Nicolas van Winghe, Saint Trudo's Abbey, Bruges, 12 April 1545. De Vocht, MHL 566/74–568/86. [Morinck criticises Stephen Gardiner, the Bishop of Winchester, the main leader of the conservative party at the court of Henry VIII, for not following the example of More and Fisher: Vintoniensem non esse ea animi firmitate vt, secutus exempla fortissimorum illorum simul et summorum heroum Roffensis et Mori, multorumque aliorum insignium virorum, sceleratis conatibus sui Regis ex professo se obiiciat: miserandum sane, vtique cum non minore panoplia quam illi instructus videatur, certe quam Morus, quem in pistrino Theologico minus caeteris molam versasse existimo. Nam Roffensem, si ex scriptis censeas, facile omnium principem, omniaque legendi stipendia emeritum, omnis denique Ecclesiasticae antiquitatis promum et condum haud falso dixerim: id quod cum alia eius, tum vero opus illud eximium contra Oecolampadium, mea sententia, plane fatetur. Besides authoring a life of Maarten van Dorp (MHL 257–348) and of Pope Hadrian VI; according to De Vocht, Morinck was responsible for the Ordo condemnationis Thomae Mori . . . (MHL 489–490), which De Vocht edited in 1947 as Acta Thomae Mori.]
  15. (L). Polydore Vergil, Anglica Historia, 1555. Polydore Vergil, ed. Denys Hay, 334/6–11. [Brief reference to deaths of Fisher and More. For other Fisher references, see pp.145* and 306/28.]
  16. Brief Reference to the Death of Fisher in George Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, composed 4 November 1554–24 June 1558. [Cavendish 79/27–28, 30–33, n. on p.226, and p.xxi, n1.]

 

The Letters and Papers of John Colet (A Preliminary Calendar)

The Colet Letter numbers are tentative and can be renumbered. This section may be transferred to another file later on.

  1. Birth of John Colet, London, Beginning of 1467. [For Colet's early life, see J.B. Trapp, CE 1:325–328.]
  2. May have begun studying at Cambridge, 1483.
  3. A John Colet is recorded a Cambridge from 1484 to 1488, receiving a B.A. by 29 September 1488. [The Oxford University registers for the period from 1464 to 1504 are lost, and according to Trapp there is no contemporary evidence for the traditional view that he passed his early university years at Oxford or was incorporated MA there by 1490 (p.325).]
  4. Colet, Aged 25, goes to study in France and Italy for four years, 1492–1495. [L'Univers p.79. Colet studied in both Paris and Orléans, see Allen #480 and #494 below.]
  5. Visit to Rome from 14 March to at least 3 May 1493. [L'Univers p.80: Le nom de Colet inscrit au Liber Fraternitatis de l'hospice anglais de S. Spirito in Sassia, c'est-à-dire au registre de confraternité del la nation anglaise à Rome.]
  6. (L) (Colet #1). From Colet to Christopher Urswick, Rome, 1 April 1493. Princeton University MS 89. Publ. as W. K. Ferguson, An Unpublished Letter of John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's. American Historical Review 39 (1934): 696–699.
  7. Lectures at Oxford publice et gratis, 1495–1503. [L'Univers 92. According to Trapp, no record survives of Colet having taken a degree at Oxford (p.326).]
  8. (E) (Colet #2). Sir Henry Colet's Bond on Behalf of the City of London, London, 1 May 1496. BL MS Cotton Vitellius A.16. Knight 372–373.
  9. (L) (Colet #3). From Colet to <Richard Kidderminster>, the Abbot of Winchcombe, [Winter, 1497/98?]. Cambridge University Library MS Gg.iv.26. Knight 311–314; Lupton 90–93. [Lupton's translation is incomplete — See John B. Gleason, John Colet (Berkeley: U of California P, 1989), 173–174, for a translation of the missing section. An epistolary treatise?]
  10. (L) (Colet #4). Four Letters to Radulphus on the Mosaic account of creation. [1496–1505]. First edited and translated by J. H. Lupton in Opuscula Quaedam Theologica. London: George Bell and Sons, . [An epistolary treatise.]
  11. Colet ordained priest at the age of 31, 25 March 1498. [L'Univers 98.]
  12. (L) (Colet #5). From Ficino to Colet, [February 1499?]. Sears Jayne. John Colet and Marsilio Ficino. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1963. p.81. [Replying to a missing letter of December 1498?]
  13. (L) (Colet #6). From Colet to Ficino, [April 1499?]. Jayne 82.
  14. (L) (Colet #7). From Ficino to Colet, [July 1499?]. Jayne 82–83. [According to Trapp, Jane lists other surviving letters, 152–8 (p.325).]
  15. (L) (Colet #8). From Colet to Erasmus, Oxford, [October 1499]. Allen 1:#106, pp.242–243; CWE 1:#106, pp.198–199; Nichols I:#99, pp. 205–206. [L'Univers 103. First surviving letter from Colet to Erasmus. For Colet's relationship with Erasmus and their correspondence, see CE 1:324–328.]
  16. (L) (Colet #9). From Erasmus to Colet, [Oxford, October 1499]. Allen 1:#107, pp.243–245; CWE 1:#107, pp.199–201; Nichols I:#100, pp. 206–208; DeMolen 23–24; Hillerbrand #107/37–57, pp.29–30. [First surviving letter from Erasmus. Erasmus later reworked and greatly expanded his part of the debate with Colet in Ep. #106–#111 in the Dispatiuncula (1503), see below.]
