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Convention 1997, Policy Paper
Why Politics? Introduction Political action. It's a phrase that inspires some union members with visions of a better future. But it's also a phrase that sends many others running for the doors at membership meetings. We've all seen it happen. When members of a union executive start talking politics, dozens of people suddenly decide it's a good time to take a smoke break. When you ask these people why they decided to leave the room, you usually get the same answers. Some argue that unions have no place in politics. They believe that political decisions are best left up to individuals and they resent being told who to vote for. Others are just plain cynical. They don't see any compelling reason to support one candidate or political party over another. They say all politicians are the same -- that nothing changes no matter who is in power. These are legitimate concerns. And they deserve to be addressed honestly. In this paper we will attempt to do just that. In the first section of the paper we will deal with the central question: why should unions be involved with politics? In the second section, we will talk about the state of politics in Alberta today, emphasizing the political roots of problems currently facing the Alberta union movement. In the third and final section of this paper we will discuss possible strategies for politicizing and mobilizing union members. As much as possible, these strategies will be realistic and based on a pragmatic understanding of the real barriers to political organization in Alberta today. It is our hope that this document will explain clearly why it's more important than ever for unions to get involved in the political process and why we should focus our political efforts on electing New Democrats. We also hope to set a clear direction for action. We need a concrete strategy for political education and mobilization -- a strategy that will inspire our members and stop them from running to the doors whenever we start talking about politics. Section One: Why Politics? Wherever you go in the western industrialized world, you will find unions and union members who are actively engaged in politics. In Britain and Australia, for example, the majority of labour organizations support the Labour Party. In France the labour movement generally backs the Socialists. And in Germany and Italy, organized workers tend to throw their weight behind social democratic parties. Unions in these countries have taken the plunge into politics as a result of hard experience. They have learned that political parties that are financed primarily by businesses and the wealthy will not promote or protect the interests of working people. And they have learned that the labour movement can get results -- i.e minimum wage laws, health and safety regulations etc. -- by flexing its political muscles. Here in Canada, many unions and individuals within the labour movement have come to similar conclusions. Experience over the past 90 years has made it clear that the major business-backed parties -- including the Progressive Conservatives, the Liberals and now the Reform Party -- don't easily make concessions to the demands of working people. It has also become clear that we cannot win gains by sitting on the sidelines. We've learned that nothing comes without struggle. And we've learned that our struggle has to take place both at the bargaining table and within the political arena. The lessons of history When it comes to the question of union involvement in politics we can learn some important lessons from history. It's easy to forget, but it was only sixty years ago when wages were so low that many working families found it hard to keep food on the table, let alone afford their own homes. Back then, there was no social safety net -- unemployed workers had to beg for charity. There was no such thing as retirement because there were no pensions. And paid holidays? Forget it. To make matters worse, working people often went without necessary medical treatment because they didn't earn enough to pay for trips to the doctor's office. Today, the lives of working people are much different. Most working families can afford to rent or mortgage a home. We can get medical attention without worrying about bankrupting the family. We can afford to keep our kids in school. We have pensions, paid holidays and unemployment insurance. How did we win all these social benefits? Many were won at the bargaining table. But many others were won as the result of hard-fought political battles. The problem we face today is that many important achievements of the past fifty years are being threatened by slash-and-burn politicains and their cheerleaders in the business community. We used the political system to build better social programs; they are using the politcal system to tear them down. The lesson for us is clear: we ignore politics at our own peril. Now, more than ever, it's important for the labour movement to become more active in the political arena. Our party At various times over the past 40 years, both Liberal and Conservative governments have passed legislation that has been good for working people. It was the Liberals, for example, who introduced Medicare at the national level. And they also brought in things like old age pensions and the family allowance. But even when Canada's business parties have supported these kind of initiatives, they have usually done so reluctantly. And they almost never come up with progressive policy ideas on their own. The fact is that most of the progressive, pro-worker legislation introduced since the end of the Second World War was originally devised and promoted by what has been described as the labour movement's party -- the NDP, or its predecessor, the CCF. It might come as a surprise to some to hear the NDP referred to in those terms. But there is absolutely no doubt that the NDP is OUR party. It's our party because it is supported morally and financially by unions and individual working people. And it is our party for historical