  17. (L) (Colet #10). From Erasmus to Colet, St. Mary's College, Oxford, [October 1499]. Allen 1:#108, pp.245–249; CWE 1:#108, pp.202–206 and CWE 70: 9–12; Nichols I:#108, pp. 220–223; DeMolen 24–26; Hillerbrand #108/19–103, pp.30–33. [Preface to Disputatiuncula de taedio, pavore, tristicia Iesu (1503).]
  18. (L). (Allen #109a) (Colet #11). From Erasmus to Colet, Oxford, [October 1499]. Gouda MS 1324; Allen 1:#109, pp.249–253; CWE 1: #109, pp.206–211 (a) Allen #109/1–35; CWE 1: #109/1–41, pp.206–207 (= CWE 70: 13–14). [The original letter is found in Gouda MS 1324. The opening part of the Disputatiuncula de taedio, pavore, tristicia Iesu (1503) is taken from this letter. Godin, following Fokke, in his edition of the Disputatio in ASD Vol. V–7 (2013): 192–195, argues that Allen #109 was really a composite of two different letters ((a) lines 1–35, and (b) 36–157) sent by Erasmus to Colet, and that a response by Colet has been lost. For his rearrangement of the letters (Allen #109a, #110, #111, #109b), see ibid., pp.266–78. This matches the arrangement of the material in the Dispatiuncula. The first letter probably originally included a Status questionis, which is now lost, but which may have been partly incorporated into the Disputatio (ASD Vol. V–7, p.195.]
  19. (L) (Colet #12). From Colet to Erasmus, [Oxford, October 1499]. Allen 1:#110, pp.253–254; CWE 1:#110, pp.211–212.
  20. (L) (Colet #13). From Erasmus to Colet, Oxford, [October 1499]. Allen 1:#111, pp.254–260; CWE 1:#111, pp.212–219. [Facsimile of Gouda MS 1324 fol. 153, facing Allen p.254. Colet's reply lost, see next item.]
  21. (L) (Allen #109b) (Colet #14). From Erasmus to Colet, Oxford, [1499?]. (b) Allen #109/36–157; CWE 1: #109/42–172, pp.207–211. [Godin, following Fokke, argues that this part of Allen #109, was actually taken from a later letter from which the opening was omitted, written in response to a lost letter of Colet's, see Allen #109a above.]
  22. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johannes Sixtinus, Oxford, 28 October [1499]. Allen 1:#113/1–7, p.261); CWE 1: #113/1–9, p.220. [Both Prior Richard Charnock and John Colet praise Sixtinus' character. For the life of Sixtinus, see CE 3:255–56 and intro. to Allen 1:#113, p.261.]
  23. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to William Mountjoy, Oxford, [November 1499]. Allen 1:#115/3–7, pp.266–267); CWE 1: #115/4–8, p.228; Nichols I: #104, p.213; DeMolen 24. [Praise of Charnock and Colet.]
  24. (L). From Erasmus to Johannes Sixtinus, Oxford, [November 1499]. Allen 1:#116, pp.268–271; CWE 1:#116, pp.229–233; Nichols I:#105, pp. 215–219. [Describes a discussion with Colet and Charnock on a point of biblical interpretation—see especially Allen 1:268/1–31 = CWE 1: 229/1–230/36.]
  25. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Robert Fisher, London, 5 December [1499]. See More's Correspondence.
  26. (L). From a letter of  Jacob Batt to William Blount, Lord Mountjoy, Tournehem, [February] 1500. See More's Correspondence.
  27. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Jacob Voogd, Tournehem, [18 July 1501]. Allen 1:#159/53–57, p.368; CWE 2:#159/59–63, p.45. [L'Univers 113 and n1. Erasmus thinks of returning to England to visit Colet, but still feels badly about losing his money the year before — see entry for Letter to Botzheim (Allen I: 16/18–25) under 27 Jan. 1500 in More's Correspondence.]
  28. (L) (Colet #15). Colet's Resignation from the Prebend of Goodeaster in the Church of St. Martin le Grand, London, 26 January 1502/1503. Unprinted. Westminster Abbey, Muniment No. 13199. Witnessed by Thomas More and Edmund Painter. [L'Univers 123. See William Nelson The Friendship of Thomas More and John Colet: An Early Document, Modern Language Quarterly 1 (1940): 459–460: The ceremony of resignation was performed at Colet's Church of All Saints, Stepney, praesentibus adtunc ibidem discretis viris Thoma more de london generoso [gentleman] et Edmundo paynter literis.]
  29. — (L). Erasmus' Disputatiuncula de Taedio, Pavore, Tristicia Iesu, February 1503. ASD V–7 (2013): 189–278; LB V: 1265–1292; CWE 70: 1–67 (based on LB). [This is a greatly expanded reworking of the debate with Colet represented by Ep.106–111. For later references, see also Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1: 20/21–25; CWE 9:1341A/745–746, pp.322–323), and Letter to Maarten Lips (Allen 3: #843/614–616, p.328; CWE 6:24/674–676). See also notes to Allen 109a above.]
  30. (L) (Colet #15a). (As Prebendary of Botevant) Letters Patent to York Minster, 26 October 1503. Borthwick Institute of Archives, York MS DY.4.6d. [Colet's autograph signature. See Arnold, 2015: Plate I (p.245), 253.]
  31. (L) (Rogers #3) (Colet #16). From Thomas More to John Colet, London, 23 October [1504]. See More's Correspondence.
  32. (L) (Colet #17). From Erasmus to Colet, Paris, [c.December 1504]. Allen 1:#181, pp.403–406; CWE 2:#181, pp.85–89; Nichols I:#180, pp. 374–78; Hillerbrand #181/1–94, pp.45–48. [L'Univers 129, 131. Erasmus congratulates Colet on his Doctorate and his Deanship. Marc'hadour suggests June as the date.]
  33. Colet appointed Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral in 1504 but does not occupy the post to 1505. [L'Univers 133.]
  34. (E) (Colet #18). The Will of Sir Henry Colet, Father of John Colet, London, 27 September 1505. Knight 462–464. [Colet's father died on 1st October 1505. On the Inquisitions post-mortem for Sir Henry Colet's estates and on the birthdate of John Colet, see John B. Gleason, The Birth Date of John Colet and Erasmus of Rotterdam: Fresh Documentary Evidence, Renaissance Quarterly 32 (1979): 73–76.]
  35. (L) (Colet #19). From Erasmus to Colet, Paris, 12 June 1506. Allen 1:#195, p.428; CWE 2:#195, p.119; Nichols I:#195, p.412; DeMolen 62–63.
  36. (L) (Colet #20). From Colet to William Lily, London, 1 August 1509. English Linguistics 1500–1800 (A Collection of Facsimile Reprints) 298, selected and edited by R. C. Alston. Menston, England: Scolar Press, 1971, sig. A5. [Preface to Colet's original Latin accidence which does not survive but provided the basis for the later Grammatices Rudimentis, see #30.]
  37. Becomes a Member of Doctors Commons, [Before 1511?] [Autograph Signature. See Arnold 2015, p.253n23. More also joined on 3rd December 1514, see More's Correspondence.]
  38. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Dover, 10 April [1511]. See More's Correspondence.
  39. (L) (Colet #21). From Erasmus to Colet, Queen's College, Cambridge, 24 August 1511. Allen 1:#225, pp.465–466); CWE 2:#225, pp.168–169; Nichols II:#219, pp.19–20.
  40. — (L). Erasmus' Concio de Puero Iesu, [Paris], 1 September [1511]. LB V: 600–608; Knight (1823):#IV, pp.285–302; CWE 29: 52–70. [Composed for Colet's School: To be spoken by a boy in the School Recently Founded by Colet in London. First published by Robert de Keysere in 1511, probably in Paris. See also Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1: 21/23–24; CWE 9:1341A/786–787, p.325).]
  41. (L) (Colet #22). From Erasmus to Colet, Cambridge, 13 September [1511]. Allen 1:#227, pp.467–468; CWE 2:#227, pp.170–171; Nichols II:#221, pp.21–22; Hillerbrand #227/1–22, pp.60–61.
  42. (L) (Colet #23). From Colet to Erasmus, [London, end of September 1511]. Knight 321–322; Allen 1:#230, pp.470–471; CWE 2:#230, pp.173–175; Nichols II:#223, pp.24–26.
  43. (L) (Colet #24). From Erasmus to Colet, Cambridge, 5 October 1511. Allen 1:#231, pp.471–472); CWE 2:#231, p.175; Nichols II:#224, p.27.
  44. (L) (Colet #25). From Erasmus to Colet, Cambridge, 29 October [1511]. Allen 1:#237, pp.477–479; CWE 2:#237, pp.183–187; Nichols II:#231, pp.34–38; Hillerbrand #237/71–89, pp.61–62; Huizinga IX: 211–12. [L'Univers 179.]
  45. (L) (Colet #26). Testament of Doctor John Colet, A.D. 1511, for the Endowment of St. Paul's School, London, 4 November 1511. Knight 334–338.
  46. (L). From a letter of  Johannes Sixtinus to Erasmus, London, 19 November [1511]. Allen 1:#244/34–36, p.489; CWE 2:#244/38–40, p.201. [Colet is looking forward to a visit from Erasmus.]
  47. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 26 November 1511. Allen 1:#245/40–41, p.492; CWE 2:#245/45–46, p.205; Nichols II:#236, p.49. [Refers to a lost letter to Colet.]
  48. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 3 December [1511]. Allen 1:#248/38–40, p.495; CWE 2:#248/47–50 and n., p.209; Nichols II:#239, p.53. [Brief references to Colet and Sixtinus.]
  49. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Cambridge, 19 February [1512]. Allen 1:#255/6–8, p.502; CWE 2:#255/8–10, p.216; Nichols II:#245, p.62. [Brief Colet reference.]
  50. (L). Colet's Convocation Sermon, ?6th February 1512. Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Laud 193; Oratio habita a D. Ioanne Colet decano Sancti Pauli ad clerum in conuocatione. Anno. M.D.xj. (London: Richard Pynson, ?). [English translation first published in 1530. Many Editions.]
  51. (L) (Rogers #8) (Colet #27). From Thomas More to Colet, [London?, c.March 1512?]. See More's Correspondence.
  52. (L) (Colet #28). From Colet to Erasmus, [London, March 1512]. Knight 319–320; Allen 1:#258, pp.508–509; CWE 2:#258, pp.223–224; Nichols II:#246, p.63.
  53. (L) (Colet #29). From Erasmus to Colet, London, 29 April 1512. LB I: A1?***; ASD I–6: ***–***; Allen 1:#260, pp.510–512; Online at https://la.wikisource.org/wiki/De_copia_verborum. CWE 2:#260, pp.225–229 and CWE 23: 284–288; Nichols II:#248, pp.66–67; DeMolen 35–36; Hillerbrand #260/1–35, pp.62–63. [Preface to first edition of De Copia (July 1512). See also Allen #296/150–51 below; Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1: 8/37–9/4; CWE 9:1341A/267–271, p.303); and Beatus Rhenanus' Life of Erasmus (Allen I: 63/241–244; Olin p.55.]