reasons. The NDP was born as the result of an historic alliance in 1961 between the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) and the CCF, the political party that first developed the concept of Medicare. From the beginning, labour has been more than a mere "special interest group" competing for influence within the party. We are a founding partner -- we are the central and most important constituent group. The NDP record The NDP and its predecessor, the CCF, can take a lot of credit for making Canada a better place. The NDP has put many issues on the political agenda that weren't even being discussed by the other parties -- issues like Medicare, old age pensions and unemployment insurance. In other words, they have promoted working people's issues. In all the provinces where New Democrats have formed governments changes have been made to improve the lives of working people. For example, under NDP governments in Saskatchewan, Manitoba, B.C. and Ontario, minimum wages rose sharply, progressive initiatives were taken in housing, day care programs were introduced or expanded, social services were strengthened and support for the elderly was improved. And in Saskatchewan and Manitoba, the New Democrats removed extra Medicare premiums introduced by Liberal and Conservative governments. Of particular interest to the labour movement, New Democrats have introduced important changes and revisions to provincial labour laws. For example, at various times New Democrats in different provinces have:
Of course, New Democrats in government and Opposition have occasionally clashed with the labour movement. Former Ontario premier Bob Rae, for example, lost many union supporters when he ignored existing collective agreements and forced public-sector unions to accept the so-called "Social Contract." New Democrat governments in Saskatchewan and B.C. have also been criticized for cutting jobs and programs. But, as union members in Ontario and Manitoba can attest, even the most bumbling New Democrat government is preferable to the governments of right-wingers like Mike Harris and Gary Filmon who have launched brutal campaigns to slash public services and eliminate progressive labour laws. The other thing to keep in mind when talking about the New Democrats is that we, in the labour movement, will always have a special relationship with the party. No matter how much we might disagree with isolated decisions made by New Democrat governments, with them we will always have a seat at the table. As founding members of the party, we will always be given a fair hearing by New Democrat leaders. We do not have -- nor are we likely to ever have -- a similarly intimate relationship with any of the other major parties. When we deal with business parties like the Conservatives or the Liberals, it's always like a school kid going cap in hand to ask a favour from the teacher. With the New Democrats, we always sit down at the table as equals. The big questions This brings us back to the two questions we started with: Why should unions get involved with politics? And, why should unions support the New Democrats? The short answer to the first question is that unions should get involved with politics because politics matter. Not all politicians or political parties are the same. The decisions they make have a profound impact on our personal lives, our work and our unions. As a result, we, as union members, have a profound stake in the political process. That's why it is imperative that we get politically active. And why should we support the New Democrats? Because they are the best vehicle for promoting our issues and protecting our interests. They deserve our support because they have a proven record of putting working people's issues on the political agenda. Section Two: The Alberta Situation Unions in Alberta are currently struggling through one of the most difficult periods in recent history. Since the disastrous election of 1993, the "radical right" has assumed a position of dominance in Alberta politics not seen since the heyday of the Social Credit party in the 1950s and 1960s. The results of the new political realignment have been profound and frightening. Over the past four years, Alberta Premier Ralph Klein and his ministers have embarked on a program of budget cuts, privatization and re-organization that even their Conservative predecessors would have dismissed as far too harsh. Hospitals have been closed, funding for schools has been reduced and programs for the poor have been slashed or eliminated entirely. In effect, the Tories have declared war on public spending and public programs. No services have been spared from the axe -- not even Medicare. To make matters worse, policies adopted by the Tories are having extremely negative effects in the workplace. Employers are increasingly being given the right to police themselves for health and safety violations. Contract and temporary employment is replacing full-time, permanent work. And the government is even taking legal action in effort to undermine workers' right to refuse unsafe work. At the same time, the Conservatives are pursuing a cheap labour strategy that counts on massive public sector wage concessions and lay-offs to create a climate where even the most profitable employers feel free to demand concessions. This all adds to the problems that existed before the election. For years, we have had the worst labour laws in Canada. These laws make organizing new locals almost impossible. They allow the use of scabs and professional strike-breakers. They don't allow arbitration of first contracts and they throw endless road-blocks in the way of the democratic right to strike. It is no coincidence that Alberta has the lowest rate of unionization in the country. Opposition to the Klein Agenda Numerous public opinion polls have shown that Albertans are worried about the effects budget cuts are having on our health and education systems. Literally ten of thousands of Albertans believe the cuts have gone too far. But, so far, opposition to the Klein agenda has been sporadic and weak. The Liberals -- first under Laurence Decore and now under Grant Mitchell -- have failed to rally voters against the government's budget-cutting program. As a result, public concern and anger has not translated into political losses for the Tories. In fact, the results of the recent election show that Klein and his government continue to command the support of a clear majority of voters. And guess what? Now that Ralph's team has won re-election there's a good chance that things are going to get much worse -- both for individual workers and unions. In concrete terms, over the next four years we can expect to see further erosion of health and safety standards. We can expect to see the weakening of Alberta's apprenticeship system. And there's a good chance that we'll see some form of "right-to-work" law designed to further weaken unions and undermine union membership. At the same time, public services like health care and education will continue to be under-funded. Private businesses will be allowed to worm their way into public services like health care. The government's whopping billion-dollar budget surpluses will become somewhat embarrassing -- but the government will take care of the problem by further reducing corporate taxes and resource royalties. Are you ready for two-tier health care and education where the rich get better services than the rest of us? Will you be willing to pick garbage out of ditches in a work-for-welfare scheme if you get laid off? Can you live with supporting grown-up children until you die because they can't find a job with a living wage? This is what four more years of ultra-right-wing Tory government might bring us. And that why it's imperative that we actively start building a stronger electoral base for the New Democrats now -- so we're in a better position to turn the political tide during the next provincial election in the year 2001. More than ever, it's now clear that supporting a labour party with a pro-worker agenda isn't an option for working people in Alberta -- it's an absolute necessity. Section Three: Mobilization Obviously, there are good reasons why the labour movement should be involved with politics. And there are good reasons why we should support the New Democrats. But, just because it makes sense, doesn't mean it will be easy. Political education and mobilization have always been challenging tasks for the labour movement. If we hope to be successful, we must keep the following things in mind:
Step One: The first step would involve the development of a fifteen or twenty-minute presentation on political action that could be delivered at local union meetings. The AFL would produce materials for the presentation (i.e speakers notes, slide presentations, possibly a video -- if we can afford it).Step Two The second step would involve making the presentation to all of our affiliated locals. During these presentations, we would explain the importance of political action and encourage locals to establish their own political action committees (PACs). Given the number of locals and the size of our staff and executive, it may take us quite a while (i.e. months or even years) to cover the entire province.Step Three The third step would involve arranging for interested union members to get together with local NDP constituency executives to plan joint actions. The purpose of these meetings would be threefold: first, to give non-labour party members a better appreciation of labour issues; second, to encourage increased labour participation in the day-to-day workings of the party; and three, to act as a catalyst for local, grass-roots political action. At the present time, the party is thinking about hiring a full-time staff person to oversee membership recruitment and constituency organization. This person would also actively encourage union members to become directly involved with their local NDP constituency associations.Step Four Finally, the fourth step would be the organization of a political action conference that would bring all the new activists together. Ideally, this conference would be held two or three years from now. This would give us time to visit as many locals as possible. It would also be a good time to discuss labour plans for the next provincial election (i.e. the year 2001).Conclusion Despite the overwhelming evidence that the Klein government has been nothing but bad news for unions and working people, there are still those among us who will shy away from political action. Some people might ask "What if we in the labour movement actively and publicly support the New Democrats and they don't win? Won't the Conservatives or whoever else gets into power punish us?" Well, the truth is that right-wing governments are going to punish us even if we spent the next three elections hiding under a rock. So, we can do nothing and be guaranteed future pain. Or we can stand up for our rights and maybe, just maybe, win. And remember, we don't have to elect a New Democrat government to win. We just have to elect enough New Democrats to restore a political balance in the province. If Klein sees more and more voters moving over to the New Democrats, he'll realize that his policies have gone too far. It's clear that the time has come for unions and union members to become more political. There are more reasons for the labour movement to get involved in politics today than any time in the past 30 years. And there are good reasons to throw our political weight behind the New Democrats -- the only political entity in Canada that even comes close to being a workers' party. The stakes are high. Our jobs, unions and many of the social programs that we cherish are at stake. We are in serious danger of losing many of the gains that early trade unionists fought so long and hard for. We can't afford to let that happen. So, it's time for us to take the political plunge. It's time to roll up our sleeves and get busy electing people who will restore the political balance in Alberta -- it's time to elect people who will put the interests of working people first.
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