  54. — (L). Erasmus' Colloquy Peregrinatio religionis ergo [A Pilrimage for Religion's sake], February 1526 [c.1512–1514]. ASD 1-3:470–493; LB 1: 774–787; CWE 40: 619–74; N. Bailey, The colloquies of Erasmus, 2 vols. (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1878), 2:1–37, online at https://archive.org/details/colloquieserasm01johngoog. [The original pilgrimage to Canterbury took place sometime between the summer of 1512 and July 1514 (cf. CWE 40: 619); See also reference in Modus orandi Deum (LB V 1119E; ASD V–1: 154; CWE 70: 198 and n.341).]
  55. (E) (Colet #30). Preface to Linacre's Grammatices Rudimenta, for the Endowment of St. Paul's School, 1513. Aeditio (1527) A5v–A6; Knight 451–453. [There is nothing to indicate that this English preface was composed at the same time as the Latin Preface of 1 August 1509, though they are printed together in the Aeditio.]
  56. (L) (Colet #31). From Erasmus to Colet, Cambridge, 11 July [1513]. Allen 1:#270, pp.525–528; CWE 2:#270, pp.246–249; Nichols II:#252, pp.71–74.
  57. (L) (Colet #32). From Erasmus to Colet, [Landbeach?, near] Cambridge, 31 October [1513]. Allen 1:#278, pp.536–537; CWE 2:#278, pp.258–260; Nichols II:#271, pp.96–97. [L'Univers 199.]
  58. (L). From a letter of  Jan Becker van Borssele to Erasmus, Middelburg 19 April 1514. Allen 1:#291/12–15, p.557; CWE 2:#291/13–16, p.286. [Borssele hopes that his letter will be forwarded to Erasmus by Colet.]
  59. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Servatius Rogerus, Hammes Castle, 8 July 1514. Allen 1:#296/138–42, 150–51, p.570; CWE 2: #296/145–49, 158–159, pp.299–300; Nichols II:#290, pp.146–47; Hillerbrand #296/23–190,205–32, p.73. [Praise of Colet. Mentions dedication of 1st edition of the Copia to Colet.]
  60. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Jean de Nève, Louvain, 1 August 1514. Allen 2:#298/30–35, p.2; CWE 3:#298/35–40, p.4. [Mentions poem composed for Colet's School. For the poems composed for Colet's School, see CWE 85, #44–49, pp.88–107, and CWE 86: 501–509; See also Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1: 6/28–35; CWE, 9:1341A/196–203, p.300).]
  61. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johann Reuchlin, [Basel, August 1514]. Allen 2:#300/6–8, 26—35, p.4; CWE 3: #300/8–10, 29–31, p.7; Nichols II:#294, pp.156–57. [Both Fisher and Colet wish to read Reuchlin's Defensio (Tübingen: 1513). For the life of Reuchlin, see CE 3:145–150, and Allen, intro. to 1:#290, p.555.
  62. (L) (Colet #33). From Colet to Erasmus, London, 20 October [1514]. Knight 318; Allen 2:#314, pp.36–37; CWE 3:#314, p.48; Nichols II:#305, pp.170–71.
  63. (L). From Erasmus to the Reader, Basel, 30 July 1515. Allen 2:#341/15–30, p.119; CWE 3:#341/17–35, pp.146–47. [L'Univers 219. Preface to revised edition of William Lily's De octo orationis partium constructione libellus (Basel: Froben, August 1515), prepared for Colet's school and edited by Erasmus. See also Erasmus' Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1:9/4–6; CWE 9:#1241A/271–274, p.303).]
  64. (L). From Erasmus to the Reader, Basel, [c. December] 1515. Allen 2:#373/17–21, p.166; CWE 3:#373/20–25, p.198; Hillerbrand #373/12–49, 202–24, pp.93–94. [Preface to Erasmus' Annotations to the New Testament, the Novum Instrumentum (Basel: Froben 1516). Mentions borrowing ancient copies (no longer extant) of the Latin Bible (Vetus Latina) from Colet.]
  65. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Saint-Omer, 5 June [1516]. Allen 2:#414/2–5 (p.246); CWE 3: #414/4–7, p.296; Nichols II:#401, p.272. [Erasmus praises Colet and Warham (who is unnamed).]
  66. (L) (Colet #34). From Colet to Erasmus, Stepney, 20 June [1516]. Knight 315–317; Allen 2:#423, pp.257–259; CWE 3:#423, pp.310–313; Nichols II:#411, pp.286–88. [L'Univers 231.]
  67. (L). From a letter of  Thomas Lupset to Erasmus, London, 28 June [1516]. Allen 2:#431/4–6, p.268; CWE 3:#431/5–7, p.324. [Colet accuses Lupset of some kind of wrongdoing in a lost letter. Possibly a reference to Lupset's possession of certain MSS of Erasmus', including Julius Exclusus, see Letter of More to Erasmus, Allen #502/9–14, p.421; CWE 4:#502/10–16, pp.169–71.]
  68. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio, Rochester, 22 August [1516]. Allen 2:#455/14–16, p.320; CWE 4:#455/18–20, p.43; Nichols II:#440, pp.323; DeMolen 50. [Brief Colet reference.]
  69. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Reuchlin, Calais, 27 August [1516]. Allen 2:#457/23–29, pp.330–331; CWE 4:#457/27–34, p.56; Nichols II:#446, pp.373–74. [Colet and Fisher think highly of Reuchlin. Erasmus urges Reuchlin to write to Colet and Fisher.]
  70. (L). From a letter of  Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 3 September [1516]. Allen 2:#461/13–18, pp.339–340; CWE 4:#461/15–20, p.67; Nichols II:#450, p.382. [Colet has spoken to Wolsey on Erasmus' behalf.]
  71. (L). From a letter of  Thomas More to Erasmus, London, 22 September [1516]. Allen 2:#468/11–17, p.347; CWE 4:#468/15–21, p.80; Nichols II:#457, p.393. [Colet is learning Greek.]
  72. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Reuchlin, Antwerp, 29 September [1516]. Allen 2:#471/14–17, 27–28, pp.330–331; CWE 4:#471/16–19,31–33, pp.85,87; Nichols II:#459, p.395–96. [Both Fisher and Colet venerate Reuchlin. Both are also making progress learning Greek.]
  73. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 2 October 1516. Allen 2:#474/27–28, p.354; CWE 4:#474/31–33, p.93. [Erasmus has arranged for Warham, Colet, Fisher, Urswick and More (if he wishes) to receive copies of the new edition of Jerome.]
  74. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, Brussels, 28 October 1516. Allen 2:#480/209–211, p.368; CWE 4:#480/222–226, p.109; Nichols II:#469, p.420. [Erasmus has long known Deloynes, both through Colet and through his own studies in Orléans and Paris. See Allen #494 and #535 below. For the life of François Deloynes, see CE 1:385–85 and intro. to Allen 2:#494, p.520.]
  75. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Pieter Gillis, Brussels, 18 November [1516]. Allen 2:#491/4–7, p.385; CWE 4:#491/4–6, p.131; Nichols II:#482, p.435. [Pieter Meghen has been robbed and beaten. Erasmus has written to Colet to ask him to help Meghen. Pieter Meghen was a scribe and courier in the service of Erasmus. For his life, see CE 2:420–22 and intro. to note to Allen 1:#230/4, p.471.]
  76. (L). From a letter of  François Deloynes to Erasmus, Paris, [c25 November 1516]. Allen 2:#494/3–7,14–22, pp.405–406; CWE 4:#494/5–8, 14–23, pp.154–55; Nichols II:#484, p.440. [Colet once studied in Orléans (in 1493–1496?) and was friends with Deloynes.]
  77. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to François Deloynes, Antwerp, 21 February 1517. Allen 2:#535/36–38, p.481; CWE 4:#535/40–42, p.252; Nichols II:#512, p.489. [A few months ago Erasmus was in Colet's company and he seemed much pleased to be reminded of an old acquaintance. See also Allen #480 and #494 above.]
  78. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas More, Antwerp, 1 March 1517. Allen 2:#543/22–23, p.495; CWE 4:#543/26–28, p.272; Nichols II:#525, pp.513–15. [Asks whether Warham and Colet and Fisher still have the same feelings about him.]
  79. (L). From a letter of  Oecolampadius to Erasmus, Weinsberg, 27 March 1517. Allen 2:#563/14–16, p.523; CWE 4:#563/17–19, p.305; Nichols II:#542, p.535. [Oecolampadius' ears resound with Erasmus' praises of statesman More and saintly Colet.]
  80. (L) (Colet #35). From Colet to Erasmus, London, [c.June 1517]. Allen 2:#593, p.599; CWE 4:#593, p.398; Nichols II:#586, pp.596–97.
  81. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to <Fisher>, Antwerp, 8 September 1517. Allen 3:#653/1–6, p.75; CWE 5:#653/1–6, p.105; Nichols III:#625, pp.41–42. [Mentions Colet's complaints about not receiving Reuchlin's De arte cabalistica. You must forgive Colet his eagerness; I know your kind heart. I had given More leave to show the book to Colet, not to deposit it with him.]
  82. (L) (Colet #36). From Richard Pace to Colet, Constance, [Late August–early September] 1517. De Fructu p.12–16; Knight pp.454–457; calendared LP 2:#3765, p.1182; Pace 20–25. Electronic copies available through USTC. [USTC 691172; Shaaber P3. Third Preface to Pace's De Fructu (Basel: Froben, Oct. 1517). The whole work is addressed to Colet to whom Pace refers on pp.104, 112, 126 and 136 (1967) — the last a reference to Colet's School.]
  83. (L). From a letter of  Thomas More to Erasmus, Calais, 5 November [1517]. Allen 3:#706/1–3, p.131; CWE 5:#706/2–5, p.188. [I had a letter from you today, together with letters for Colet and the bishop of Rochester, and a pamphlet with them. I will see to it that they are delivered as soon as possible, so that the pamphlet may not lose the charm of novelty. All three letters are lost. For the pamphlet, see Allen #713 below.]
  84. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johann Reuchlin, Louvain, 15 November [1517]. Allen 3:#713/13–14, p.143; CWE 5:#713/17–18, p.204; Nichols III:#686, p.149. [My lord of Rochester and Colet are both in splendid health. All scholars and all upright men are your friends. . . . I had the piece (i.e. Pfeffercorn's Streydtpuechlyn, cf. Allen #697/12 and n.) turned into Latin and sent it to the bishop of Rochester.]
  85. (E?) (Colet #37). From Colet to Wolsey, London, 18 December [1517]. Stat. Pap. Off. Wolsey's Corresp. iii. 59.***; calendared in LP 1:#3834, p.1202; Ellis III.i.75, pp.190–191; Lupton 226–227. [Original Letter. Colet requests the promotion of the undermaster of his school (John Rightwise, son-in-law of William Lily) to some ecclesiastical preferment.]
  86. (L) (Colet #38). From Erasmus to Colet, [Louvain, c.5 March 1518]. Knight 323–324; Allen 3:#786, pp.240–242); CWE 5:#786, pp.329–331; Nichols III:#757, pp.297–300.
  87. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Louvain, c.5 March [1518]. Allen 3:#787/11–12, p.242; CWE 5:#787/12–13, p.333. [Erasmus asks Pace to try to get financial help for Erasmus from his benefactors, including the king: Bring in, if you need them, Mountjoy and Tunstall. Colet has been busy on this for some time. What I need is ready money. See Allen #816, #825 and #834.]
  88. (L) (Colet #39). From Erasmus to Colet, Louvain, 23 April [1518]. Allen 3:#825, p.292; CWE 5:#825, pp.396–397; Nichols III:#787, p.356. [Facsimile of Deventer MS 91, fol. 11, facing Allen 3:292. See also Letter to Botzheim (Allen 1: 44/13–15; CWE 9:1341A/1735–1737, p.360); Allen 3:#816/6–8, p.286; CWE 5:#816/8–10, p.389; and intro. to CWE 5:#834, pp.410–411.]
  89. From a letter of  Erasmus to Paolo Bombace, Basel, 26 July 1518. Allen 3:#855/42, p.357; CWE 6:#855/46, p.63; Nichols III:#805, p.422. [John Colet is a select preacher in England.]
  90. (L) (Colet #40). From Erasmus to Colet, Louvain, 23 October 1518. Allen 3:#891, pp.428–429; CWE 6:#891, pp.167–168.
  91. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Henry Guildford, Antwerp, 15 May 1519. Allen 3:#966/1–4, p.585; CWE 6:#966/3–/6, pp.363–64. [Erasmus thanks Guildford for his kind feelings towards him: whether the first spark of this good will was kindled in you by something I had written or whether you derived it from conversation with Dr. John Colet and my other friends.]
  92. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johannes Fabri, Louvain, [c. end of May] 1519. Allen 3:#976/36–37, p.602; CWE 6:#976/42, p.387. [Thomas More is of the Privy Council, and so is Colet.]
  93. (L). From Erasmus to Ulrich von Hutten, Antwerp, 23 July 1519. Allen 4:#999/267–70, p.21; CWE 7:#999/292–95, p.24. [Erasmus quotes Colet's praise of More.]
  94. (L) (Rogers #83). From a letter of  Thomas More to a Monk [John Batmanson], [March–September 1519]. See Fisher's Calendar.
  95. (L) (Colet #41). Testament of John Colet, London, 22 August 1519. Chapter House MS. at St. Paul's Cathedral, London; Knight 464–474; N. H. Nicolas, Testamenta Vetusta (London: 1826), ii.568–73 (reprinted from Knight). [John Colet died on 16th? September 1519.]
  96. (E). From a letter of  Richard Pace to Wolsey, London, 11 September [1519]. Ellis III.i.80, pp.198–199; calendared in LP 3:#448, p.158. [Orig. Announces that Colet is in extremis but not yet dead.]
  97. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Guillaume Budé, Louvain, 15 October 1519. Allen 4:#1023/6–7, p.87; CWE 7:#1023/7–8, p.96. [John Colet, best of men and most reliable of my friends has died in London of the plague.]
  98. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Louvain, 16 October 1519. Allen 4:#1025/1–3, p.87; CWE 7:#1025/2–4, p.97. [Expresses grief at Colet's death and congratulates Pace on succeeding him as Dean of St. Pauls.]
  99. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Lupset, Louvain, 16 October 1519. Allen 4:#1026/1–4, pp.88–89; CWE 7:#1026/2–5, p.98. [It must be thirty years since I felt any man's death as I feel Colet's.]
  100. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to William Doncaster, Louvain, 16 October 1519. Allen 4:#1027/1–10, pp.89–90; CWE 7:#1027/2–10, p.99. [Grief at Colet's death: I shall set down Colet's life in writing. See Allen #1211 below.]
  101. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to William Blount, Lord Mountjoy, Louvain, 16 October 1519. Allen 4:#1028/13–15, p.90; CWE 7:#1028/16–18, p.100. [Grief at Colet's death.]
  102. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Tunstall, Louvain, 16 October 1519. Allen 4:#1029/20–21, p.92; CWE 7:#1029/23–24, p.101. [Grief at Colet's death.]
  103. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Fisher, Louvain, 17 October 1519. Allen 4:#1030/39–48,67–68, p.94; CWE 7:#1030/44–53,74–76, pp.103,105. [Grief at Colet's death and plans to write his life.]
  104. Two Charters involving the Rent of Properties belonging to Dame Christian Colet, signed by Thomas More, Thomas Lupset and several other signatories, 14th and 19th November 1519. BL Add. Charter 826 (33); BL Add. Charter 828. J.B. Trapp, Dame Christian Colet and Thomas More, Moreana 15 (1967):103–114.
  105. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Lupset, Louvain, 13 December 1519. Allen 4:#1053/529–540, p.152; CWE 7:#1053/579–590, p.163. [Grief at Colet's death again.]
  106. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Paul Volz, [Louvain, Beginning of March 1520.] Allen 4:#1075/11–12, p.202; CWE 7:#1075/13–14, p.220. [I alone am left in this stormy sea, and Colet has gone before.]
  107. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Johann von Botzheim, Louvain, 16 May [1520]. Allen 4:#1023/19–20, p.262; CWE 7:#1103/23–24, p.284. [Pace has lately succeeded John Colet in the distinguished office of Dean of Saint Pauls.]
  108. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to John Sapidus, Louvain, [c.May–July 1520]. Allen 4:#1023/25–33, p.279; CWE 7:#1110/29–36, p.305. [Preface to the Antibarbari. Recalls a response of John Colet of blessed memory to reading the manuscript of Book II.]
  109. (L) (Colet #42?). From Erasmus to Jodocus Jonas, Anderlect, 13 June 1521. Jortin II.310–322; Allen 4:#1211 (pp.507–527); Lupton, The Lives of Jehan Vitrier, Warden of the Franciscan Convent at St. Omer, and John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, London. Written in Latin, by Erasmus of Rotterdam, in a Letter to Justus Jonas. Translated, with notes and appendices, by J. H. Lupton. London: G. Bell and Sons, 1883; Olin pp. 157–79; CWE 8:#1211, pp.225–244; (Fr./L.) André Godin, trans., Érasme: Vie de Jean Vitrier et de John Colet, (Angers: Éditions Moreana, ). [Biographies of Jean Vitrier (Allen 4:#1211/13–254, pp.508–514; CWE 8:#1211/16–273, p.226–232); and John Colet (Allen 4:#1211/1–4,245–616, pp.507–508,514–526; CWE 8:#1211/2–5,274–673, pp.226,232–43).]
  110. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Richard Pace, Bruges, 23 August 1521. Allen 4:#1227/32–34, p.566; CWE 8:#1227/36–39, p.283. [I expect you to see to it that I don't miss Colet overmuch.]
  111. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Thomas Lupset, Louvain, 23 August 1521. Allen 4:#1229/1–20, pp.569–70; CWE 8:#1229/1–20, p.287. [Praises Lupset for wanting to imitate Colet's example.]
  112. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Joost Vroye, Basel, 1 March [1523]. Allen 5:#1347/31–56,290–91, pp.239, 247; CWE 9:#1347/36–63,309–10, pp.413–14, 422. [Printed in the Exomologesis (1524). An anecdote about Colet's anger at his uncle, and about how he was finally able to overcome this, partly with the aid of Erasmus's Enchiridion (1503): this episode can be dated no earlier than Erasmus's second visit to England, 1505–1506. (CWE 9, p.413n5).]
  113. Will of Dame Christian Colet (d.1523) dated 13 January 1523 and proved on 22 November 1523. [CE 2:266.]
  114. (L). From a letter of  Erasmus to Bonifacius Amerbach, Freiburg, 6 July, 1532. Allen 10:#2684/74–81, p.59; Hillerbrand #2684/8–12, 25–123, pp.263–64. [Praise of Dame Christian Colet, John Colet's mother, see also Allen #1211/56–62. Also Translated by J.B. Trapp, in Dame Christian Colet and Thomas More, p. 104.]
  115. (L). Polydore Vergil, Anglica Historia, 1534 (1546, 1555). Polydore Vergil, XXVI.51 (Lat. / Eng.) (Denys Hay, 146*–147*). [Praise of Fisher and Colet and Reference to Colet's school.]

Longer Quotes

  1. From Erasmus' Colloquy Convivium Profanum [The Profane Feast], 1518, 1522.
    Boy. Erasmus, your humble Servant, there is one wants to speak with you at the Door.
    Erasmus. Who is it?
    Boy. He says he is one Mr. More's Man, his Master is come out of Britain, and he desires you would make him a Visit, because he sets out for Germany to-Morrow by Break of Day.
    Erasmus. Christian, gather the Reckoning, for I must be going.
    Christian. The Reckoning, most learned Erasmus, of this Supper, I will discharge that. You have no Need to put your Hand in your Pocket I thank you that you honoured me with your Company ; but I am sorry you are called away before the Comedy is ended.
    Erasmus. Have I any Thing more to do but to bid you Farewell and be merry?
    Christian. Farewell, we can't take it amiss, because you don't leave a Shoulder of Mutton for a Sheep's-Head, but go from Friends to a better Friend.
    (Bailey 1:140) [Back]
  2. From Erasmus' Colloquy Coniugium [Marriage], August 1523.
    Eulalia. I have the Honour to be acquainted with a Gentleman of a noble Family; Learned, and of singular Address and Dexterity; he married a young Lady, a Virgin of seventeen Years of Age, that had been educated all along in the Country in her Father's House, as Men of Quality love to reside in the Country, for the Sake of Hunting and Fowling : He had a Mind to have a raw unexperienced Maid, that he might the more easily form her Manners to his own Humour. He began to instruct her in Literature and Musick, ajid to use her by Degrees to repeat the Heads of Sermons, which she heard, and to accomplish her with other Things, which would afterwards be of Use to her. Now these Things being wholly new to the Girl, which had been brought up at Home, to do nothing but gossip and play, she soon grew weary of this Life, she absolutely refused to submit to what her Husband required of her; and when her Husband pressed her about it, she would cry continually, sometimes she would throw herself flat on the Ground, and beat her Head against the Ground, as though she wished for Death. Her Husband finding there was no End of this, concealed his Resentment, gave his Wife an Invitation to go along with him into the Country to his Father-in-Law's House, for the Sake of a little Diversion. His Wife very readily obeyed him in this Matter. When they came there, the Husband left his Wife with her Mother and Sisters, and went a Hunting with his Father-in-Law; there having taken him aside privately, he tells his Father-in-law, that whereas he was in good Hopes to have had an agreeable Companion of his Daughter, he now had one that was always a crying, and fretting herself; nor could she be cured by any Admonitions, and intreats him to lend a helping Hand to cure his Daughter's Disorder. His Father-in-Law made him answer, that he had once put his Daughter into his Hand, and if she did not obey him, he might use his Authority, and cudgel her into a due Submission. The Son-in-Law replies, I know my own Power, but I had much rather she should be reformed by your Art or Authority, than to come to these Extremities. The Father-in-Law promised him to take some Care about the Matter: So a Day or two after, he takes a proper Time and Place, when he was alone with his Daughter, and looking austerely upon her, begins in telling her how homely she was, and how disagreeable as to her Disposition, and how often he had been in Fear that he should never be able to get her a Husband: But after much Pains, says he, I found you such a one, that the best Lady of the Land would have been glad of; and yet, you not being sensible what I have done for you, nor considering that you have such a Husband, who if he were not the best natur'd Man in the World, would scarce do you the Honour to take you for one of his Maid Servants, you are disobedient to him: To make short of my Story, the Father grew so hot in his Discourse, that he seemed to be scarce able to keep his Hands off her; for he was so wonderful cunning a Man, that he would act any Part, as well as any Comedian. The young Lady, partly for Fear, and partly convinced by the Truth of what was told her, fell down at her Father's Feet, beseeching him to forget past Faults, and for the Time to come, she would be mindful of her Duty. Her Father freely forgave her, and also promised, that he would be to her a very indulgent Father, provided she performed what she promised.
    Xanthippe. Well, what happened after that?
    Eulalia. The young Lady going away, after her Father's Discourse was ended, went directly into her Chamber, and finding her Husband alone, she fell down on her Knees, and said, Husband, till this very Moment, I neither knew you nor myself; but from this Time forward, you shall find me another Sort of Person; only, I intreat you to forget what is past The Husband received this Speech with a Kiss, and promised to do every Thing she could desire, if she did but continue in that Resolution.
    Xanthippe. What! I Did she continue in it?
    Eulalia. Even to her dying Day; nor was any Thing so mean, but she readily and chearfully went about it, if her Husband would have it so. So great a Love grew, and was confirmed between them. Some Years after, the young Lady would often congratulate herself, that she had happened to marry such a Husband, which had it not happened, said she, I had been the most wretched Woman alive.
    Xanthippe. Such Husbands are as scarce now a Days as white Crows.
    (Bailey I:249–51) [Back]
  3. From Erasmus, Lingua, Basle, August 1525.
    I knew a man once who fooled a dangerously talkative fellow by a shrewd piece of trickery. While this other man had been saying much that it was not really safe even to overhear, our friend all the time was concentrating with a thoughtful air on the volume that he usually carried with him, perhaps for just this purpose; so when he was asked his opinion of what the fellow had said, he answered as if he had been roused from a very deep sleep, You will forgive me, I'm sure, but I didn't hear a single word of all that was said; for all this time I was completely preoccupied with Bruges — for he was on a mission to this place as his prince's representative. (CWE 29:273) [Back]
  4. From Erasmus, Ciceronianus, Basle, March 1528.

    Bulephorus. I will leave England when I have mentioned Thomas More.
    Nosoponus. A most fortunate genius. I confess there is nothing he could not have accomplished if he had devoted himself wholly to letters. But in his boyhood scarcely a trace of the better litera ture had crossed into England. Then the authority of his parents compelled him to learn English Law, the farthest possible from literature ; next he was exercised in pleading cases, then called to the duties of the state. With difficulty he could at odd hours turn his attention to the study of oratory. Finally he was dragged into Court and immersed in the business of the King and the Kingdom where he could love study but not cultivate it. Though the style he gained tended rather to Isocratic rhythm and logical subtlety than to the outpouring river of Ciceronian eloquence, yet he is not inferior at all in culture to Cicero. Furthermore, you recognize a poet even in his prose for in his youth he spent much time in writing poetry. (Ciceronianus 1908: 103–104) [Back]
  5. From Erasmus, De pueris instituendis, Freiburg, Sept. 1529.
    1. Among the English men, it grieved not the right worshipful Thomas More, although being much occupied in the king's matters, to be a teacher to his wife, daughters, and son, first in virtue, and after to knowledge of Greek and Latin.
    2. Marginal gloss: The practice of a certain English man to teach his child his letters by shooting
    The english men delight principally in shooting, and teach it their children first of all: wherefore a certain father that had a good quick wit perceiving his son to haue a great pleasure in shooting, bought him a pretty bow and very fair arrows, and in all parts both of his bow and arrows were letters painted. Afterwards instead of marks, he set up the fashion of letters, first of Greek, and after of Latin: when he hit, and told the name of the letter, beside a great rejoicing, he had for a reward a cherry, or some other thing that children delight in. Of that play cometh more fruit, if two or three matchs play together. For then the hope of victory and fear of rebuke maketh them to take more heed, and to be more cheerful. By this device it was brought about that the child within a few days playing, had perfectly learned to know and sound all his letters which the common sort of teachers be scarce able to bring to pass in three whole years with their beatings, threat[en]ings, and brawlings. (Sherry, 1550, sigs. L4v–L5r, O2v–O3r; spelling modernised) [Back]
  6. From Erasmus, the Colloquy Amicitia, Basle, 30 Sept. 1531.
    John. That I may not be altogether Shot-free in this Entertainment, I'll tell you what I saw with my own Eyes, in the House of that famous Englishman Sir Thomas More: He kept in his House a large Monkey, who, that he might the sooner get well of a Wound he had received, was suffered to go loose. At the End of the Garden there were Rabbits kept in Hutches, and a Weasel used to watch them very narrowly. The Monkey sitting aloof off, quietly, as though unconcern'd, observ'd all his Motions, till he saw the Rabbits were in no Danger from him. But perceiving the Weasel had loosened a Board in the back Part of the Hutch, and that now they were in Danger to be attacked in the Rear, and so be made a Prey to their Enemy, the Ape runs, jumps up on the Plank, and put it into its former Place, with as much Dexterity as any Man could have done. From whence 'tis plain, that Apes are great Lovers of this Animal. So the rabbits, not knowing their own Danger, that used to kiss their Enemy through the Grate, were preserved by the Monkey.
    Ephorinus. Monkeys are mightily delighted with all young animals, and love to hug them, and carry them about in their Arms. But that good-natured Monkey did really deserve to be made Amends for his Kindness.
    John. And he was too.
    Ephorinus. How?
    John. He found there a Piece of Bread that had, I suppose, been thrown there by the Children, which he took up and ate. (Bailey II:310–311) [Back]